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ZKEYH AIKA2TIKA

(See description on p. xci)

ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΟΥΣ AOHNAIQN TIOAITEIA

ARISPOTGLES CONSTITUTION OF ATHENS

A REVISED TEXT WITH AN INTRODUCTION CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES TESTIMONIA AND INDICES

BY

mR JOHN EDWIN SANDYS, Litt.D., F.B.A,

FELLOW OF ST JOHN’S COLLEGE, AND PUBLIC ORATOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE; HON. LITT.D. DUBLIN; HON. LL.D. EDINBURGH.

Tetradrachm of Athens, C. 590—525 B.C. (See note on page 41.)

SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED

MACMILLAN AND CO, LIMITED ST. MARTIN’S STREET, LONDON [912

ΔᾺΝ 18 1954

COPYRIGHT First Edition 1893 Second Edition 1912

PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION (1893).

HE preparation of the present volume was planned not long after T= the memorable publication of Mr Kenyon’s editio princeps on Friday, the thirtieth of January, 1891. In that important work much was happily done by its able editor to facilitate the study of the newly discovered treatise by a skilful decipherment of the papyrus, by a careful comparison of the text with that of the existing fragments, by a judicious restoration of a large number of passages imperfectly pre- served in the manuscript, and by an eminently readable commentary - on many interesting points of constitutional history. The edttio princeps was also the editoris primitiae ; and, considering the brief limits of time within which it was prepared, and notwithstanding certain super- ficial blemishes which have since been removed, it was undoubtedly a remarkable achievement.

In the opinion, however, of competent critics there appeared to be room, by the side of Mr Kenyon’s work, for an edition in which closer attention might fitly be paid to matters of scholarship and verbal criticism, together with a more minute comparison of the fresh evidence with that already familiar to us in two closely allied departments of Classical learning, (1) the Constitutional History, and (2) the Legal Antiquities of Athens. There was also at that time an acknowledged need of an Jndex Graecttatis; and lastly there was a call for a fuller and clearer statement of the evidence on the text so far as it could be derived from quotations in later Greek literature. It has been the aim of the present writer to endeavour to supply such an edition.

Vili PREFACE

The J/ntroduction begins with a slight sketch of the political literature of Greece before the time of Aristotle, so far as it was directly concerned with theories of government. This is followed by a brief notice of the Politics of Aristotle and of the lost political works ascribed to the same author. ‘The external evidence as to the authorship of the Πολιτεῖαι is next reviewed in chronological order, showing that, according to testi- mony extending over fifteen centuries from the age immediately suc- ceeding that of Aristotle, the work, as a whole, was ascribed to Aristotle and to none beside. A brief account of the later literature of the subject is succeeded by a description of the Berlin Fragments, and the British Museum papyrus, of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. The date of the treatise is placed between 328 and 325 B.c., which corresponds to the latter part of Aristotle’s life; and, after a discussion of its relation to the Politics, and an examination of its style and language, it is accepted as being substantially the work of Aristotle himself; due regard is, however, paid to the considerations that have been urged on the other side by several eminent scholars. The discussion of the authorship is followed by an indication of the authorities either certainly or probably used by the writer. This is succeeded by an abstract of the contents, which (excepting a few dates added for the sake of clearness, with one or two items supplementary to the lost beginning of the treatise), is strictly confined to the author’s own statements, any extraneous matter being carefully distinguished as such. The rest of the Introduction is mainly devoted to a conspectus of the Bibliography of the treatise, showing that, apart from editions and translations and separate works, the number of writers of signed contributions to the literature of the subject, in the department of periodical publications alone, already exceeds one hundred and thirty. Many of these papers were not published until after the present edition was already in type, the Com- mentary on the first forty-one chapters and the first draft of the Critical Notes and Testimonia having been written during the Long Vacation of 1891, while the greater part of the Introduction was prepared for delivery in the form of College Lectures in the autumn of the same year....Professor Bruno Keil’s important volume of nearly 250 pages on the Solonian Constitution as described in the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, with many interesting criticisms on the treatise in general, did not appear until the present edition was nearly ready for publica- tion ; but it has been found possible to include a few references to it in the Addenda and in the English Index.

PREFACE ix

In settling the Zex¢ I have constantly used the facsimile published by the Trustees of the British Museum; and, on nearly all points of special difficulty, I have also endeavoured to form an opinion of my own by consulting the papyrus itself. In the case of passages im- perfectly preserved in the ms, I have considered it safer to accept Mr Kenyon’s testimony as to the exact number of letters still visible, than that of other editors who, without having had the advantage of inspecting the Ms, much less of having constant access to it, have not unfrequently indicated letters as actually visible which (at the best) are represented only by the faintest traces in the facsimile on which their texts are confessedly founded. Where the reading is uncertain, or the MS defective, I have freely admitted conjectures that commended them- selves to my judgment as sound restorations of the text. My own conjectures, so far as they are here put forward for the first time, are always distinguished by an asterisk whenever they are included in the text; but even of these, several must be regarded as merely provisional and tentative restorations. Others are only suggested in the notes. References to all of them may be readily found in the English Index, under the heading Conjectures ’.

