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MEMOIRS

OF

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,

COMPRISING PORTIONS OF

HIS DIARY FROM 1795 TO 1848.

EDITED BY

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

VOL. III.

PHILADELPHIA:

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 1874.

— '^

7

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1874, by

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

/

CHAPTER IX. ( Continued. ) page

The Nkgotiation for Fkack . 3

CHAPTKK X. Paris in the Hundred Days i45

CHAPTER XI. The Mission to GKr.Ar P.rmain 199

III

M E U O I R S

OF

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

VOL. III. — I

MEMOIRS OF JOHN OUI^XY ADAMS.

CHAPTER IX. [Continued.)

THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE.

August 7th, 1814. The British Commissioners arrived last evening, and are lodged at the Hotel du Lion d'Or. Mr. Baker, the Secretary to the Commission, called this morning, first upon Colonel Milligan, who lodges at the Hotel des Pays- Bas, and where Mr. Baker supposed wc were yet all lodged. He afterwards came and called on Mr. Bayard, and notified to him the arrival of the British Commissioners, with a proposal from them that we should meet them to-morrow at one o'clock, afternoon, at their lodgings, and exchange our full powers, and arrange the mode of proceeding between us for the future. Mr. Bayard received this notification, which he agreed to com- municate to his colleagues, and promised that we would send an answer this evening.

We had a meeting at noon, and were all of opinion that this first step of the British Commissioners was advancing, on their part, an offensive pretension to superiority. I referred my colleagues to Martens, book vii. chap. iv. section 3, of his Summary, where the course now taken by the British Com- missioners appears to be precisely that stated there to be the usage from Ambassadors to Ministers of an inferior order. I proposed that Mr. Hughes should call in the evening on Mr, Baker, and say that we should be happy to meet and confer with the Commissioners, and exchange full powers with them,

3

4 MEMOIRS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [August,

at any time which they would indicate, and at any place other than their own lodgings. Mr. Bayard and Mr. Clay made other propositions, and, after deliberating upon them about two hours, on Mr. Bayard's proposal we adjourned, to meet again at half- past three. At this meeting, Mr. Bayard produced the case in Ward's History of the Law of Nations, vol. ii. chap, xvi., of the Commissioners between Spain and England, at Boulogne, in 1600, which in almost every particular resembles the present, and at which the Spanish Commissioners made, and the English resisted, the pretension now advanced by the English. Mr. Bayard and Mr. Gallatin were reluctant at taking any notice of this matter ; not that they felt it differently, or doubted that it was intended on the part of the British Commissioners, but from an aversion to clog the negotiation with any question of mere ceremony. We adjourned the meeting again to dine, and finally concluded to send Mr. Hughes with the message I had proposed, substituting, at Mr. Gallatin's suggestion, instead of the expression, " at any place other than their own lodgings," the milder terms, " at any place which may be mutually agreed upon," and authorizing Mr. Hughes to name the Hotel des Pays-Bas.

Mr. Hughes performed his message, and about ten in the evening Mr. Baker came and informed Mr. Bayard, and after- wards all the mission, assembled in Mr. Clay's chamber, that the British Commissioners agreed to meet us at the appointed hour, and at the Hotel des Pays-Bas.

Mr. Bayard, to sound and ascertain their feelings, had pro- posed to Mr. Baker that the meeting should be at our house, and offered to show him an excellent room for the purpose ; but Baker declined even looking at the room.

8th. We had a meeting of the mission at noon, in which we had some deliberation concerning the manner in which it would be proper to proceed with the British Commissioners. At one o'clock we went, accompanied by Mr. Hughes, to the Hotel des Pays-Bas, and found the British Commissioners already there. They are James, Lord Gambler, Henry Goul- burn. Esquire, a member of Parliament and Under-Secretary of State, and William Adams, Esquire, a Doctor of Civil Laws.

1 8 14-] THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. 5

The Secretary to the Commission is Anthony St. John Baker. Mr. Russell was absent, not having yet returned from Dunkirk. After the first ordinary civilities had passed, we produced, on both sides, the originals and copies of our full powers. The copies, attested by the Secretary of each Commission respect- ively, were exchanged. Lord Gambler then addressed us, with assurances on the part of the British Government of their sin- cere and earnest desire that this negotiation might terminate in a successful issue, and the ardent hope of the British Commis- sioners that we might all have the satisfaction of restoring the blessings of peace to our respective countries.

