The Euromosaic study
Slovene in Austria
- General description on the language group
- Linguistic, geographic and economic description
- General history of the region and the language group
- Legal status and official policies
- Presence and use of the language in various fields
- Education
- Judicial Authorities
- Public Authorities and services
- Mass media and Information technology
- The Arts
- The business world
- Family and social use of the language
- Transnational exchanges
- Conclusion
1. General description on the language group
1.1 Linguistic, geographic and economic description
Bilingual Carinthia tends to encompass the Jauntal, Rosental and Galital
valleys. However this is too limited a definition. The legal definition pertains
to the areas which are subject to the School Language Ordinance of 1945 and the
area where elementary level language education was organised between 1945 and
1958. It is sometimes claimed that for the Carinthian Slovenes this area
outlines their autochthonous territory. It covers 41 municipalities and three
other municipalities mentioned in the legislation but not acted upon.
In the middle of the 19th century Southern Carinthia was a homogenous Slovene
speaking area with the city of Klagenfurt being an centre of German-speakers.
Within Carinthia two thirds of the population spoke German and the remaining
third spoke Slovene. By 1880 the area north of Klagenfurt had been germanified
whereas the rest of the area remained a compact area of 85,000 Slovene-speakers.
By the end of the Hapsburg Empire in 1918 many of the Slovene-speakers in the
industrial belt had relinquished the language. The lower part of the Galital,
Rosental and Jauntal valleys were dissected by regions within which
Slovene-speakers were a minority.
A recent telephone survey of 1,000 respondents indicates that there are
40,000 Slovene-speakers in Carinthia. Of these 14,500 claimed to speak the
language habitually as enquired in the 1991 census. Five thousand vote for the
Slovenian political party, and readership of the main Slovene language
publications is about 4,000. This suggests diminishing levels of involvement
ranging from acknowledged language ability to high level of activity and
involvement which stand at somewhere between 5,000 and 8,000. A second enquiry
undertaken through the estimations given by the Catholic priests within the
region suggested that as many as 50,000 understand the language, with 33,000
speaking it on a fairly regular basis. The area of highest density of speakers
is to the south east of a line between Klagenfurt and Vilach.
In 1910 a total of 66,463 spoke Slovene, this number almost being halved by
1923, increasing to 43,179 in 1939, a figure which held until 1951. Thereafter
there has been considerable decline to 24,911 in 1961 and to 14,850 in 1991
mainly as a consequence of out-migration and the impact of negative identity
upon reproduction. This later process appears to have declined in recent years.
As recently as 1950 two-thirds of thepopulation of Carinthia was engaged in
agriculture, and linked to the co-operative movement.The subsequent economic
restructuring has resulted in a relatively high level of unemployment which
varies seasonally, high emphasis upon the service sector, and firms which tend
to consist mainly of SMEs with very few large employers.
Currently there are about 7,000 enterprises in Carinthia employing about
200,000 workers. Thus language related labour market segmentation has a
significant impact.
About 13% of the work force is employed in the manufacturing sector, less
that 1.5% in agriculture, forestry and fishing; and between them news providers,
the health and social services, retail workers, energy providers and management
within the service sector account for about 50% of employment. The unemployment
rate in the region currently stands at 7.9% which compares with the rate of 4.2%
for the entire Austrian labour force. This is partly the consequence of 1,000 or
so becoming unemployed through recent changes in the political-economic
relations with Slovenia. It is the region with the second lowest rate of
economic growth of the Austrian regions while also having an extremely high rate
of out-migration, mainly involving the highly qualified.
The Slovene language group tends to be older than might be expected within a
normative production/reproduction context. It is, of course, demonstrative both
of past contexts and present difficulties. Also there is a higher incidence of
the Slovene language group employed in agriculture and forestry, a comparative
tendency not to be employed in the information service occupations; and among
women, but to be more prominent in the personal and social services. In
Klagenfurt the higher incidence of German-speakers in the tertiary sector is
reversed, with three of every four male Slovene speaker being thus employed
compared with less than two of every three non-Slovene speaker. The difference
is visible among women but not to the same extent. A more detailed analysis
suggests that the focus here is upon the personal and social services. This is
partly a manifestation of the way in which language segments the labour market.
1.2 General history of the region and the language group
The independent Dukedom of Carinthia was established in the 6th century and
remains the symbolic source of any aspiration for Slovene independence. It was
integrated with the Frank Empire in 828 in a process which replaced the Slovene
leadership with a Bavarian-Frankish leadership. By the end of the 9th century
the initial autonomy disappeared and Carinthia was absorbed into the Frank
feudal system. It was at this time that the first texts were published in
Slovene. In 1335 the territory was absorbed into the Hapsburg Empire which
absorbed all of the territory occupied by the Slovenes. The area was constantly
drawn into the conflict between the Hapsburgs and the Turks.