In the Critical Notes the readings of the ms are for convenience recorded in a distinctive type. No one, however, who is familiar with the facsimile as a whole, or with the specimen published in Mr Kenyon’s Translation, will regard these ‘small uncials’ as intended to represent the actual characters used by any one of the four copyists employed on the work. I have also indicated the readings or conjectures adopted in the principal critical editions that have already appeared; the Dutch edition, by van Herwerden and van Leeuwen; the two German editions, by Kaibel and von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, and by Blass respectively; and the third (and carefully revised) edition by Mr Kenyon. Where Mr Kenyon has himself withdrawn the reading proposed in his first edition, I have not thought it desirable to record the reading so withdrawn, unless it helped to explain some of the earlier conjectures which in themselves appeared deserving of mention. I have therefore said nothing about such purely provisional readings as καρδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ inc. 40]. 17. It was clear that καρδίᾳ could not be right, and more than one scholar (for example, Professor Blass, Professor Mayor, and Mr Bywater) saw at once that καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ was a necessary correction ; but, now that it is admitted that this is virtually the reading of the papyrus, in which KAIAIA is corrected into KAIIAIA, it is no longer

Χ PREFACE

necessary to record the text of the first edition. At the time, however, when the above suggestion was made, it had every right to be described as an ‘emendation’; and it may be interesting to add that, as such, it attracted the notice of the late Mr Freeman, who observes in the pre- face to the third volume of his Azstory of Sicily :—‘ such an emendation as this is not conjecture at all; it is the keen instinct of the true expert seeing his way straight to the right thing.’ Again, it has not been deemed desirable to record αὐ the conjectures that have been proposed since the publication of the edztio princeps, many of them, however attractive at first sight, being excluded by our present knowledge of the actual readings of the papyrus, or by other considerations.

The Zestimonia, printed immediately below the critical notes, con- tain further evidence on the text, in the form of quotations in Greek Lexicographers, Scholiasts, and others. Many, but by no means all, of these, had already been recorded in the various editions of the Frag- ments. In the present volume, a good deal of pains has been spent on the endeavour to trace in the Scholiasts, and in authors such as Ari- stides, tacit quotations or paraphrases of our text, which had hitherto escaped detection owing to their source having been unacknowledged. In the case of these quotations, it has been thought best not to remain content with giving references alone, but (as a general rule) to print the passages in full. It is only thus that their exact value in rela- tion to the text can be readily seen.

In the Explanatory Notes considerable space has naturally been assigned to the quotation of parallel passages, especially from the Pod- tics ; and on every point an endeavour has been made to compare the new evidence with the old. In the historical notes to the first part (c. 1—41) much had already been accomplished by Mr Kenyon; but the second part (c. 42 to the end) was comparatively new ground. Throughout the work special attention has been given to the evidence of Greek Inscriptions.

The Greek [Index gives a complete list of the vocabulary, with full citations of the phraseology of the treatise, including that of the passages quoted from the poems of Solon and the decrees’of Athens, which are duly distinguished from citations from the body of the work. Words not recorded in the Judex Aristotelicus, and words hitherto unknown, are indicated by distinctive marks. In checking the items in this Index, much help has been derived from the two Greek Indices, the /udex Dictionis and the Judex Nominum et Rerum, of the Dutch edition; but

PREFACE : xi

in the present work it has been thought best to have only one Greek Index, and to adopt a more cofvenient mode of reference. The pre- paration of this Index has been a laborious task and has considerably delayed the publication of the volume.

The Archaeological [illustrations in the frontispiece are borrowed from Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des Antiguités (Hachette, Paris): the Aeginetan and Attic coins on p. 41, from Baumeister’s Denkmiler des Klassischen Alterthums (Oldenbourg, Munich). To the publishers of both of these important works, the best thanks are due for the readiness with which they have accorded the use of these illustrations. ; |

Among those who in other ways have aided me in preparing the present work, I gladly mention in the first place Mr Kenyon, who, with his able colleagues in the department of mss at the British Museum, has ‘afforded me every facility for studying the papyrus ; and, at times when my daily duties in Cambridge made it impossible for me to visit the Museum, has readily given me the fullest information on any point on which I had occasion to consult him. It is a pleasure to add that for a large number of valuable notes and references I am indebted to the kindness of two whose names have long been eminent in the world of scholars:—Mr W. L. Newman, Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, and editor of Aristotle’s Poditics ; and the Rev. John Fyton Bickersteth Mayor, Senior Fellow of St John’s, and Professor of Latin in the University of Cambridge. I am similarly indebted in no less degree to a scholar of more recent reputation, Mr W. Wyse, late Fellow of Trinity, and now Professor of Greek in University College, London, whose felicitous emendations of the text, founded mainly on a minute acquaintance with the Attic Orators, and proposed at a time when he was resident in his College rooms in Cambridge, are one more proof that the spirit of Dobree still happily dwells in its ancient home. _ Lastly, in response to a request conveyed by Mr George Macmillan, Secretary of the Hellenic Society and a member of the firm by which _ this volume is published, his Excellency the Minister for Greece, whose recent departure from England is regretted by all lovers of Hellenic learning, was good enough to lend me his own copy of the admirable emendations proposed by his brother, Anastasios Gennadios, in the _ columns of an Athenian newspaper taking its name from the Acropolis. δε also kindly allowed me the use of a number of a Greek philological magazine, ᾿Αθηνᾶ, containing valuable articles on the textual criticism