This I answered by making similar assurances on our part, expressing the high satisfaction with which we received theirs, and the promise for myself and my colleagues to bring to these discussions the disposition to meet every sentiment of candor and conciliation with the most cordial reciprocity, concurring, as we did, with the utmost earnestness and sincerity, in the hope that we might eventually have the happiness of recon- ciling two nations whose true interests could best be promoted by peace and amity with each other.

Mr. Goulburn, the second British Commissioner, then replied. He renewed the professions of the sincere desire of the British Government for peace, and added the most explicit declaration that nothing that had occurred since the first proposal for this negotiation would have the slightest effect on the disposition of Great Britain with regard to the terms upon which the paci- fication might be concluded. He proceeded to say that the British Government thought it would be most conducive to this end to discard all retrospective considerations with regard to anything that had taken place, and had instructed them in relation to certain points which they supposed would naturally arise for discussion upon this negotiation. These points he was charged by his colleagues to state ; with a request to be informed whether they were such as by our instructions we were authorized to discuss, and that we would also on our part state any other points upon which we also might be instructed to propose for discussion. Those Avhich he was directed to present were — i. The forcible seizure of mariners on board of

6 MEMOIRS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [August,

American merchant vessels, and, connected with that subject, the claim of the King of Great Britain to the allegiance of all the native-born subjects of Great Britain. 2. The including of the Indian allies of Great Britain; and, for the purpose of ob- taining a permanent pacification, the drawing of a boundary- line for the Indians; and it was necessary to observe that on both parts of this point Great Britain considered them as a sine qua non to the conclusion of a treaty. 3. The partial revision of the boundary line between the United States and the British possessions in North America — upon which, on a question asked by Mr. Bayard, he explained that in such revision Great Britain did not contemplate an acquisition of territory. He then said that besides these three points it was thought proper in candor to state that in relation to the fisheries, although it was not intended to contest the right of the United States to them, yet so far as respected the concession to land and dry fish within the exclusive jurisdiction of the British, it was proposed not to renew that without an equivalent.

I said that I would confer with my colleagues, and at our next meeting would report Our answer upon the points pro- posed by them, which I recapitulated, and also the statement of such further points as we should present for discussion. Mr. Goulburn urged an immediate answer upon the question whether we were instructed particularly upon the point which they were directed to make a sine qua non; but I declined answering on any point without first consulting with my colleagues. We agreed to meet again to-morrow at eleven o'clock.

I mentioned the offer made to us by the Mayor, and after- wards repeated by the Intendant, immediately after our first arrival here. They are now both absent at Brussels, It was preferred, however, both by the British Commissioners and ourselves, to have the meetings alternately at our own houses, and Lord Gambler said that as they were not now very well accommodated, if it was agreeable to us, the meeting to-mor- row should be at our house ; to which we readily agreed. We then returned home, and about an hour afterwards we went and paid them a visit at their lodgings.

1 8 14.] THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. y

On returning from thence, we met to consider of the answer to be given them, and the points to be proposed on our part. We sat until dinner-time, and again immediately after dinner. While we were sitting, we received the dispatches and letters from America brought by the French corvette and forwarded to us by Mr. Crawford. Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Hughes, and my- self sat deciphering the dispatches from the Secretary of State until nearly one o'clock of the morning.

9th. We had agreed upon a meeting of the mission at half- past nine o'clock this morning, and we actually met in Mr. Bayard's chamber at ten. We agreed on the answer to be made on the points presented for discussion by the British Commissioners and on those to be presented by us.

The British Commissioners came at eleven; and, in the name of the mission, I stated that we were instructed upon the first and third points presented by them, and that on the second and fourth points we were not. I then proceeded to state the points proposed on our part. i. A definition of blockade, and, as far as may be mutually agreed, of other neutral and belligerent rights. 2. Certain claims of indemnity to individuals for cap- tures and seizures preceding and subsequent to the war. 3. I added that we were instructed upon a variety of other points which might with propriety be subjects for discussion, either upon a negotiation for peace or upon that of a treaty of com- merce, which, in the event of a propitious termination of this negotiation, we were also authorized to conclude; that in order to simplify and facilitate as much as possible the great object of peace, we had discarded every point which did not more peculiarly belong to that and was not immediately relevant to it.