The first religious Slavonic language publication was a Catechism which
appeared in 1550. The Bible was translated into Slovene in 1584. This was a
period during which attempts were made to promote the Lutheran religion in the
area. This failed and the region has remained staunchly Catholic. It was also
the time when the Easter Passion Plays enacted in Slovene began to be performed.
The spread of rationalism within the emergence of the modern European state
during the 18th century engulfed the Slovenes leading to an interest in the 'scientific'
promotion of Slovene culture, focusing primarily upon literature. The
neighbouring nationalist movement involving the work of Mazini in Italy and
Kosuth in Hungary attracted much interest in the area and fuelled a significant
independence movement which argued for the emergence of an independent Slovene
state. The language was codified and standardised as a feature of the link
between the drive for literacy and the rationalism of modernism. The overlap
between language and 'people' led to an argument that the Slovene-speakers of
Carinthia were part of the Slavonic 'folk' and as such were part of the wider
kinship of pan-Slavism. This was also the time when the first Slovene medium
education system was established, mainly under the auspices of the Catholic
Church which incorporated Slovene nationalism. In some respects this period is
regarded as the 'golden age' during which Klagenfurt became the cultural centre
of all Slovenes. Central in this respect was the founding of the 'St Hemagoras'
brotherhood which, since the middle of the 19th century, has played an important
role in Slovene language publishing. Nationalism was constructed out of culture
and a range of cultural circles were established, organising theatrical, dance
and choral activities, while the overlap of democracy and nationalism led to the
idea of a relationship between the rational citizen electing the state
government which governed her/him, this being the cornerstone of the drive for
statehood among Slovene-speakers.
Under the Hapsburgs all Slovenes were subject to the same political system.
Following the First World war the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes which
was later to become Yugoslavia was established, part of the territory occupied
by Slovene-speakers being assigned to Austria. This was the consequence of
careful manipulation by the victorious powers in the First World War.
Immediately after the war there were a series of confrontations within the
region and the establishment of a Carinthian movement for 'self-defence'. In
1920 a plebiscite was held in Carinthia to determine whether or not the region
should belong to Austria or to the Kingdom. This was a consequence of the
inability of the conquering powers to reach agreement at the Paris conference
about the precise location of the frontier between the two political entities.
Among the population of Carinthia 59% voted in favour of remaining part of
Austria. However the rights which the Slovene-speakers had enjoyed under the
Hapsburgs were curtailed or abolished and those which derived from the Treaty of
St Germain replaced them.
The emergent germanicism and the associated nationalism coincided with this
development. Bilingual place-names were suppressed, Slovene language meetings
were prohibited and those who advocated union with the Kingdom in the plebiscite
were abused and even obliged to emigrate. This gave free reign to the opposing
organisation the Kartner Heimatbund or the Carinthian Patriotic League which
overlapped with the emerging Nazi nationalism. The period between 1925 and 1930
was one of considerable debate concerning cultural autonomy that focused upon
the regional government. In 1922 these authorities had prohibited reopening two
private Slovene language schools and bilingual schools established under the
Hapsburgs were closed. Slovene as a language of instruction was abolished by
1936 and political and economic associations were banned. However cultural
activities remained, and in 1927 there were 46 Slovene cultural associations in
Carinthia as well as 36 cultural circles, 26 choirs, 11 musical groups using
Slovene traditional instruments and 14 Slovene youth groups. The limited degree
of autonomy which the Slovenes were given during this period was accompanied by
an insistence upon registering all members of the language group!
In 1938 Austria was annexed to the Third Reich. The safeguards of the St
Germain Treaty were abolished and many Slovenes were persecuted. The census of
Slovene-speakers undertaken in 1939 revealed a higher figure than hitherto and
was used as a means of identifying whom to persecute. With the invasion of
Yugoslavia in 1941 all Slovene organisations were prohibited and deportation
began in the following year. The 'line of blood' between the Germans and the
Slavs had been drawn. All written use of Slovene was prohibited, all bilingual
schools were closed, even though the teachers knew little Slovene, any display
of Slovene culture was prohibited and thirteen cultural centres were destroyed.
Germanification became the predominant theme in the nursery schools.