ΧΙ PREFACE

of the treatise by G. A. Papabasileios, and K.S, Kontos. This magazine was not to be found in the Library of the British Museum, and is prac- tically inaccessible in England except to its annual subscribers. While engaged in exploring the scattered literature of such a subject as the present, one feels in such a case, no less than in that of the Sitzungs- berichte of the Berlin Academy, the full force of the complaint made not long ago by the late Mr Freeman. ‘Noman can undertake to find out every pamphlet and every article. And, when one has found what is wanted, it is sometimes forbidden to buy the number that one wants, unless one chooses to buy a whole volume that one does not want.’ I can only add that I shall be grateful to writers of similar articles for any separate copies of their papers that happen to be available; and, if in this way I become possessed of any duplicates, I propose to present the duplicate to a Library where it will be readily accessible to many who are interested in the subject.

I owe much besides to the principal editions of the treatise, espe- cially to Mr Kenyon’s third edition, more particularly for details con- nected with the readings in the papyrus. The study of the ms and of the facsimile alike has been considerably facilitated by the convenient plan adopted in the Dutch edition of Professors Van Herwerden and Van Leeuwen, in which the contents of the Ms are indicated, not merely column by column, but also line by line. The edition of the text by Professors Kaibel and von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff has been of much use in revising the text and the ¢estzmonza, and in dealing with the fragments. In this last particular, as in some others, a still further advance has been made in the very useful Teubner text recently edited by Professor Blass, the results of -whose subsequent examination of the papyrus have, by his own kindness, reached me in time to be included in the Addenda [ed. 1893]. |

My obligations to other published works are acknowledged as they arise, and are also expressed in general terms at the close of the biblio- graphical part of the Introduction. It may here be noticed that several of the most important of the books of reference to which I am thus indebted, are already attesting in their new editions the value of the evidence on the Constitutional History and the Public Antiquities of Athens which is contained in the treatise that, little more than two ~ years ago, was so unexpectedly restored to us from the tombs οὔ

Egypt. Up to the time of that fortunate event, the student was compelled

PREFACE xili

to satisfy his curiosity with the scattered fragments that, in successive generations, first in Italy and France, and afterwards in Holland and Germany, had been diligently sought by the industry of scholars, and _ collected into one by those ‘friends of Truth’, who (in Milton’s phrase) ‘imitating the carefull search that Isis made for the mangl’d body of Osiris, went up and down gathering limb by limb still as they could find them’. Even now, when in place of these distecta memora, the actual body of the work has been happily recovered in an approximately complete condition, the ‘friends of Truth’ have made much ado over many minor details of the great discovery. After all that has been found, the quest continues still; but it is no longer limited, as it was two years ago, to the enterprise of a single scholar, enjoying all the privileges, and, at the same time, encountering not a few of the perils of a solitary pioneer. On the contrary, it is shared by a goodly number of eager investigators in many lands; and the very number of those who are joining in the quest is almost a source of embarrassment to any one of them who attempts to gather up the main results of their research and to combine them with his own. The last two years have led to many points con- nected with the new treatise being viewed in a more sober light and with a more fitting sense of proportion: the exaggerated expectations that were at first aroused have been followed by a natural reaction, which is now succeeded in its turn by the prevalence of an intermediate state of settled contentment. Meanwhile, the excitement of that earlier time is over; and those who are still engaged on the quest must be content to continue their patient toil unstimulated and unrewarded by any such general and public interest as that which justly awaited the first announce- ment of an event which has enabled men of letters to realise in the present day some of the joyous surprises of the age of the Renaissance. In the feeling language lately used in Cambridge by a learned prelate belonging to both of the two oldest Universities of the United Kingdom, ‘the dignity and nobility of a scholar’s life lie in this, that it claims no recog- nition, and asks for no reward. It seldom admits of excitement; it has no prospect of great encouragement: it looks forward to no definite achievement.’ There are times, however, when a student, while at- tempting to restore and explain some imperfectly recorded remnant of the past, may take a quiet pleasure in obeying the precept of George Herbert :—‘ If studious, copie fair what Time hath blurr’d’. And at last there is a moment when, in the spirit of thankfulness that comes with the completion of an arduous undertaking, he may, as at present, S. A. b

Xiv PREFACE

offer to the kindly criticism and to the use of others a work which, how- ever long delayed by lack of leisure, and however inadequate in itself, has at least been the result of the most ie aa labour and the most strenuous endeavour.