They replied that their powers extended only to the conclu- sion of a peace, but that they did not mean to say, or wish us to understand, that there would be any objection on the part of Great Britain to treating upon commercial objects in the event of a successful issue to this negotiation.

I said that it readily accounted for our not being instructed on the two points of the Indian boundary and the fisheries — that they had not been objects of controversy between the two

8 MEMOIRS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [August,

Governments heretofore ; that they were points entirely new, and that it was a matter of course that our instructions should be confined to the subjects of difference in which the war origi- nated, and to the topics of discussion known by the American Government to exist.

It was further remarked by Mr. Clay that the American Government could have anticipated no propositions of this nature from the letter of Lord Castlereagh proposing the negotiation ; to which Mr. Goulburn replied that it could not be expected Lord Castlereagh would, in the proposal for the negotiation, enumerate the points which would become subjects of discussion in the course of it, as they would naturally depend upon events occurring after the proposal and until the com- mencement of the negotiation.

I said it was our wish to receive from the British Commis- sioners the views of their Government upon all the points, and that we were willing to discuss them all.

Mr. Goulburn asked whether, if they should enter into the discussion, we could give them an expectation that it would terminate in our agreeing to a provisional article, which we would sign, subject to the ratification of our Government.

I answered that, having no specific instructions upon the subject, whatever article we could agree to must of course be unauthorized, and we could not say previous to discussion whether an article could be formed to which we should feel ourselves under our discretionary powers justified in acceding. This related principally to the point of the Indian boundary, the British sine qua non.

Mr. Gallatin said that so far as respected the including of the Indians in the peace, the United States would have neither interest nor wish to continue the war with the Indians when that with Great Britain should be terminated ; that Commis- sioners had already been appointed to treat of peace with the Indians, and very probably the peace might already be made. He said that the policy of the United States towards the Indians was the most liberal of that pursued by any nation ; that our laws interdicted the purchase of lands from them by any individual, and that every precaution was used to prevent the frauds upon

iSi4.] THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. g

them which had heretofore been practised b^ others. He stated that this proposition to give them a distinct boundary, different from the boundary already existing, and by a treaty between the United States and Great Britain, was not only new, it was unexampled. No such treaty had been made by Great Britain, either before or since the American Revolution, and no such treaty had, to his knowledge, ever been made by any other European power.

Mr. Goulburn said that they were certainly treated as in some respects sovereigns, since treaties were made with them both by Great Britain and the United States.

Tre?.ties with them Mr. Gallatin admitted, but treaties be- tween European powers defining their boundaries there were, to his knowledge, none.

Mr. Bayard asked what was understood by Great Britain to be the effect and operation of the boundary line proposed. Was it to restrict the United States from making treaties with them hereafter as heretofore? from purchasing their lands, for in- stance ? Was it to restrict the Indians from selling their lands ? Was it to alter the condition of the Indians, such as it has hitherto existed ?

]\Ir. Goulburn answered that it was intended as a barrier be- tween the British possessions and the territories of the United States ; that it was not to restrict the Indians from selling their lands, although it would restrict the United States from pur- chasing them.

Dr. Adams said that both Great Britain and the United States would be restricted from purchasing the lands, but the Indians would not be restricted from selling them to a third party. As to further discussion upon the point, Dr. Adams said that, however desirous they were of getting over the difficulty, they thought it would be an unprofitable dis- cussion unless they could see some result to which it was likely to lead.

They proposed to adjourn for an hour, to give us time to consult together whether we could say that we might eventually agree to a provisional article ; but we were not desirous of such consultation.

10 MEMOIRS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [August,

Mr. Gallatin said that the difficulty which we had suggested was stated merely on a principle of candor ; that it would have been easy for us to say at once that there might be an article formed on the subject to which we might agree, and afterwards to break off upon the details of any such article : but that the proceeding was more frank and explicit to avoAV at once the full extent of our objection.

