The Euromosaic study
Gaelic in Scotland (United Kingdom)
- General description on the language group
- Geographical and language background
- General history of the region and the language group
- Legal status and official policies
- Presence and use of the language in various fields
- Education
- Judicial Authorities
- Public Authorities and services
- Mass media and Information technology
- The Arts
- The business world
- Family and social use of the language
- Transnational exchanges
- Conclusion
1. General description on the language group
1.1. Geographical and language background
There were 65,978 residents returning themselves as Gaelic speakers at the
1991 Census. Of these 24,261 (or 36.8% of the total) lived in the predominantly
Gaelic-speaking areas of Western Isles Islands Area and Skye & Lochalsh
District.
Within the rest of the traditional Gaelic area 9,998 Gaelic speakers resided
in the remainder of Highland Region, and 4,583 in Argyll & Bute District (comprising
14,581 Gaelic speakers or 22.1% of the total). The remaining 27,136 (41.6% of
the total) lived in Lowland Scotland, chiefly in such main urban areas as the
Central Clydeside Conurbation: 10,881 (16.5%), City of Edinburgh District: 3,231
(4.9%); Perth & Kinross District: 1.431 (2.2%); and City of Aberdeen District
1,185 (1.8% of total).
Gaelic speakers living in main urban areas thus comprised 16,728 (or 25.4% of
total). Just over one Gael in three lived in a predominantly Gaelic area, one in
five in a residual Gaelic area, and one in four in the main cities.
In occupational class terms, analysis of 1981census results indicated a
significant bias towards manual occupations and away from non-manual occupations
amongst Gaelic speakers in the Western Isles and Skye & Lochalsh. The reverse
was true amongst Gaelic speakers in urban, Lowland areas, with a significant
bias of Gaelic spakers towards professional and managerial occupations. The
Highland area provided an intermediate case. In Inverness and surrounding
districts the bias amongst Gaelic speakers was towards intermediate professional,
managerialand skilled non-manual occupations. Census 1991 data are awaited.
Economic pressures continue to result in the movement of people from the more
strongly Gaelic areas of the Hebrides and west coast to Highland growth areas in
the Moray Firth and Lochaber areas, and more particularly to urban Lowland
Scotland. Although the demographic decline in Gaelic speakers was arrested
between 1961-71, with census increases of Gaelic speakers in Lowland Scotland,
and between 1971-81 with some increases in core Gaelic areas and amongst young
people where Gaelic had featured in local education, substantial decline again
set in by 1991. The principal losses have been amongst young people in the
Western Isles, and amongst migrant middle-aged and older urban Gaels. However,
increases amongst young people did again register in areas with strong
development of Gaelic-medium playgroup and primary education.
The 'Gaelic Economy' of Gaelic-related economic activity has recently been
estimated as producing a gross output around £40m annually (of which a
littleover half is attributable to the Gaelic media). The traditional
occupations of the Gaelic heartlands have been crofting (small-scale subsistence
agriculture) linked with fishing, handloom weaving and local service
occupations. Attempts to diversify this economy have included the development of
hydro-electricity and aluminium smelting from the end of the 19th century, and
since the second world a 'growth-pole' policy in Caithness (nuclear power),
Lochaber (pulp-milling, aluminium), and around the Moray Firth.
Oil-related developments in the past twenty-five years have established
rig-fabrication yards in Gaelic areas such as Lewis and Wester Ross, which have
attracted back young migrant Gaels. Others around the Moray Firth and elswhere
have attracted them away. Offshore work on oilrigs has vied with traditional
work at sea (fishing, merchant navy) for Hebrideans. Modern local small-scale
industries, such as fish-farming have, helped to stabilise local employment
patterns. Many of these developments have been precarious and relatively
short-lived. The latest of these now mooted are uperquarries, as in Harris,
which may produce a few local service jobs, but will bring in a larger numbers
of skilled key-workers from elsewhere: a major threat to the local economy,
ecology and culture.