December 27, 1892.

PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION.

HIS work, which was first published in the early part of 1893, has been out of print for several years; but it was not until a little more than a year ago that it was possible to begin preparing the present revised and enlarged edition. |

Among editors of the ‘Constitution of Athens’ there is now a greater consensus as to the text. An exact and authoritative statement as to the letters visible in the British Museum papyrus may be found in Mr Kenyon’s Berlin edition of 1903. Hence, in the present revision, whenever the letters needed for the completion of any given word are perfectly certain, as in βασιλεὺς καὶ πολέμαρχος καὶ [ἀ]ρ[χω]ν (c. 3 § 2), it is no longer necessary to retain the square brackets denoting the missing letters. They have therefore been, in general, discarded, and the result is a more easily readable text. The brackets have, however, been usually retained whenever a whole word has been supplied, as in ἐναντίον τῆς [βουλῆς] (c. 47 2).

Two new conjectures, proposed by the editor, have been printed in the present text. (1) In c. 67 § 2, in the description of the clepsydra, due recognition is now given to both of its essential parts, the supply- pipe, regularly called the αὐλός, and the outlet, or éxpovs. This result is obtained by substituting κλεψύδ[ραι] αὐλ[ούς τε] ἔχουσ[αι. καὶ ἔΪκρους for the current texts κλεψύδ[ραι} αὐλ[ίσκους] ἔχουσαι €|xpovs (or. μικρούς), which mention the outlet but omit the supply. (2) In c..47, 13, where the numeral in the /acuna resembles either γ΄ or (3 or 10), τὰ μέταλλα -τὰ εἰς { δέκα) ἔτη] πεπραμένα is now proposed, the alternative term of three years being practically excluded by the context.

PREFACE XV

The Critical Notes, the Testimonia, and the Commentary have been carefully revised, needless repetitions removed, and supplementary notes inserted. About fifteen pages have thus been added to the Commentary, and about the same number to the Greek Jndex. ‘The Jntroduction has also been revised and supplemented. It ends with an enlarged Bibliography, showing that, since the publication of the previous edition, the number of the writers of scattered articles on the text or subject- matter has risen from 135 to 240. The present edition thus includes a probably complete conspectus of the numerous contributions to the criticism of this treatise which have been made by scholars of many lands during the last twenty-one years. Exactly that time has elapsed between the memorable publication of Mr Kenyon’s editio princeps on January 30, 1891, and the date of the writing of the present preface. Under the fostering care of successive editors at home and abroad, the printed text of the ‘Constitution of Athens’ has now come of age, and is ready to submit to a friendly δοκιμασία on the part of the Council of critics.

January 30, 1012.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION §1. The political literature of Greece before the time of A plait § 2. Political works ascribed to Aristotle § 3. Evidence of ancient authorities on the αὐ τον of the Πολιτεῖαι § 4. The later literature of the Πολιτεῖαι 8 5. Zhe Berlin Fragments of ἐλε ᾿Αθηναίων rohan § 6. Zhe British Museum Papyrus ° ° : : » § 7. Date and Authorship of the treatise § 8. Authorities followed in it § 9. Abstract of its contents . . ; ; το. Bibliography . ς ; . : : Ξ § 11. List of Abbreviations used in the critical notes § 12. List of [llustrations . : : : CORRIGENDA ADDENDA

TEXT AND NOTES

HERACLIDIS EPITOMA

FRAGMENTA ex prima libri parte 266—8; dubia 268 FRAGMENTORUM IN PAPYRO LONDINENSI INVENTORUM INDEX . GREEK INDEX

ENGLISH INDEX

PAGES

XVii—xxi Xxi—xxVili

XXVill— xxxix

Xxxix—xli xli—xliii xliii—xlix xlix—Ixv Ixv—Ixxi lxxi—lxxix lxxx—xci xci

xci

XCii

xcii 1—264 265 266—8 269 270—325

326—331

INTRODUCTION.

$1. The political literature of Greece before the time of Aristotle.

In a brief preliminary survey of the extant political literature of Greece’, it is unnecessary to dwell on the names of representatives of the pre-Socratic schools of philosophy, such as Pythagoras of Samos and Protagoras of Abdera, although the former is said to have written a πολιτικὸν σύγγραμμα (Diog. Laert. vili 6), and the latter a treatise περὶ πολιτείας (20. ix 55). The work ascribed to Pythagoras was undoubtedly spurious ; like that of Protagoras, it has been lost to posterity.