Tlie British Commissioners then proposed to suspend the conferences until they could consult their Government on this state of things. They proposed to send off a messenger this evening, and it was proposed by them that a protocol of the two meetings should be drawn up by the two secretaries sepa- rately, and that we should compare them together and make a final record from the two of the proceedings on these days. To this we agreed.

As they went away, I told Lord Gambler that I hoped in their communication to their Government they would express how much we had been gratified at the candid and conciliatory manner which the British Commissioners had adopted with us. Mr. Clay added that upon this subject they could not express themselves too strongly.

They answered that they should be altogether deficient in their duty if they omitted to express their sentiments in these respects. They agreed to meet again at our house to-morrow, at twelve o'clock, noon. I was immediately charged by my colleagues to make the rough draft of the protocol for Mr. Hughes. I drew it up accordingly. It was corrected by Messrs. Bayard, Gallatin, and Clay, and given to Mr. Hughes to make out a fair copy of it for to-morrow morning.

loth. At twelve o'clock we met the British Commissioners, and compared the two reports which had been drawn up on their part and on ours, to make the protocol of the two former conferences. There was no material difference between the two on the proceedings of the first day. But the British Com- missioners objected to various parts of our report of those of the second day, particularly to those parts which stated the explanation they had given of the point respecting the proposed Indian boundary, and to the reasons assigned by us why our

i8i4.] THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. n

Government had not provided us with instructions on that point, and the one concerning the fisheries. Their objection was that these things were argumentative, and that the protocol should contain a mere statement of facts.

Dr. Adams observed that if it contained our reasons for the omission of the two points from our instructions, it should also contain their reasons for supposing that our instructions might have provided for them. I admitted this, if in fact any such reasons had been assigned by them ; but they had not. Mr. Goulburn stated that he thought this assignment of reasons, and the explanatory paragraphs, were more proper to be inserted in a dispatch to our Government than upon the protocol, which is a mere record of facts. He said, if matter of argument were admitted on one side it must also be admitted on the other, and must eventually contain everything said at the conferences, which, if we should have many, would swell it up to an excessive volume.

We replied that the explanatory paragraphs were material to unfold the full import of their proposals. Mr. Bayard put it pointedly to them that they had not disclosed their full mean- ing. He said their proposition respecting the Indian boundary, as put by themselves, was not intelligible to us. Did they mean to take a portion of our territory and assign it to the Indians ? Did they mean, in a word, to alter the condition of the Indians in relation to the United States ?

The British Commissioners manifested here a slight move- ment of impatience at these questions, and of regret at having answered so explicitly those that Mr. Bayard had put to them yesterday. They said they could not be expected to develop at this stage of the business, if at any time, the ultimate views and intentions of their Government in this proposal ; but they assented to an alteration in their own statement of the point.

Dr. Adams said that it could not be said there was a ter- ritory assigned to people which was already in their pos- session.

Mr. Goulburn used the words Dominions and Territories of the Indians.

12 MEMOIRS OF JOHX QUIXCY ADAMS. [August,

I remarked to them that they must be aware the terms Dominions, Territories, and Possessions, as applied to Indians, Avere of very different import from the same terms as appHed to civilized nations ; that this difference was well known and understood, and in the same manner hitherto, by all the Euro- pean nations.

Mr. Goulburn said it was, however, necessary to use one or the other of those words, and finally preferred that of Territory.

Our draft had stated that the British Commissioners had declined entering further into the discussion unless we would say that an article might be drawn up on this point, to which we might accede provisionally and subject to the ratification of our Government ; and that they had proposed to suspend the conferences until they could consult their Government on this state of things. They objected also to the insertion of this in the protocol.

We urged that this was not only a fact, but a fact so material to the statement of what had actually taken place, that without it the protocol itself must be imperfect.

Dr. Adams said he thought it was expressed rather too strongly, to say that they had declined entering into the dis- cussion.

Mr. Clay reminded him of the express words used by him- self, which he admitted, but said those were remarks which he had thrown out rather in the manner of friendly discussion than intimating a fixed purpose to decline it in future.

We readily agreed to omit the expression that they had declined further discussion, but pressed them, on the fact of their having suspended the conferences, to send a messenger to their Government.