1.2 General history of the region and the language group
Gaelic originally came to Scotland circa 500 A.D. as the northern Irish
kingdom of Dalriada expanded into the western Highlands and Islands of Scotland,
subsequently absorbing the Pictish kingdom in Northern Scotland, the British
kingdom of Strathclyde in southwestern Scotland and part of Anglian Northumbria
in the southeast, forming a largely Gaelic-speaking Scottish kingdom roughly
coterminous with present-day Scotland by the 11th century. From the reign of
Malcolm Canmore (1054-96), Gaelic lost its pre-eminence at court, then amongst
the aristocracy to Norman French, and subsequently in the Lowlands through the
establishment of English-speaking burghs in eastern and central Scotland, to
Scots. The Lordship of the Isles was the political focus of Gaeldom throughout
most of the ensuing Middle Ages, until its defeat at Harlaw in 1411.
By the 17th century Gaelic had retreated to the Highlands and Hebrides, which
still retained much of their political independence, Celtic culture and social
structure. These differences came to be seen as inimical to the interests of the
Scottish and the subsequent British state, and from the late 15th century into
the 18th a number of acts of the Scottish and British Parliaments aimed at
promoting English-language education first amongst the aristocracy and
subsequently amongst the general population, at outlawing the native learned
orders, and finally on disarming and breaking the clans and outlawing highland
dress and music, after the defeat of the Jacobites at Culloden in 1745.
In the 19th century, contemporaneously with the "clearances" of the crofting
population, a popular and successful voluntary Gaelic Schools system developed.
This was superseded after legislation in 1872 by a national English-medium
school system in which Gaelic had little place. The Crofters' Act 1886, after
the successful land agitation ('The Crofters' War'), gave security to the
crofters, who remain the core bulwark of Gaeldom. Recognition of Gaelic was very
slow and partial until well into the later 20th century. Gaelic communities are
now thoroughly bilingual, and Gaelic usage is typically diglossic. Migration has
taken many Gaelic speakers outwith the traditional 'Gaelic-speaking area' of the
Highlands and Islands.
At the 1991 census the traditional Gaelic area of the mainland Highlands and
Hebrides (- the Gaidhealtachd) was home to only 58% of Scotland's Gaelic
speakers.
1.3 Legal status and official policies
The legal position of Gaelic is indeterminate. Officially the Scottish Office
regards a Gaelic language act on Welsh lines as unnecessary as Gaelic had never
suffered outright legal prescription as had Welsh under the acts of 1536, 1542,
etc. Some measure of legislative recognition of Gaelic is afforded in crofting
legislation (1886) requiring a Gaelic-speaking member of the Crofters'
Commission, Small Landowners' Act 1911 enabling Gaelic to be used in the
Scottish Land Court, the 'Gaelic Clause' in the 1918 Education Act, as one of
the three defining patrial languages in the 1981 Nationality Act, and in the
1990 Broadcasting Act. However as the result of the Welsh Language Acts of 1967
and 1993, Welsh is commonly (though erroneously) regarded as an 'official
language' of Wales - and even the United Kingdom. Welsh thus enjoys some larger
measure of practical recognition than Gaelic - although offficially Gaelic is
supposed always to have enjoyed the kind of recognition now accorded to Welsh.
In practice Gaelic does not, and an attempt to secure this by a parliamentary
private member's bill in 1981 failed.
The government, through the Secretary of State for Scotland, has, however,
made a number of official supportive statements regarding Gaelic
(1985,1986,1993). A special grant scheme for Gaelic in education, and the Gaelic
Television Fund have ensued. So far an overall national policy for Gaelic has
not yet emerged. Comunn na Gadihlig (CNAG), which is largely publicly funded has
produced local language-plans, and consultative documents 'Towards a National
Policy for Gaelic'. Language-planning and normalisation on say Basque or Catalan
lines has yet to be formulated - or even an 'Action Plan' on Irish lines.
2. Presence and use of the language in various fields
2.1 Education
Since 1918 education acts have provided for teaching Gaelic in
Gaelic-speaking areas', but development was very slow until Gaelic became an
initial teaching medium in the Gaelic areas of Inverness-shire and Ross-shire
from 1958. In 1975 the newly-created Western Isles education authority
introduced bilingual primary education shortly followed by Highland Region in
Skye. Gaelic-medium primary education commenced with two schools in 1985,
growing to 42 units by 1993/94.