The earliest extant specimen of this branch of literature is the treatise preserved among the works of Xenophon under the title of ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. Among modern scholars Cobet stands almost alone in being content to accept it as Xenophon’s (Vov. Lecz. p. 706). Its authorship is in fact uncertain: it has been attributed to Alcibiades’, and also to Critias*, who is known to have written on the πολιτεῖαι of Sparta, Thessaly and Athens. It may fairly be regarded as emanating from the oligarchical party at Athens, and as primarily intended for the perusal of readers at Sparta who sympathised with their aims. It was probably written between B.c. 426 and 413. It is in any case the earliest Greek political treatise that has come down to us. More than this, it is the ‘oldest extant specimen of literary Attic prose’‘; it is also ‘the oldest extant specimen of a political pasquinade’. The real or imputed abuses of the Athenian Democracy are attacked in a tone of bitter sarcasm or insidious irony, relieved by acute remarks on interesting points of national economy, such as the relations of Athens to her subjects and rivals, and the comparative strength and weakness of her naval and military establishments’.

1 Cf. Henkel, Studien zur Geschichte also by Conrad Miiller (Zittau, 1891),

der Griechischen Lehre vom Staat, esp. pp. 1—17, ate politischen Schriften der Philosophen, 1872; also R. Scholl, Ax- Jange einer politischen Litteratur bet den Griechen, Munich, 1890; and, on the lost literature of this subject, Wilamowitz, Aristoteles und Athen, 1893, i 169—185.

2 W. Helbig, Rhein. Mus., xvi 511 ff.

3 eg. by Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, 111 v, vol. i p. 390 Frankel;

and Drerup, Neue Jahrb. suppl. xxvii

313 f.

4 Jebb, Primer of Gk. Lit., p. 114.

5 Col. Mure’s Literature of Greece, V 422—5. See also A. Kirchhoff, in the Abhandlungen of the Berlin Academy for 1878, 1—25; Scholl, Zc. 14 f; and W.L. Newman’s ed. of Aristotle’s Politics, i 538 f.

xvii ZHE POLITICAL LITERATURE OF GREECE

The Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτεία, though regarded as spurious by Deme- trius of Magnesia (Diog. Laert. li 57), is accepted as the work of Xenophon by Plutarch (Zyc. 1) and others in ancient times, and among the moderns by Cobet (Vov. Lect. p. 705—724) and many others’. Its composition belongs to the years 387—-378. It is a work inspired throughout by admiration of Spartan institutions. The Κύρου παιδεία is later than the death of Socrates (Cyrop. 111 i 38—40), and was probably written after Xenophon’s return from exile, or about 369. While pro- fessing to describe the education of the founder of the Persian empire, it is really a historical and political romance, an idealised biography with didactic purpose, being practically an encomium on Socratic principles and Spartan practice. It is prompted by the author’s experience of Hellenic political and social life, especially the instability and vicissitudes of various forms of government’. οὐ The pamphlet entitled πόροι [ἢ περὶ προσόδων] is assigned by Cobet (Nov. Lect. 756 £) to the year 355. According to others, it was written about 346 B.c. as a manifesto of the party who held that the commercial prosperity of Athens depended on peace with Philip. In the latter case, it falls after the death of Xenophon in 355. It suggests several expedients for enlarging the revenue, especially by means of taxes levied on resident aliens, as well as profits derived from the labour of 10,000 public slaves who. were to be employed in the, mines of Laurium. ae

Passing from ‘Xenophon’. to Plato, we have in the Republic the most memorable of all delineations of an Ideal State. In the first four books the description of the State is in harmony with Hellenic notions of religion and morality; in the remainder, the Hellenic State is transformed into an ideal kingdom of philosophy, of which all other governments are perversions*. In the eighth book* all conceivable forms of constitutions are reduced to five classes, represented by aristocracy, timocracy, oligarchy, democracy and despotism or tyranny, corresponding to five leading types of individual character. In the por- traits of the typical ‘timocrat,’ tyrant, and democrat, and in the account of the successive changes which they represent, we have a sequence of transformations that is not entirely in accordance with historical facts, but nevertheless supplies us with something of the nature of a philosophy of history. The author is clearly no lover of democracy, or indeed of any of the existing varieties of government. His gaze is fixed on some- thing above and beyond the horizon of his time. In his view, as

1 Modern objections have been. an- 2 Introduction to Holden’s ed. swered by Erler, Leipzig, 1874, and 3 Jowett, /utrod. to the Republic, p. 3. Naumann, Berlin, 1876. + p. 544, compared with Iv τ...

BEFORE THE TIME OF ARISTOTLE ΧΙΧ expressed in the closing words of the ninth book, the man of under- standing is little likely to be a politician in the land of his birth, though he will certainly be a politician in an ideal city which is all his own; a city whose pattern is laid up in heaven, and he who desires may look on that pattern and in the vision find indeed his home. But whether there really is, or ever will be, such a city, is of no concern to him; for he will do all things in obedience to the laws of that city and of no other.