It is hardly surprising that the Slovenes played an active role in the
resistance. This overlapped with an involvement with the Yugoslav Partisan
movement and with the goals of socialism. Following the Second World war the 'blood
line' between Germans and Slavs was replaced by the establishment of a bulwark
against Communism. The British occupying forces remained in the region until
1955. During that time they established a policy of 'defending the west' against
Communism. It was in effect a stand against the Resistance Movement, many of
whom were Slovene-speakers and whom had fought side by side with the Yugoslav
Partisans. As Slovene nationalists the Conservatives and the Socialists found no
contradiction in joining with the Partisan movement and both socialism and
Catholicism were introduced into their schools. In 1945 there was only a single
Slovene Association in the region. Despite the anti Stalinist position of
Yugoslavia the British occupying forces placed more importance upon fighting
Communism than upon undoing the thrust of Nazi nationalism. To this end the
media which was used for explicit propaganda, broadcasting in Slovene and
publishing a Slovene language journal while refusing permission the Slovene
nationalists to do the same. Members of the resistance movement were not allowed
to use these media as a basis for discussion of regional affairs. In response
Yugoslavia recognised the bulwark and explicitly stated that it would relinquish
any claim to Carinthia if Austria was to accommodate Socialism but would
continue to do so if this was not the case. The Slovene-speakers of Carinthia
once again became a political football between diametrically opposed ideologies.
British involvement was such that the British editor of the Slovene language
publication was removed from his position for being too involved in regional
matters - he had married a Slovene speaker!Their interference in local affairs
was largely responsible for the splitting of the unified Slovene movement into
polarised camps. Despite the willingness to present the referendum on state
affiliation the occupying forces had no intention of permitting any change in
the pre-war political frontier. At the same time, and with the same ideological
thrust, bilingual schools were established in 62 local authority areas,a move
which engendered considerable resistance among many. The debate about whether or
not Carinthia should be part of Yugoslavia or Austria was reopened. The goal of
the occupying forces was one of separating the language from a specific
ideological commitment, be it nationalist or socialist or both. The end result
was the development of two distinctive factions of Slovene-speakers out of a
united movement.
What is clear is that these events during the 20th century have left a legacy
of strong undercurrents of opposition between Germanicism and Slavism. It is
true that they are rarely represented as such and that there are other objects
which colour the process of subject construction. Nonetheless it is far too
simplistic to disregard these historical discursive interventions and the
effects which they have upon the struggle over the normative as it pertains to
the respective languages and language groups.
1.3 Legal status and official policies
The Slovene language group, in common with other 'ethnic' groups in Austria
is subject to the constitutional law which derives from the Treaty of St.
Germain. Three Articles of that treaty are most relevant: Article 66 which
conveys equal rights and includes reference to language use by context. Article
67 which guaranteed legal equality and the right to establish private schools
where any language may be used and any religion preached. Article 68 which
affords public primary education through the medium of the minority language.The
Treaty also guaranteed linguistic and other minorities which represented a
considerable proportion of the regional population a share of public funds for
education, religion and charity.
In 1955 the Austrian State Treaty was implemented. Article 7 states that
Slovenes in Carinthia have the right to have their own organisations, press and
public meetings in Slovene; to receive primary level education in Slovene and a
modicum of secondary level education in that language as well as their own
Inspectorate of Education. Slovene was to be treated as an official language in
Carinthia, bilingual road signs could be erected, and would have a role in
thecultural, administrative and juridical systems. Anti Slovene organisations
were outlawed.
The Ethnic Groups Act of 1976 established Ethnic Advisory Councils which act
as consultative authorities and can submit proposals to the Federal government
as well as the regional government. They also play a role in the funding of the
groups to which the Act pertains. These Councils consist of a 50% representation
consisting of appointees of the representative organisation of the ethnic group,
and the other 50% by the political parties or the church respectively, providing
they are members of the ethnic group. The advisory board of the Federal
Chancellery thus consists of the Catholic Church, the political parties at the
state level which have seats in the regional parliament and the two Slovene
groups - ZSO and NSKS. Its function is merely consultative.
The Federal Chancellery funds Slovene activities to the tune of about three
quarters of a million ECU, which is only half of the level of support given by
the Slovene government.
2. Presence and use of the language in various fields
2.1 Education
The original intention of bilingual education in the region from the time of
the Austro-Hungarian Empire was to facilitate the teaching of children through
the medium of the state language.Prior to the law of 1869 which permitted the
population of the Empire to use their own language in education, the Church was
the main provider of education and ran 28 schools in southern Carinthia alone,
mainly through the medium of Slovene. In 1891 the Carinthian authorities
established the 'utraquistic' schools in which the initial two years were taught
through the medium of both German and Slovene, with third level education in
Slovene being available for three hours a week. The learning of Slovene was
optional. In 1920 the language was taught only as a second language. When
Austria was annexed to the Third Reich in 1938 all minority language teaching
was abolished. In 1945 it was reintroduced, being compulsory in 107 schools in
the Slovene area, all primary school subjects were taught simultaneously in
German and Slovene, with all children to learn both languages in school if
nowhere else. Thereafter German was the sole medium of instruction and Slovene
was only taught as a subject. In 1958 as a consequence of pressure by
non-Slovene-speakers even this limited concession was rescinded and thereafter
parents had to opt into Slovene language education at the primary level. As a
consequence 10,000 out of 12,700 children relinquished bilingual education, over
half of them being mother tongue Slovene-speakers. Only about 20% of the
children in the region attended bilingual primary school classes. Of late this
figure has increased to about 25%.