In secondary education, Gaelic has long been taught as a subject - often
through the medium of English, even to native speakers. A move towards bilingual
secondary education in the Western Isles was frustrated by a change of
government in 1979. Gaelic-medium secondary education has developed less
satisfactorily. Gaelic-medium streams followed on from primary in Glasgow and
Inverness -and there has been some experimentation in the Western Isles- but the
sector isimpeded by acute teacher shortage, and an inpsectorate report of 1994
regards Gaelic-medium secondary education as divisive and inappropriate.
In further education the Gaelic-medium college Sabhal Mor Ostaig has
since1984 run SCOTVEC diploma courses in business studies, computer studies, and
now television training,. At university level there are Celtic Studies courses
at Edinburgh, Glasgow and Aberdeen. Some of these are taught through the medium
of Gaelic - but there are no other university Gaelic-medium courses, as such.
Teacher education for Gaelic is undertaken by Northern College, Aberdeen, and
the Jordanhill campus of Strathclyde University (Glasgow).
2.2 Judicial authorities
The court case of Taylor v Haughney (1982) involved the status of Gaelic, and
on appeal the High Court ruled against a general right to use Gaelic in court
proceedings. In theory anything said or written in Gaelic should have equal
validity with English, according to official answers from the Scottish Office in
1969,1970. In the last century a libel in the form of satirical Gaelic verse was
successfully upheld.
2.3 Public authorities and services
Scots law has no objection to the bona fide use of any name. A few people
have legally adopted the original or Gaelic form of their name for all official
purposes. It is however very rare, but Gaelic first names are now frequently
registered at birth. Since 1972 cheques can be written and signed in Gaelic.
Most public buildings, street, road and direction signs are in English only,
except in Western Isles, Isle of Skye and a few other very limited areas. In
Western isles the official policy is to use both languages with equal prominence,
except for local road direction signs which are in Gaelic only. In the Isle of
Skye, roads direction signage is bilingual Gaelic/English. Bilingual place names
and street name signs elsewhere are generally in English/Gaelic format. There
was a Gaelic road sign campaign in Skye and other mainland areas since 1981, and
some local pressure for Gaelic street signs in Portree and Inverness. These have
been forthcoming within English version dominant in blocks, Gaelic symbolically
subordinated in uncials below.
2.4 Mass media and information technology
There has been much recent development of the use of Gaelic in the mass-media.
On radio this has occurred on British Broadcasting Corporation stations, and on
television chiefly on Independent Authority channel 3 (Scottish Television,
Grampian Television), and also on BBC2 Scotland.
On television 300 hours of Gaelic programming are now officially provided
annually. Allowing for repeats and variations during the year, actual weekly
hours may typically total nine hours weekly. This enables increasing range and
improved quality of programmes. Much of the output is being produced by small
Gaelic programme companies, located in the Gaidealtachd, and greatly supporting
local Gaelic community and economy. The BBC's emphasis on children's programming
was a priority developed about 1965, and has greatly helped the Gaelic play
groups, and Gaelic-medium primary education.
The Broadcasting Act 1990 set up a Gaelic Television Fund, and a body to
administer it. From January 1993 Gaelic output has increased from about 100
hours annually shared between BBC and independent television (Grampian and
Scottish) to about 300, with the new output chiefly on channel 3 (independent)
and sub-titled in English. On BBC the Gaelic output is chiefly on BBC2 with
English sub-titles on CEEFAX, and children's programmes on BBC1. the BBC has a
Gaelic advisory panel. The Gaelic Television Fund is administered by Comtaidh
Telebhisean Gaidhlig (CTG) in Stornoway, and funding runs around 8-9 million
pounds annually. Some funding is available for Gaelic on BBC. There is also a
Gaelic schools series networked UK on Channel 4.
English subtitling has led to controversy. However, since Gaelic speakers
increasingly live inmixed-language households, English subtitling is likely to
increase Gaelic viewers. As much Gaelic programming is now broadcast at peak
times on the independent channel 3, it is also necessary to ensure that
non-Gaelic viewers continue to watch across advertising breaks to ensure
viability.
There are also about 20 satellite channels which can be received in Scotland,
and some cable networks (e.g. in Aberdeen). None carries any Gaelic.