The Republic is almost always called the Πολιτεία, but sometimes bears the plural name, Πολιτεῖαι. Thus Themistius (ii 32 C) associates with the name of Plato Πολιτεῖαί τε ai κλειναὶ καὶ of θεσπέσιοι Νόμοι. In the Politicus, which falls between the Republic and the Laws, ‘the characteristic of a true government is not that it is of few or many, voluntary or involuntary, but that it is scientific’; and ‘the science of government can only be attained by a very few,’ pp. 292-3 (Jowett, iv 494f). In this inquiry into the definition of a Ruler, there is much affinity with the Zaws of Plato and the /o/itics of Aristotle. In con- trast to the doubtless earlier scheme in the Repudiic, with its five types of constitution, we here find a series of seven, in which, apart from the ideal and only perfect type, we have six existing forms of government. These six are obtained by dividing the rule of the One (μοναρχία), of the Few (ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν ὀλίγων δυναστεία), and of the Many (δημοκρατία) into two varieties each, (1) into kingship and tyranny, and (2) into aris- tocracy and oligarchy, while the two varieties of democracy (‘consti- tutional government’ and ‘simple democracy’) are undistinguished by any differences of name. ‘The distinction in each of these three pairs turns upon the question whether Law is observed or not’. In its political views, and probably in its date, this dialogue occupies an intermediate position between the Repudlic and the Laws; and its classification of typical forms of government reappears, with slight differences of terminology, in the Z¢hics and Politics of Aristotle”.

- The dialogue on the Zaws was composed after the Republic (Ar. Pol. ii 3, 1), and was published after the author’s death (Diog. Laert. iii 37). It sets forth in minutest fulness the details of an Ideal Code ; and, in the absence of any actual code of the institutions of Athens, the indications of the existing laws therein contained are often of special value*. The lofty conception of the ‘rule of Philosophers’ is here

Aristoteles und Macchiavelli’, Breslau, 1888,

1 Politicus, pp. 291, 302. 2 Eth. viii 10; Fol. iii 7 and vi (iv) 2.

Cf. Newman’s Politics, i 430—433, and Prof. Sidgwick in Class. Rev. vi 141-4 ; also Lutoslavski, ‘Erhaltung und Unter- gang der Staatsverfassungen nach Plato,

8 See esp. K. F. Hermann, De vestigiis institutorum veterum, imprimis Atti- corum, per FPlatonis de Legibus libros indagandis, 1836.

xx 72Ὲ. ῬΡΟΣῚΤΟΑ Δ ‘LITERATURE OF GREECE

abandoned, and the State described is the best which is practically possible under the existing limitations of Greek life’. In the third book the author reviews the constitutions of Sparta, Persia and Athens, noting the causes of the success and failure of each; and then proceeds to develop his own constitution. : εἶ

Of the other political dialogues bearing Plato’s name, the Zfznomis is an appendix to the Zaws, and is mainly concerned with Education; the Minos discusses the definition of Law; but neither of these can be reckoned among the genuine works of Plato. |

The de Pace of Isocrates advises Athens to abandon the Empire of the Sea; while the Areopagiticus commends the earlier mode of appointing the officers of State by election (αἵρεσις) rather than by lot (κλήρωσις), and pleads for the restoration of the censorial power once wielded by the Council of the Areopagus. Both of these works may be ascribed to the year 355 B.c., and both have important points of contact with the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, which was written nearly thirty years. later®,

The above summary has been purposely confined to writings strictly concerned with politics, to the exclusion of historical works in which political discussion only plays a subordinate part. Otherwise, we might have recalled the debate on the relative merits of monarchy, oligarchy and democracy, which is ascribed to the Persian grandees in the pages of Herodotus (iii 80—8z2); and the reflexions on the effects of party spirit. in Grecian politics, to which Thucydides is prompted by the narrative of the vengeance of the victorious demos on the oligarchs of Corcyra (iii 82 f). As it is, in the limited field of purely political literature, we have noted the rise of the polemical pamphlet, and the historical romance, while in Plato’s delineation of an Ideal State and an Ideal Code, we have seen the prototype of writings such as Sir Thomas More’s Utopia and Bacon’s ew Atlantis. ‘The setting forth of such ideals became a favourite medium for the expression of political criti- cism; butit is characteristic of Aristotle that, while following this fashion, he succeeded in bringing the political speculations of philosophy into closer relation with the facts of history. In the language of one of the foremost authorities on the political writings of Aristotle, political science ‘begins’ for Aristotle ‘in History’, no less than in Ethics”*% ‘The vision of an ideal State did not make Aristotle indifferent to the problems and difficulties of the actual State. The age which dreams of

1 Plato saw ‘‘that his earlier ideal of 2 Some of these points are noticed in the Republic had been pitched too high _ Bruno Keil’s Solonische Verfassung (1892) for men, and was only suitable for ‘gods 78 ff, 215. 7 or the sons of gods’”’, Laws, 739 D, 8536 3 Mr W. L. Newman’s Politics, vol. i (Newman’s Po/itics, i 86). p. 15. by

BEFORE THE TIME OF ARISTOTLE δ 00 ideal States is often on the point of losing its interest in politics ; but this was far from being the case with Aristotle’’. :

Political works ascribed to Aristotle.

§ 2.