They said they had mentioned their intention to us only from the perfect candor of their proceedings, and perhaps over- hastily ; that if we should insist upon putting it on the protocol, the only effect of it would be to seal up their lips hereafter, and put them upon a reserve which they should be unwilling to assume.

Mr. Gallatin repeated the remark that the omission would

1 8 14.] THE NEGOTIATIOX FOR PEACE. 13

leave the protocol imperfect, as it would appear from it that our request for further discussion had not been answered — when in fact it had.

They thought there was no necessity the answer should appear, but that it might stand, with the expression of the wish ; and its result to be seen hereafter.

As we could not prevail upon them to express anything upon the record but what suited them, we finally agreed to omit everything to which they objected. We then left ]\Ir. Hughes and Mr. Baker to make out, from the two drafts, the protocol, to be the common record of both parties. Imme- diately after this conference (at which Mr. Russell was present) we had a meeting of the mission ; at which I was charged to prepare the draft of a dispatch to the Secretary of State. This task I deferred to the morning, and was employed during all the leisure of this day in taking the minutes in this journal of our proceedings on the two former days. Shortly after the conference we had a visit from the British Commissioners.

I ith. I made the first draft of a dispatch to the Secretary of State. We had a meeting at noon, at which I read it We agreed that each of my colleagues should take it in turn and make any alterations and additions to it that he shall think proper, after which we are to meet again and put it into its final form to be sent. I gave it to Mr. Bayard, who returned it to me at dinner-time, having made his notes to be added to it.

1 2th. We had a meeting of the mission, at which we de- termined to request Captain Angus to be ready to sail on the 25th of this month, and to address a note to the British Com- missioners, requesting that application be made to the Lords of the Admiralty for a cartel for the Chauncey to return to America. She came as a cartel, and is now at Gottenburg. Mr. Clay had mentioned it to the British Commissioners at our last meeting, and they answered, as I had anticipated they would, that they would transmit very readily any application from us to the Admiralty, but that they had no authority to give a cartel themselves, and that we must send them a written note for any such applications. We had also a question whether

I^ MEMOIRS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [August,

we could allow Mr. Connell to go as a passenger in the ship. The new passport omits the proviso forbidding a cargo and passengers, but expresses that she is to go in ballast, and with the persons named on it or charged with the conveyance of dispatches. The persons named are Mr. Smith and his family (as I had requested), Messrs. Dallas, Todd, Milligan, and Emlin. Mr. Clay proposed that Mr. Connell should be charged with dispatches; but Mr. Gallatin said he had promised Mr. Dallas he should have that office to perform. Mr. Clay and Mr. Russell thought that Connell might be made the bearer of dispatches until they arrived in America, with directions to deliver them over there to Mr. Dallas. I not only disapproved this, but inconsiderately said it would be a trick I should think highly improper. Mr. Russell, and more especially Mr. Clay, were hurt at my use of this expression ; and it was understood by all my colleagues that the passport authorized us to send Mr, Connell ; but it was concluded that it would be displeasing to Mr. Dallas to give Mr. Connell the dispatches, even with the injunction to deliver them to Mr. Dallas in America. I do not think it would have been an ingenuous proceeding, after having pledged ourselves|| that no person should go as a pas- senger without the express consent of the British Government. But the use of the word trick was harsh and unnecessary. The correct principle in this case is to do nothing that may not be boldly avowed. I should have said this, and no more.

13th. Lord Gambler and Dr. Adams, Mr. Baker and Mr. Gambler, Mr. Shaler and Mr. Meulemeester, dined with us. Mr. Goulburn sent an excuse this morning, he is unwell and con- fined to the house, having burst a blood-vessel, as they say, in the throat, and having yesterday lost his voice, so that he could not speak. We had no meeting this day, my draft of a dis- patch being still in the hands of my colleagues. Mr. Gallatin had it all day yesterday, and gave, it this morning to Mr. Clay; he kept it a short time, and then gave it to Mr. Bayard, who took it for the second time, and retained it until this evening, when he gave it to Mr. Russell.

After being employed great part of this day in writing, I was engaged two or three hours in looking over treaties for

i8i4.] THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. 15

the articles respecting the Indians and the fisheries. Mr. Meulemeester spent the evening with us. I played a game of chess with Mr. Shaler.