Gaelic on radio is almost entirely carried on BBC Radio nan Gaidheal which
currently transmits weekly approximately 23.5 hours of Gaelic programming in the
Highlands and the Hebrides, and 11 hours throughout the rest of Scotland,
typically totalling about 35 hours weekly. There are prposals to increase this
output to the equivalent of an all-Scotland full time station. Gaelic schools
boradcasting started in 1970 as the result of the initiative of education
authorities.
There are no daily or weekly papers wholly in Gaelic. The Scotsman and Press
and Journal dailies carry weekly Gaelic features. Local weeklies in the Gaelic
areas also carry Gaelic features and columns, e.g. Stornoway Gazette, West
Highland Free Press, Oban Times, Inverness Courier.
The all-Gaelic literary magazine Gairm has regularly appeared quarterly since
1952. There are also a few Gaelic or bilingual periodicals published by Gaelic
organisations, and the children's comic 'SMATHSIN!'. CTG publishes quarterly
mainly-Gaelic TV programme magazine SUAS. The Church of Scotland publishes a
Gaelic supplement in its Monthly Record. Tocher the occasional folklore
periodical of the School of Scottish Studies - prints much Gaelic material.
2.5 The Arts
The state assists Gaelic publishing, through an annuals grant to the Gaelic
Books Council (Glasgow University). Assistance to literary and performing arts
is undertaken through the Scottish Arts Council (based in Edinburgh).
Gaelic publishing has dramatically increased in the last 25 years. the Gaelic
Books Council enabled Garim Publications and Club Leabhar to increase their
output in the 1970s. In 1977 Acair was set up to publish material arising from
new educational initiatives. A few smaller publishers work in their own
particular field of interest, whilst the Scottish Gaelic Texts Society publishes
the works of major literary significance of the past. One of the greatest
problems is actually reaching readers of Gaelic who live on islands and in
sparsely populated areas without many bookshops. The Gaelic Books Council runs a
travelling sales van for this purpose.
In recent years, new Gaelic titles have been estimated between 30 - 45
anually. There is a reasonable variety of types of books published, except for
such categories as 'international best-selling novels', encyclopaedias and
technical publications. Gaelic readers have been found to have a particular
liking for local 'village poetry', local (auto)biography, and local history.
There is some emphasis for schools publishing, dictionaries, etc.
There has been considerable development in Gaelic popular and traditional
music. Such groups as Na h-Oganaich, winners of the first Mod folk groups
competition in 1972, were innovative in adapting Gaelic traditional music to
modern popular tastes -especially amongst young people. They have been followed
by such groups as Run-Rig and Capercaillie, and more recently by Wolfstone (whose
material is predominantly instrumental). In 1993 a group of Gaelic traditional
performers came together as MacTalla (Echo). Other vocal music has been
religious, featuring Gaelic hymnody and psalmody. Gaelic music programmes have
been an inportant feature of Gaelic broadcasting output, and commercial
recordings have been quite bouyant, and have included issues of traditional
music rom School of Scottish Studies fieldwork archives.
'Ceilidh plays' were pioneered by the travelling 7.84 Theatre Company in the
1970's. These treated Highland/Gaelic themes and were partly Gaelic in language.
A professional Gaelic theatre and performing arts group formed in the late 70's
-Fir Chlis (Northern Lights/Merry Dancers) but folded in 1981. The National
Gaelic Arts Project has recently initiated live Gaelic theatre again. There is a
Gaelic schools theatre company Ordag is Sgealbag (Thumb and Finger), Gaelic
puppetry, and in 1993 Craobh nan Ubhal/The Aipple Tree -a trilingual production
in Gaelic, Doric and English. Amateur community Gaelic drama has long been
important for many years- and there is an annual festival.
There have been very few all-Gaelic films. The first, 'The Hero' (based on
Ossianic legend), was made by in 1982. Its spoken Gaelic was rather variable and
poor. More recently, 'As an Eilean' (From the Island', 1992/93) although 'bilingual',
is almost entirely in Gaelic, and better regarded as the first truly Gaelic film
production. Critically it has been much more favourably received, and reflects
contemporary Gaelic life.
Gleanntan Ecuador, (Valleys of Ecuador, 1993) won the top award at the 1994
Inter-Celtic Film and Television Festival. A film has recently been made on the
life of Mary MacPherson, bardess of the 1880's land agitation, M iri Mh r.