Kindergarten education which is optional is not provided by the state through
the medium of Slovene although it is provided by all three state levels through
the medium of German. Within Carinthia there are five such bilingual
kindergartens, the first to be established being private, while two further
municipalities have expressed the intention of providing this service. Two of
these are in Klagenfurt and the other three in one or other of the surrounding
villages. They are subsidised from state resources specifically designated for
minorities. However, faced with the limited provision some have sought to
establish independent service provision. Staff are trained at the upper
secondary level within a structure which includes an optional Slovene language
set of courses.
In 1988 an amendment to the Education Act was passed which provided for
separate bilingual and monolingual classes at the primary level while retaining
access to bilingual education for non-Slovene-speakers if the parents opt in. If
the number of children seeking provision is insufficient to justify separate
classes a mixed class is to be established, with a second teacher entering the
class for between 10 and 14 hours weekly. This has had a profound impact upon
the exposure to Slovene medium education for the population of Carinthia. It
means that there are 81 primary schools within the bilingual area which provide
the service, together with two further schools in Klagenfurt, one of which is
privately run. During 1996/97 a total of 1,427 pupils attended bilingual classes
in 64 of these schools, comprising 25% of the pupils in the area. In Klagenfurt
the two schools catered for a further 102 pupils. Beyond this there were 156
children who registered for learning Slovenian as a subject without formal
assessment.
From the third grade onwards a modern foreign language must be included in
the curriculum. This is mainly English. However in the bilingual schools Slovene
becomes part of the core curriculum. In such schools the rest of the curriculum
during the first three years is meant to be taught by using both German and
Slovene to the same extent. In practice Slovene tends to be used less than
German, this depending upon the ability of the children, the commitment of the
teachers, and the involvement of parents. In the fourth year German becomes the
sole medium of instruction and Slovene is taught as a subject only.
The recent increase in demand for bilingual education at the primary level,
together with the decrease in the degree of family based reproduction means that
the issue of immersion education arises. Textbooks tend to be premised on the
idea of a homogenous audience which is fluent in the language prior to entry.
Individuals have sought to develop new materials with varying degrees of success.
At the Secondary level provision exists for children aged 10 to 19. This
involves streaming into the general secondary school which caters for about 70%
of entry and the academic secondary school which caters for the remainder.
Whereas the legal system does provide for the possibility of bilingual general
secondary school education with Slovene used as a medium of instruction, the
language is only taught as a subject. This can be achieved by demanding it, by
choosing it in preference to English where it is offered, or by opting to take
it as an optional additional subject. Given the low level of uptake the tendency
is for all categories of students to be taught together, this extending at times
to teaching across age group and educational levels. Only 298 pupils or 5.3% of
the total attend such classes. The switch between primary and secondary level is
alarming.
Within the academic secondary school stream only one school, founded in 1957
and located in Klagenfurt, provides Slovene medium instruction. Since then about
3,000 pupils have attended the school. During 1996/97, 459 pupils were enrolled,
being taught by 50 teachers. In some other academic secondary schools it is
possible to choose Slovenian as a core subject and during the same year 101
pupils chose this option while a further 235 pupils opted for Slovene as an
optional additional subject.
Again at this level there is a paucity of adequate teaching materials.
Despite the legal responsibility on the state to subsidise schoolbook provision
the situation is such that often German language books are used. Publishers and
authors are sometimes reluctant to enter a non-profit making market. Where
Slovene language texts are available they are often outdated because of the
relatively low consumption level. Some co-operation with the Slovene state has
existed since 1990 but curricular differences tend to be a stumbling block.
Vocational training through the medium of Slovene is restricted to
agriculture and home economics, but some of the enterprises which use Slovene as
the language of work do participate in apprenticeship schemes. In 1990 a higher
bilingual secondary college for commerce was founded in Klagenfurt providing for
education at the post 14 level. Both German and Slovene serve as media of
instruction. During 1996/97 the school had an enrolment of 143. There is also
private, bilingual, church run vocational school in St Peter providing
vocational training for tourism and similar subjects. This had an enrolment of
126 pupils in 1996/97.