Lord Gambier told me that he had been in Boston in the year 1770, with his uncle, who then had the naval command there ; that he was then a boy of twelve years of age ; that in 1778 he was at New York during our contest, and then com- manded a frigate. He spoke to me of my father as having known him at that time, and also of the family of Mr. Bowdoin. He mentioned the English Bible Society, of which he said he had the happiness to be one of the vice-presidents, and of a correspondence they had with the Bible Society in Boston, of which I told him I was a member. He expressed great satis- faction at the liberality with which they had sent a sum of money to replace the loss of some Bibles which had been taken by a privateer as they were going to Halifax.

Mr. Bayard asked Lord Gambier, upon some remark that Jerome Bonaparte's son was born in England, how the doctrine of allegiance would apply to him. His Lordship laughed, and said, "We won't talk about that now." I asked Dr. Adams to what part of England his family belonged. He said that originally they came from Pembrokeshire, in Wales, but they had removed from thence four or five generations since, and of late had resided in Essex. Their arms were a plain red cross. They had heretofore been possessed of a considerable estate in Wales, no part of which, however, had descended to the present generation. I think we are not cousins.

Mr. Russell gave me this morning a folio sheet of amend- ments and corrections to my draft of a dispatch for the Secre- tary of State, and Mr. Bayard brought me an entire new draft. Mr. Russell's amendments were chiefly grammatical and verbal — the capital letters, the commas and points, and the caution to spell until with only one 1. Several of them, under the idea of amending the style, made a different statement of facts from that which really occurred. The amendments to the narrative of a party who was present at the transactions related, made by a person who was not present, are not very likely to improve its accuracy ; but Mr. Bayard's passion for amending went

1 5 MEMOIRS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [August,

further. He had drawn up a totally new statement, in his own language, not one sentence of which agreed with mine. When we met, I proposed immediately that Mr. Bayard's draft should be substituted for mine to be the basis of the dispatch. This was agreed to ; but it then became necessary to settle the ques- tion upon a variety of things which he had omitted to notice and which had been contained in my draft. We found it diffi- cult upon these points to harmonize in all our impressions, and it was finally concluded that Mr. Gallatin should take Mr. Bayard's draft, make such alterations and amendments in it as we appeared to concur in, and then give it to Mr. Hughes, to be copied. There was no other way of getting a dispatch ready; for if Mr. Bayard's draft had been taken to be altered, corrected, and amended as mine was, at the end of another week we should have had twenty sheets of paper written, instead of seven, and still have to begin the dispatch.

1 6th. We postponed until to-morrow the meeting of the mission, Mr. Gallatin being not yet ready with his remarks upon Mr. Bayard's draft.

17th. I employed this morning in writing to the Secretary of State. At noon we had a meeting of the mission, when Mr. Gallatin produced a third draft of a dispatch to the Secretary of State, upon which, after some amendments, we finally agreed. The Duke of Cambridge passed through the city this day; also Mr. Whitbread. The Intendant called on me this afternoon and proposed to invite us to dine with him next Tuesday. He asked me whether we should have any objection to being invited with the British Commissioners. I assured him we should not.

1 8th. We had a meeting of the mission at two o'clock, when we signed the dispatch to the Secretary of State, No. 2, con- taining the account of our first conferences with the British Commissioners. I was charged also to make the draft of another dispatch, accounting for the detention of the John Adams, and to serve as a justification for Captain Angus.

19th. The Mayor called at noon, as he had appointed, and went with me to the Public Library. Mr. Gallatin was unwell, and the other gentlemen did not incline to go. I therefore