The principal festival is the National M d, organised annually by An Comunn
Gaidhealach since 1892. It is chiefly competitive and was originally established
on the lines of the Welsh National Eisteddfod. There are also local Mods which
are becoming eclipsed by local F isean, which are non-competitive, and emphasise
speaking and learning Gaelic and its associated performing arts. Local
traditional music festivals - often in association with the Traditional Music
and Song Association (TMSA) - feature Gaelic music and performers. There is not
an actual professional Gaelic cultural festival as such - although the idea has
often been mooted. The Inter-Celtic Film and Television Festival is administered
in Scotland (Inverness), and visits the six Celtic countries annually in turn.
2.6 The Business World
Although Gaelic has never been much utilised in business and commerce, the
number of posts both in the public and private sectors for which Gaelic is an
advantage is increasing especially in the Western Isles, Isle of Skye and West
Highlands. There has been a dramatic increase in media-related employment
specifying Gaelic-speakers, both in television and radio broadcasting, and in
performing arts. The aggregate impact is around 300 jobs. There have been
increases also in education. Gaelic language competence is now emerging as a
distinct advantage - although not always a strict requirement - in local
government, development and other agencies. As 'cultural tourism' is a growing
element in tourism as a whole, Gaelic language competence is an advantage too in
that sector, with some expansion too in arts and environment sectors.
There has never been very much on-street advertising in Gaelic, apart from
the occasional events poster or shop-front. The language has hardly ever been
used in radio and television advertising. English is the language of television
commercials even in breaks with Gaelic programming. The fact that many viewers
are non-Gaelic speaking has been a determining factor in this. On radio, Gaelic
is used for community announcements (e.g. on Radio nan Gaidheal) - but these are
not strictly commercial. Over the past ten years the use of Gaelic in media
advertising could have greatly increased. So far uptake has been lacking.
There are no legal restrictions on use of Gaelic on commercial labelling, but
there are no official requirements to do so either. Apart from two brands of
whisky it has never been undertaken by any commercial company. The highly
integrated production and distribution system in retailing results in few if any
products being locally produced and sold, resulting in exclusive use of English.
Initiatives to extend the use of Gaelic in the commercial sphere are planned
by CNAG. So far there have been few others. The case will need to be made and
won with the business community - but only if it can be convinced that the use
of Gaelic will give any competitive advantage. There have recently been some
research initiative sin this field. A recent major study commissioned by CNAG
from Scottish Foundation for Economic Research identified a 'Gaelic economy' and
produced and evaluation of it analogous to Gross Domestic Product.
There is an active Gaelic business club Club Gnimhachas nan Gaidheal (1985).
State funding for Gaelic has largely been in education, arts and the media.
However, the establishment of Local Enterprise Companies has provided sources of
local funding which have helped Gaelic-related enterprises. The HIDB as
predecessor of the HIB/LEC network developed highly supportive aid policies for
commercial initiatives in the 'Gaelic West', including the establishment and
initial funding of co-cohmainn (community producer cooperatives) in Gaelic
areas. Local authorities may similarly give assistance to commercial enterprises.
2.7 Family and social use of the language
Surveys of schoolchildren in the typical Gaelic community of Harris in
1956-59 reported 356 (93.7%) Gaelic-speaking children out of a total of 380. A
similar study in 1972-73 reported 190 Gaelic speakers (66.7%) out of a total of
285. In a decade and a half totals and proportions speaking Gaelic had both
declined.
Subsequent surveys in Harris and Barra 1976-78 studied patterns of family and
community language use, and compared these with social factors and individual
identities. Respondents' reported language-use were compared in original and
present-day families. The domains of greatest weakness and intergenerational
decline of of Gaelic usage were: helping children with homework, children
between themselves, at public events, in worship and between parents and
children.
A survey of Western Isles and Isle of Skye in 1986-88 found similar
patterning continuing. Greatest weakness and intergenerational decline in Gaelic
language use was reported for: children with friends, helping child with
homework, respondent's inner speech, between siblings, explanations to children,
between parents and children. The Western Isles sample totalled 270, of whom 225
(83.3%) were Gaelic speaking, and 204 (75.6%) were or had been married, of whom
195 (95.6%) reported a native Gaelic-speaking spouse. All 225 Gaelic-speakers in
the sample reported marriage to another native Gaelic-speaker arguing for high
language-group endogamy in strongly Gaelic-speaking communities. Of the 167
respondents with children, 64.1% reported a fully fluent Gaelic-speaking eldest
child. Of the 137 Gaelic-speaking respondents with children, 101 (73.7%)
reported a fully-fluent Gaelic-speaking eldest child. Of the 24
non-Gaelic-speaking parents, 4 (16.7%) reported a fully-fluent Gaelic-speaking
eldest child.