At higher educational level Slovene can be studied as a subject for Slovene
philology at Klagenfurt, Vienna and Graz, teacher training, interpretation and
translation, the later two at Graz only. Within teacher training it is sometimes
claimed that experience and knowledge of immersion teaching methods is
inadequate. On the other hand teachers working with bilingual classes must pass
a special examination and prove their knowledge of the language, culture and
literature as well as the didactics and methodology of Slovene language and
bilingual teaching. In service training is carried out on a voluntary basis.
Adult education is left to the voluntary sector. In this respect there is a
considerable provision but a range of agencies which have a long standing
involvement in this field. The two cultural organisations organise courses and
cultural activities conducted through the medium of Slovene. These include
management courses and courses which aim to promote local and regional
entrepreneurial activities. They also include Slovene language courses for
adults.
A number of difficulties pertain to educational provision in Slovene:
i. Opting in v opting out: In 1958 the prior obligatory
bilingual education yielded to a situation where Slovene-German bilingual
education had to be requested.
ii. The inability to serve as an agency of production: The
limitation of kindergarten provision and, at times, the limited ability of
teachers to accommodate immersion methods, means that the achievement levels of
children who lack family and community support structures is limited. This
problem is intensifying with as many as half of the school entrants to the
bilingual schools having no knowledge of Slovene, a further 20% only a passive
knowledge, and the remaining 30% being mother tongue speakers of the language.
ii. Inaccessibility: The concentration of the Slovene education
beyond the primary level in Klagenfurt means that it is not possible for most
Slovene-speakers to access this provision other than by boarding. This can be
expensive and also isolates the child from the family for much of the year. It
means that they bypass their own local schools to take their children over
considerable distance to board for the week. Thus the right to education is
available only when accompanied by specific sacrifice on the part of the
parents.
iv. Supply and demand: The argument often used by reference to
this issue is that demand is insufficient to create a more accessible provision
structure. This not only avoids the search for alternative provision
possibilities but also ignores the fact that demand is structured by the lack of
supply. Parents who begin their children on a bilingual educational career are
obliged to confront the difficulties they will encounter at the secondary level
when making this decision.
The Carinthia Diocese Synod sponsored a conference on language group
relations in 1972 and, to an extent, this became the basis for subsequent policy.
One of the outcomes was the establishment of the Carinthian Catholic Adult
Education Institute which sought to deploy educational activities as a means of
the entry of Slovene into public life. Slovene language courses are offered and
working papers relevant to adult education are translated into Slovene. It also
seeks to insure that materials and publicity are available bilingually.
2.2 Judicial authorities
The major problem here pertains to the related issues of rights and
enablement on the one hand, and legitimisation and institutionalisation on the
other. The implementation of legal requirements at the local level is
problematic. In many locations the infrastructure to cope with the
implementation of these rights is not in place. It means that materials have to
be translated, leading to delay and inconvenience. This in turn means that
exercising the right demands considerable perseverance and self confidence and a
staunch unwillingness to take the easy route of opting for a German language
service. This is complicated by the tendency to resort to translation as a
solution for the demand rather than insuring that service provision can cope
with the demand. That is, no serious attempt is made to insure that enablement
accompanies rights. A trained lawyer appointed to safeguarded the interests of
Slovene-speakers is obliged to resort to translation in order to insure that
these rights are preserved!
An appeal process exists. It involves the Volksgruppen Buro, established in
1972, which can offer legal support and can place pressure on the offending
institution. In 1990 it was reinstituted giving it greater status but no more
power. Appeal to the Constitutional Court means that the appellant must employ a
legal representative. If the complaint does not pertain to the letter to the law
but to the manner in which it is applied the appellant can appeal to the
Ombudsman who can order an enquiry but no more. They have authority but no
power.
2.3 Public authorities and services
Consequently, the relationship between legitimisation and
institutionalisation is weak. The solution is seen as expecting the cultural
groups to inform their members of their rights. There are as many as 80 state
institutions where the right can be exercised but they rarely advertise their
obligation. The institutions which use Slovene as a public display are few in
number. However, at the local level most people have an intimate knowledge of
their neighbours, including their extent of language ability, and it is this
information which guides practice. Furthermore the Slovene newspapers often
report about the success of Slovene-speakers in certain offices. It is this
knowledge and not legitimation that structures institutionalisation. Whereas the
goal of legislation and legitimation is to generate change it will not be
effective without reference to some process of implementation which leads to
institutionalisation. Rights have to be enabled and not merely granted.