Among the political writings ascribed to Aristotle by far the most important is, of course, the /o/itics. The imperfect form in which it has come down to us has been variously explained. ‘The earlier view, supported by Spengel®, was that the work of Aristotle was originally completed by himself, and that important portions of it were afterwards lost. The later view, which is more probable in itself, and is accepted by almost all Aristotelian scholars in modern times, regards the Po/itics as a work that was left unfinished. This view is corroborated by the fact that in later writers we have no reference to the /o/tics which cannot be traced to the existing work. The latest event mentioned in it is the death of Philip, B.c. 336 (vili (v) 8, το, p. 1311 2). As to the order of the books, it can hardly be doubted that, owing to the nature of their contents, books vii and vili should come immediately after iii, while it is not quite certain that books v and vi should be transposed. The order adopted by Susemihl is as follows : 1, ii, ili, vil, Vili, iv, vi, v. Thus books iv—viii of the new order correspond to vii, viii, iv, vi, v, of the old®*, In the Foditics Aristotle discusses the origin of the household, the village and the state, and examines the nature of property, and in particular of property in slaves (Bk 1). The citizen is defined as one who shares in the judicial or deliberative administration of a state. In the next book, Aristotle criticises the Repudlic and the Laws of Plato, the constitutions framed by Phaleas and Hippodamus, and the actual forms of government prevailing in Sparta, Crete and Carthage, closing with some (possibly interpolated) criticisms on Solon and Pericles (11). The various types of government are thereupon described in turn, Monarchy, Aristocracy and a mixed constitutional system called πολιτεία, together with the three forms into which they respectively degenerate, Tyranny, Oligarchy and Democracy (111). The

1 22. p. 89. Fora sketch of the earlier recent discussions of the order of the

‘history of Greek political philosophy’ see esp. 16. 374—457-

2 Ueber die Pol. des Ar., pp. 44 ff.

3 In the present work, whenever the books of the Po/ztics are specified, the number in the new order is given first, followed (in parenthesis) by that of the old order. Asa general rule, however, the references are solely to the pages and lines of the Berlin ed.—Among the most

books may be mentioned Shute’s History of the Aristotelian Writings, pp. 164— 176; and Newman’s Politics, vol. i 292, vol. ii pp. xxi—xxiv. See also Wilamo- witz, Ar. τι. Athen, i 355, ‘Beide Unter- suchungen (ΔΕΖ, H®) sind nicht im entferntesten bis zum Abschlusse gefiihrt. Ihre Reihenfolge ist nicht von grosser Bedeutung, da sie eben in Wahrheit neben einander stehen’,

καὶ §§ POLITICAL WORKS ASCRIBED

author next delineates his Ideal State, and deals with the subject οἱ Marriage and of Education, Bk tv (H, vit). The latter should be national and also liberal; its two main branches are ‘music’ and ‘gymnastic’, Bk v (@, vil). The types of government are then dis- cussed in detail. Of the three perversions, Tyranny, the perversion of Monarchy, which is itself the best and most divine, is necessarily the worst. Oligarchy, the perversion of Aristocracy, is not so bad as Tyranny; the last, and the least bad, is Democracy. The different kinds of government are then further discriminated, with the forms assumed by the deliberative and the executive power in each, Bk v1 (A, rv). The basis of democracy is defined to be liberty, which includes the principle that ‘all should rule and beruled inturn’. The characteristics of democracy are then described :—all officers of state are appointed “by all, and out of all’; all rule over each, and each in turn rules over all; the appointment is by lot, except in cases where special knowledge is required ; there is little or no qualification ; office is held for a short time only, and rarely (if ever) twice, except in the case of military offices; all men, or at least persons selected out of all, sit in judgment in all causes, or at. any rate on the most important; the public Assembly is supreme, not the officers of state; when the citizens are paid, even the Council loses its power, as the Assembly and the Lawcourts take all the business to themselves. Then follow the various kinds of oligarchies ; and the consideration of the due coordination of offices in the state, Bk vii (Z, vi). The author’s design is now nearly completed. He has still to speak of the motives, objects and occasions of revolutions in states, Bk vit (E, v). Revolutions begin in trifling matters but involve important issues. They are brought about either by force or by fraud. The author next considers how revolutions may be avoided, and tyrannies and monarchies. preserved ; he describes a despot of a virtuous and beneficent type; and adds some reflexions on the short duration of tyrannies and oligarchies. Lastly, he attacks the views put forward in the Republic as to the cycle through which states are described as passing in the course of their decline. Thus the work ends (as it began) with a criticism on Plato. ©

Among the lost writings of Aristotle was one entitled Πολιτικός, a dialogue in two books, expressly mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (v 22), and vaguely noticed by Cicero’. The anonymous list of his works, now ascribed to Hesychius, includes the περὶ ῥήτορος πολιτικοῦ.

1 De Fin. V 4, τι, ‘cumque uterque ΠῚ 5, 1, ‘Aristotelem, quae de republica eorum (Aristoteles et Theophrastus) do- εἰ praestante viro scribat, ipsum loqui.’ cuisset, qualem in republica principem Cf. Bernays, die Dialoge des Ar. pp. 53; esse conveniret’—; ad Quintum fratrem, 153.