The corresponding results in the Isle of Skye survey were: total sample 145,
of whom there were 81 Gaelic-speakers (55.9%). Of the total, 105 (72.4%) were or
had been married. Of these 93 (88.6%) reported children. Amongst all married
repondents, 61 (58.1%) reported a native Gaelic-speaking spouse, and 30 (28.6%)
a Gaelic-speaking eldest child. Amongst the 57 Gaelic-speaking parents 45
(78.9%) reported a Gaelic-speaking spouse, and 28 (49.1%) reported a native
Gaelic-speaking eldest child. (Of the 36 non-Gaelic-speaking parents in the
sample, 2 (5.6%) reported a fully-fluent Gaelic-speaking eldest child.) Gaelic
language-group endogamy was lower than in the Western Isles sample, and the
intergenerational transmission of Gaelic was considerably weaker.
Census data from 1971, 1981 amd 1991 reported comparable data on
age-distribution of Gaelic speakers by area, enabling analysis of changes
amongst young people to be undertaken. Amongst preschool and school-aged
children (3 - 15) in the Western Isles, numbers and proportions speaking Gaelic
remained constant from 1971 (4,396 - 67.4%) to 1981 (4,384 - 67.8%). In 1991 the
number had collapsed to 2,573 - 49.5% of the age-group. The 1986-88 survey in
the Western Isles had begun to pick this up, in advance of the census. The
situation in Highland Region (including Skye and the northern mainland) was very
strongly contrasted. Numbers and proportions of Gaelic speakers aged 3-15
increased from 1971 (1,593- 4.2%), to 1981 (1,813 - 4.8%), and to 1991 (1,988 -
5.6%). Some of this may bedue to migration of Gaelic speakers from the Western
Isles, but more likely the greater development of Gaelic-medium primary
education, nursery schools and playgroups in Highland Region compared with the
Western Isles.
Analysis of the above studies suggest that the younger women aged under 45
significantly tended to report the lowest mean scores on family and community
Gaelic usage levels, and language loyalty. Amongst occupational and related
categories the highest mean scores on these measures were noted amongst
Gaelic-speaking professional/managerial, semi-skilled and crofting occupational
groups (and corresponding qualification and educational categories.) Skilled
manual and non-manual (and coresponding qualification and educational categories)
tended to score lowest on these measures.
Estimates based on 1991 Census data suggest that around 24,900 families in
Scotland had a Gaelic-speaking adult: 8,490 (34.1%) were couple families where
both spouses spoke Gaelic; 6,730 were of couples where only the husband spoke
Gaelic (27.0%), 6,520 were of couples where only the wife spoke Gaelic (26.2%),
and 3,160 were Gaelic-speaking single parents (12.7%). An estimated 31.4% of
amilies with Gaelic-speaking members were entirely Gaelic-speaking, and of an
estimated 40,600 Gaelic-speakers living in families, approximately 20,300
(50.1%) may have been living in entirely Gaelic-speaking families. Full details
are likely shortly to indicate the great extent of language-group exogamy.
There is a strong feeling for the economic stablity of the family in the more
strongly-Gaelic areas. It is linked to a strongly patriarchal culture powerfully
sanctioned by local religious practice. Historically, the folk-memory of the 'Highland
Clearances' and the 19th. century land agitation which finally gained security
of tenure for crofting in the Crofting Act 1886 is still a strong inlfluence
even if largely unrecognised as such. This means tht 'headship of family' is
still an important social role. Succession to the croft and the share in a
family business, such as fishing, may be marked out for the eldest male child.
Males, especially the eldest males, tend to remain behind in the community as
they grow up. Females tend to migrate for further and higher education or work
elsewhere. Occupations such as teaching, nursing, hotel and catering work,
police and other services have been popular career paths for young Hebridean and
West Highland women. Although intended as a means of securing family stability,
it has often had a counter-productive effect, especially for the language and
culture.