2.4 Mass media and information technology
Slovene is used in the three media contexts - radio, television and print
media, but its use in broadcasting is limited to a daily radio broadcast of 50
minutes and a weekly 30 minute television broadcast. Some locations can receive
broadcasts from Slovenia via cable in the Klagenfurt and Vilach areas, and both
the Austrian Broadcasting authorities and the state resist extending this
service. The current movement of Slovenian state broadcasting to a satellite
platform will extend to Carinthia but decoders will be necessary. The relatively
small audience for Slovene language programmes limits commercial possibilities,
at least until integration with the potential audience in Slovenia. Broadcasting
deregulation led to applications by a bilingual broadcasting group but was
rejected on the grounds that it was insufficiently representative. This decision
was reversed upon appeal but led to strong protest in the German language press.
At the moment one of the two local stations intends to broadcast in Slovene but
seek 1.2 MECU to begin the service.
As many as 50,000 listeners are claimed for radio, many attracted by the
music content. Radio programmes involve about 15-20 minutes of news items most
of which pertains to the minority identity, magazine items concerning culture,
Slovene institutions, children's programmes and music as well as items of
personal and local interest.
A thirty minute television programme is transmitted during the early
afternoon on Sundays to between 12,000 and 14,000 viewers; the comparatively low
figure partly being accounted for by the asocial transmission time. Experiments
are currently taking place to modify and extend the transmission time but
expense eliminates the most obvious solutions of voice over or sub titling. The
content of the television programme focuses upon minority issues as follows -
local politics (49%), local events (5%), local sports (10%), European affairs
(11%), local music and cultural features (23%), education (2%), and regional
items (1%). Its target is the family and people who are highly concerned about
how they are represented. This conditions the conservative nature of the
programme.
Since 1960, newspaper content has shifted to minority issues as much as 75%
of the contents pertain to the region with a focus upon information about events
and activities and information about individuals. Three stand out - Nedelja
which first appeared in 1926, Slovenski Vestnik dating from 1946 being the
publicity organ of the Liberation Front between that date and 1955 before
becoming the main publicity medium of the ZSO; and the Nas Tednik controlled by
the National Council of Carinthia Slovenes since 1949. The last two have a
circulation of about 3,000 each. The church weekly - Nedelja has a circulation
of 3,500. It started as a strictly religious publication before becoming a more
secular organ and is very popular with young. Most people read all the later
three.
Other publications include a general leisure publication - Druzina in dom
which appears monthly with a circulation of about 1,500 and Celevoski zvon a
diverse intellectual magazine published quarterly with a circulation of 1,200.
Both are published by the Hermagoras publishing house in Klagenfurt which
extends its operation to include a student's college, a private elementary
school, a bookshop and other cultural initiatives.
About sixty Slovene language books are published annually within Carinthia
selling an estimated 120,000 copies. Half of these are published by the
Hermagoras Verlag, consisting mainly of school books and children's books. They
have an outlet in Ljublijana to market their books and also an arrangement with
outlets in Trieste. They draw upon the popularity of Austrian television in
Slovenia in producing and selling related materials in that country. The finance
for many of these activities derives from the Austrian or Slovene state. The
latter finance three titles for Hermagoras alone, while the school books are
underwritten by the Austrian state. The later are obliged to last for ten years
which means that there is a danger of being out of date by reference to
curricular and pedagogic changes. Only 300 are printed annually for the
Volkschule and 50 per year for the Gymnasium. For the more general books the
maximum sale is of the order of 5,000 copies. There is a limited amount of music
production at the commercial level with CDsS expecting to sell about 2,000
copies each.
2.5 The Arts
Cultural activities are closely aligned with political and community based
activities - see below.
2.6 The Business World
An extensive network of banks and credit and commodity co-operatives that
play a crucial role for the language group has existed since 1872. It is the
oldest co-operative credit institution in Austria. Originally it was part of the
broader Slovene region, but after the founding of the 1920 frontier it developed
separately, with the southern region being modified within the different
political systems that emerged. It now has thirty branches in southern Carinthia,
a balance of 6 billion schillings (c. 430 MECU), a turnover of 300 million (c.
21 MECU). It operates at three levels: the local level where the seven
Posojilnica banks with seventeen branches overlap with the activities of the co-operatives
and warehouses; the regional level through the banks' centre in Klagenfurt, the
Zveza Bank; and at the state and international level through membership of the
Vienna based Raiffeisen Group.The bank served as the umbrella institutions for
seven credit co-operatives with 17 branches, six commodity co-operatives with
eight branches and one cattle breeding co-operative. The bank itself was
established in 1921 after the establishment of the new frontier.Its main
business activities are in the bilingual area of Carinthia, Slovenia, Croatia
and northern Italy.
The Zadruga markets, or commodity co-operatives, offer a range of
high-quality products to their members. They have extended from agricultural
production to include department stores offering a wide range of commodities.,
technical workshops, agricultural machinery sales and local agricultural produce.