1 8 14.] THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. 17

went alone. The library' is chiefly theological and juridical, and may consist of four or fivx thousand volumes. The Libra- rian, named Monsieur Valvyn, was polite to excess, and made me a speech. He showed me several manuscripts written be- fore the invention of printing — some of them with paintings and vignettes, but not of the best execution. The most curious was a Latin translation of Plutarch's Lives, done by several hands. There was a small manuscript, said to be of the eighth century, a small Latin Bible, a Prayer Book, highly illuminated, and a compilation, upon something like the plan of an P^ncy- clopaidia. There were also several first impressions of the fifteenth century, one of which was printed at Ghent in 1485. Of modern rarities, he had Didot's folio editions of Virgil and Racine ; a circular advertisement in the handwriting of Jean Jacques Rousseau, 1769, warning the public that all the editions of his works, and particularly those of Marc Michel Rcy, were mutilated and falsified; a letter in the handwriting of Voltaire (not signed), 1737, in great want of money, and full of bad spelling. Rousseau's advertisement was in a gilt frame. The Librarian had an album, in which, at his request, I wrote my name, with a device. He invited me to come again, with my colleagues. The Mayor promised to come on Monday and go with us to see Mr. Schamp's collection of pictures.

On returning home, I met my colleagues at two o'clock. I had the draft of a dispatch accounting for the detention of the John Adams. Mr. Gallatin objected to a passage stating that the first cause of this was the transfer of the negotiation to this city, and was supported in the objection by Mr. Bayard and Mr. Russell. It was struck out.

Mr. Baker had been here from the British Commissioners, requesting a conference at their house at three o'clock. We went as requested. On taking their seats at the table, Mr. Goulburn had a dispatch from their Government before him, which, he informed us, was the answer to that which they had sent by their messenger. Me proceeded to state its contents. The British Government expressed some surprise that we had not been instructed on the points of an Indian pacification, and boundary, as it might naturally have been expected that Great

VOL. III. — 2

jg MEMOIRS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [August,

Britain could not consent to make a peace and leave her allies at the mercy of a more powerful enemy. She might therefore justly have supposed that the American Government would have furnished us with instructions to agree to an article on this subject; but the least she can demand is, that the Ameri- can Commissioners should sign a provisional article, subject to the ratification of their Government, so that if it should be rati- fied the treaty should take effect, and if not, that it should be null and void. And we were desired to understand that if un- fortunately the conferences should be suspended by our refusal to agree to such an article, Great Britain would not consider herself bound, upon a renewal of the negotiations, to abide by the terms which she now offers. As we had requested to be explicitly informed of the views and intentions of Great Britain in proposing this article, we were to know that the Indian ter- ritories were to be interposed as a barrier between the British Dominions and the United States, to prevent them from being conterminous to each other, and that neither Great Britain nor the United States should acquire by purchase any of these Indian lands. For the line Great Britain was willing to take the Treaty of Greenville for the basis, with such modifications as might be agreed upon. With respect to the other boundary line, that of the British territories. Great Britain still adhered to the principle of asking for no conquests. But as Great Britain, on the side of Canada, was the weaker of the two nations, and had no designs of conquest there, and as it had been stated that the United States had, on their part, had the design of conquering Canada, it was required by Great Britain that the United States should stipulate to have no naval force upon the Lakes, from Ontario to Superior ; and neither to build any forts in future, nor to preserve those already built upon their borders. It would also be necessary for Great Britain to obtain a com- munication between the provinces of New Brunswick and Canada, a mere road from Halifax to Quebec, which would take off a small corner of the province of Maine. These propo- sitions must be considered as proofs of the moderation of Great Britain, since she might have demanded a cession of all the borders of the Lakes to herself She would also require a con-

1 8 14-] THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE.

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tinuance of the right of navigating the Mississippi, as secured to her by the former treaties.

Mr. Gallatin asked what was proposed to be done with the inhabitants, citizens of the United States, already settled beyond the line of the Treaty of Greenville — the Territories of Michigan, of Illinois, and part of the State of Ohio, amounting perhaps to one hundred thousand, many of whom had been settled there with their ancestors one hundred years.

Mr. Goulburn said that their case had not been considered by the British Government; that it might be a foundation for the United States to claim a particular modification of the line, and if that should not be agreed to they might remove.

Dr. Adams said that undoubtedly they must shift for them- selves.

Mr. Bayard asked whether the proposition respecting the Indian pacification and boundary was still presented as a sine qua Hon ; to which they answered that undoubtedly it was.

He asked whether that relating to the Lakes was of the same character.

Dr. Adams answered, " One sine qua non at a time is enough. It will be time enough to answer your question when you have disposed of that we have given you."