Traditional enmity towards Gaelic speakers is still remembered as 'mi-r n m r
nan Gall', the great ill-will of the Lowlanders. Pejorative expressions for
Gaelic-speakers like teuchtar are still used. However, a national public opinion
poll in 1980 on attitudes towards Gaelic found that 49% of the 1,117 sample
thought that Gaelic language was important for the Scottish people as a whole,
and 67% that Gaelic should be officially recognised, and 82% supported its
availablity in schools.
Churchgoing is still very strong in Gaelic communities, and most people
attend church regularly. Congregations are large. The predominant churches in
Skye and the Western Isles are Church of Scotland, Free Church of Scotland, and
Free Presbyterian (decreasing in size, and increasing in Calvinism, and Gaelic
character). The Free Church broke away from the Church of Scotland in 1843. Free
Presbyterians split from the Free Church in 1893, and divided again in 1989,
with the formation of the Associated Presbyterian Churches. In South Uist and
Barra, Roman Catholicism predominates (other Catholic areas include Moidart and
Morar, Small Isles, central Great Glen, and Strathglass.) Episcopalians (in
communion with Anglicanism) are strong in Lochaber and Glencoe. There are
Baptists in Tiree and adjacent islands.
In the Church of Scotland 'Gaelic necessary' charges are now essentially
Hebridean parishes, and 'Gaelic desirable' only in other West Highland areas.
There are two urban Gaelic churches (Edinburgh, Glasgow). Although there may be
sufficient Gaelic-speaking ministers they are often in non-Gaelic appointments.
The Free Church is said to be more successful in securing Gaelic-speaking
ministers. Free Presbyterians have recently observed a dearth of Gaelic-speakers
coming forward to the ministry. The Catholic diocese of Argyll and the Isles is
efficient in supplying Gaelic-speaking priests for its congregations. Regular
Episcopalian Gaelic services were held up to about 1960. In the Western Isles
almost all clergy of all denominations are Gaelic-speaking, and well over half
of all services are in Gaelic. There are still regular Gaelic services in Skye
-but elsewhere on the West Coast they are sporadic.
A Scottish Gaelic bible adapted from Irish was published in 1690, the
metrical psalter in 1984, a Scottish Gaelic New Testament in 1767, and the Old
testament between 1783-1801. A Catholic translation of the Vulgate New Testament
was published in 1875. In 1980 a 'Good News' version of St. Mark's Gospel in
present-day Gaelic was published, and versions of Paul's Letters from Prison in
1986. A revision of the entire bible conforming with modern orthography was
published in 1992. The Gaelic translation of John Knox's Book of Common Order in
was published in 1567 and was the first printed Gaelic book. The Gaelic version
of Calvin's Catechismwas published in 1630. An Episcopalian Gaelic translation
of the Church of England Book of Common Prayer was published in 1881. A revision
of the Episcopalian service book is about to be published, with a recording of
the Gaelic service. A Catholic prayer book was published in 1963.
In the 1986-88 survey in Skye and Western Isles there were questions on the
local extent of the language ten years previously and ten years hence. Results
were realistic. In the Western Isles sample 66.7% believed less Gaelic was then
spoken locally than ten years previously, 29.2% believed the same amount, and
2.2% believed there was more. Ideas on the extent of Gaelic likely to be spoken
ten years hence produced 58.9% believing less would be spoken, 27.3% the same
amount, and 9.3% more. In Skye 76.2% believed less Gaelic was spoken then than
ten years previously, 12.5% the same amount, and 6.3% more, 70.5% belived less
Gaelic would be spoken in ten years' time, 10.3% the same amount, and 12.8%
more. Beliefs about the future were thus marginally more optimistic.
2.8 Transnational exchanges
No data for this topic.
3. Conclusion
The principal recommendations were: (1) official and legal recognition of
Gaelic in public administration, language-planning and normalisation); (2)
initiatives in the use of Gaelic in business, commerce and public services (especially
in labelling, signing and public notices); (3) a multidisciplinary research
initiative (following analysis of census and earlier survey data) into Gaelic
amongst young people and in family life; (4) a feasibilty study on establishing
new Gaelic communities.
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