The reorganisation of the Slovenian commodity sector began in 1992 and was
completed by 1995. The bank now offers credit to Slovenian entrepreneurs against
Slovene bank guarantees. In some of the border areas the weakening of the
frontier means that Slovenes are integrated into the local co-operatives. As a
Slovene language institutions it has an advantage over its competitors.
The structure belongs to the language group and employs its members. Slovene
is the language of work for the 300 or so employees while the bank uses
whichever language its customers want to use. Its multi-layered activities
serves as a strong integrating force while also having a multiplier effect
beyond the direct activities. It sponsors Slovene language cultural and sporting
activities, and is extremely important for the integration of the group around
economic activity while guaranteeing the solvency and economic security of group
members who use it. As we shall explain below it is also important by reference
to language prestige.
Linked to this structure is a community development enterprise established in
1988 - Slovenska Gospodarska Zveza. It is a non-profit, apolitical organisation,
with about 200 members. It represents over 70 companies which between them
employ 2,000 people. All members must be Slovene-speakers but non-speakers can
help the enterprise and they, in turn, will offer their services to anyone
regardless of language. Its promotes Slovene language group companies within the
regional business structure, helps its members to obtain subsidies, develops
entrepreneurialism through the Slovene language, offers business and management
training through the medium of Slovene, provides investment advice in the
language, and promotes business literature through the medium of Slovene. It
also helps to establish companies and to network existing companies. In this
respect it seeks to broker between the local region and Slovenia.
Language prestige is fairly high by reference to the language group. However
this has to be seen in two contexts. The fact that there might well be in excess
of 4,000 jobs within the region which carry a Slovene language qualification is
of considerable significance for a group of about 40,000 speakers of whom
perhaps 16,000 might be in employment. On the other hand it is too small a
number to have any significant effect on the segmentation of the regional labour
market to the extent that it will have a widespread reaction, either positive or
negative, on non-speakers. It is one thing to discuss local labour markets and
their segmentation, but it is of less significance if the structures such as
education that support labour market activity are organised at the regional
level. Nonetheless this prestige, together with the relatively closed economic
integration of the group, means that both the security of the individual and the
potential for social mobility is closely linked to the language.
2.7 Family and social use of the language
It is only possible to make general statements about language use from the
available evidence. There is a hard core of activists who are sustaining
language use around a fairly coherent and institutionalised structure of
agencies. There is also a body of perhaps as many as 35,000 speakers who do not
have the same commitment and whose level of ability varies considerably. On the
other hand there is also evidence that the damaging negative identity is
receding and that the prestige of the language is increasing and with it a
recognition of the value of the language.
Within the core group Slovene remains the language of the family. In the
community there is considerable difference from one location to another. The
opportunity to use Slovene remains but there is a decreasing obligation for
non-speakers to learn the language in order to be incorporated into village
affairs. That is, the community is losing its production capacity. Nonetheless
specific institutions remain aligned with the language and remain as the focus
of community based interactive activity.
There is indication that language group exogamy is increasing because of the
high out-migration, and the low level of language use in the family associated
with negative identity in the past and it effect upon reproduction. In-migration
seems to focus upon language group exogamy involving partners from outside the
region, involving half of the marriages in the area. In some cases the Slovene
speaking partner will use the language in the family whereas this was not the
case in the preceding generation.
The distinction between culture and politics is often blurred. The
Slowenischer Kulturverband (SPZ): a grassroots cultural movement has an elected
representation on the advisory board of the Federal Chancellery and tends to be
seen as the cultural wing of the Zentralverband slowenischer Organisationen in
Kartnen (ZSO); while the Christlicher Kulturverband (KKZ) tends to be associated
with the political Rat der Kartner Slowenen (NSKS). The difference between SPZ
and KKZ derives from the political climate following the second World war. The
ZSO was founded under the auspices and with the support of the Communist
government in Yugoslavia, while NSKS is the inheritor of the strongly Catholic
Carinthian tradition. In more recent years this ideological polarisation has
diminished partly because the issue of whether or not Austria is a part of a
German nation is dormant. The alliance of Austria and Germany immediately prior
to the second world war led to the intensification of viewing the Slovenes as
deviants from the Aryan norm, this leading to the deportation of many Slovenes
and the prohibition of their institutions. The ZSO has moved closer to the
Austrian Social Democratic Party but has members with links to the Green Party.
The NSKS has advocated an autonomous voice for Carinthian Slovenes while
establishing links with parties from the Conservative end of the political
spectrum. In this respect the opposition revolves around different nationalisms,
one aligned with state nationalism and the other with autonomous nationalism.
Both the SPZ and KKZ promote cultural activities at the local level. The KKZ
recognises the need for the community to play a reproduction role at a time when
the family is rapidly failing to play such a role, whereas the SPZ places
emphasis upon political representation and promotion. Both press for increased
educational facilities for the production and reproduction of the language and
claim that without a specific support structure at the community level
production becomes an impossibility. Polarisation is receding but tends to be
institutionalised at the family and community level. Both promote similar
activities at the village level - theatre, choirs, puppet shows etc. These local
groups operate independently by reference to KKZ which only operates if invited
to. KKZ organises exchanges with Slovenia, including summer schools.
The Slovene Sports Association (SSZ) is the umbrella organisation for 21
different sports clubs. The most important of these is the relatively successful
soccer team - Slowenische Athletikklub located in Klagenfurt and the Zahomec,
Dob and St. Janz clubs.
Those who argue for a uniform political platform on behalf of the language
group organise themselves into what is called the 'Unity List' and in 1991 won
fifty seats at the local level with a total of 5,074 votes. They also seek
similar representation through strategic voting within the regional Chambers of
Commerce. At the regional level they are insufficiently numerous to win
representation.
In many respects it can be claimed that Slovene nationalism was a creation of
the Catholic Church. It is estimated that about a quarter of the 95% of the
population of Southern Carinthia that is Catholic attend the Church on a weekly
basis but secularisation is also in progress. Carinthia is a single Diocese with
the relevant pastoral responsibilities. Outside of southern Carinthia the German
influence is strong but defers to the Slovene language in the south, partly
because of the importance of the Church in this area and the extent to which
language and religion are intertwined. On the other hand within the Church
hierarchy ascendancy to the highest positions has evaded Slovene speaking
candidates. Within the general ecclesiastical structure there is a degree of
autonomy for the Bishopric by reference to Slovene-speakers, giving a loose
parallel structure within the organisation. Whereas on the surface the Church
preaches the theme of 'peaceful coexistence' between the two language groups it
is evident that there are differing degrees of militancy by reference to each
group within the Church. In about 80% of the parishes both German and Slovene
are used side by side in all activities whereas in the remaining 20% there is a
tendency to separate the relationship between the two languages. There is
reluctance to exclude Slovene from religious practice and the main trend is
towards bilingualism. Masses are conducted in both languages within the same
mass and it is felt that singing must be conducted in Slovene.
Singing is a core activity with choirs of different age groups being
organised by the Church. Theatre activities also prevail. These and other
activities overlap with the cultural work of the SPZ. Its activities extends to
formal education where they assume responsibility for the teaching of religion.
Their policy here is to insist that the relevant teachers must have a knowledge
of the history and of inter-cultural relations and that all teachers should be
able to teach prayers and songs in Slovene. For the priests operating in
southern Carinthia Slovene is more than a regional phenomenon and relates to the
wide Slovenian context which is regarded as a cultural area with its own
literary culture and tradition expressed through the medium of Slovene. Priests
are active in promoting links with the Italian Slovene language group.
2.8 Transnational exchanges
There is close contact between the Slovenian state and the language group in
Carinthia, links that have tended to relate to the office for foreign relations
located in Ljubljana. These links are increasingly being channelled through
Vienna. There are also long standing cultural links between the two populations
and the focus of many cultural activities continues to be thus aligned.
There is increasing involvement with what is referred to as Alpe-Adria, a
region which incorporates six states - Austria, Italy, Slovenia, Croatia,
Bavaria and Hungary. Included are the Slovenes of Italy which have close links
focusing upon cultural exchange, mainly through the Church, with the language
group. There are broader links within this conception, links which at times
bring both the Slovene- and non-Slovene-speakers from Carinthia together in
trans-regional interaction. There has also been a considerable emigration from
the region, mainly to the USA. Thus the Slovene population of Cleveland, Ohio is
only one of several such clusters. These relationships tend to be on an informal
and familial basis.
3. Conclusion
The Slovenes in Austria are a relatively small numerical group which has a
strong institutional structure. Members of the group interact within very close
social networks with a high degree of multiplexity which relates to a highly
relevant institutional and organisational structure involving cultural and
economic contexts which affords high prestige to the language group.
There is an increasing tendency towards language group exogamy and the need
to produce rather than reproduce the language. Despite the high degree of
legitimation it is not transferred into institutionalisation. Neither does it
operate in such a way that production is guaranteed. As a consequence the group
is in a delicate position, having a fairly strong support structure related to a
reproduction context, but facing a rapid restructuring context deriving from the
negative identity which is quickly reversed, and being unable to generate the
support structures necessary to iensure an effective production process.
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