TO ARISTOTLE XXill In that of Diogenes Laertius, the titles of the dialogues end with ᾿Αλέξ- avdpos περὶ ἀποικιῶν α΄ (on colonisation)’, and περὶ βασιλείας". In closer connexion with contemporary history, the δικαιώματα πόλεων ascribed to Aristotle are said to have contained the formal pleas on the points of difference submitted by the Greek states to the arbitration of Philip*. A work of far wider scope was that known as the νόμιμα, or νόμιμα βαρβαρικά, of Aristotle. This was a comprehensive account of the institutions of various non-hellenic peoples, including the Etruscans, under the head of νόμιμα Τυρρηνῶν. An abstract of this existed at one time under the name of νομίμων βαρβαρικῶν συναγωγή“.

Lastly, there was the work entitled the ΠΠολιτεῖαι, or sketches of the constitutional history of a large number of Hellenic states. Consti- tutional history, however, was far from forming the sole subject of this extensive work. The numerous fragments that have survived give abundant proof that local legends, national proverbs, and even anec- dotes of social life found a place in its pages®. It is generally supposed that the great collection of facts comprised in the Πολιτεῖαι formed the materials for the composition of the Foditics. It will be shewn at a later point that the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία in particular was not completed until about nine years after the latest date recorded in the Politics ; but this fact. is not inconsistent with the materials collected for the Πολιτεῖαι being used in the Fo/itics even before they had themselves been reduced into their present form®. As regards the comparative value of the two works, the general character of the fragments of the Πολιτεῖαι shews that it would be going too far to say that we could wish that the Πολι- τεῖαι were ‘preserved, even at the expense of the extant book on the theory of politics’, especially when we reflect that, in the words of the writer just quoted, ‘the Politics are confessed on all hands to be the ripest and fullest outcome of Greek political experience ’’.

The treatise known as the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία formed part of the vast collection of Πολιτεῖαι which the unanimous voice of antiquity ascribed to the pen of Aristotle. In tracing the literary history of the Πολιτεῖαι

1 Bernays, /.¢.; pp. 56, 156.

' 2 Cf. Bernays, /. c., pp. 53, 154. An Arabic work in the form of a letter addressed to Alexander (published by Lippert, 1891) claims to be a translation of the above; but this claim is rejected by Keil, Solon. Verfassung, 136, and Wilamowitz, i 339 n.

8 Rose, Aristotelis gui ferebantur li- brorum fragmenta, (Teubner) 1886, frag. 612—614.

4 7b.. frag. 604—610. Diels (Berlin Academy, 30 July, 1891). suggests that

pap. ix p. 29 of the Flinders Petrie papyri is an excerpt from the νόμιμα βαρβαρικά.

5 Rose, Aréstoteles Pseudepigraphus, p. 395; Fragmenta, 381—603, ed. 1886. Cf. Wilamowitz, ii 18 n.

§ The finished style of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία shews that the Πολιτεῖαι were. far from being merely a collection of raw materials for a more elaborate work. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 309 f.

7 Mahaffy’s Hist. of Classical Gk Lite- vature, il 414.

Χχίν POLITICAL WORKS ASCRIBED

we must necessarily begin with the well-known story of the fate of Aristotle’s library, which is told in full by Strabo (p. 608-9), and more briefly touched upon by Plutarch (Sw//a, 26). On the death of Aristotle, in 3228.C., his library passed into the possession of his pupil, Theo- phrastus, who presided over the Peripatetic school at Athens until his death in 287. The library of Theophrastus, including that of Aristotle, was bequeathed to a pupil of both, named Neleus, who removed it to Scépsis, an inland town of Asia Minor, in the S.E. of the Troad. From Neleus it passed to his descendants, who were men of neither literary accomplishments nor philosophic tastes. They are described by Strabo as ἰδιῶται. They were, however, sufficiently conscious of the value of the manuscripts to prevent their being appropriated by the kings of Pergamos, who began to form their famous library about thirty or forty years after the death of Theophrastus. The manuscripts were accord- ingly concealed in a cellar, where they were exposed to injury from the effects of damp and the depredations of worms. It was probably after the death of the last of the Pergamene Kings in B.c. 133, that they were sold to Apellicon of Teds, a wealthy adherent of the Peripatetic school at Athens. On examination they were found to contain many compo- sitions which were unknown to the successors of Theophrastus at the head of the Lyceum. Their owner caused them to be copied; but, as he was ‘more of a Jdibliophile than a philosopher’, the transcripts published under his care proved to be far from accurate. In 86 B.C. Athens was captured by Sulla, and the library of Apellicon was taken to Rome. It was there placed under the charge of a librarian, by whose permission it was properly arranged by a learned Greek, a friend of Cicero and a preceptor of Strabo (p. 548), named Tyrannion. Copies were obtained from Tyrannion by Andronicus of Rhodes, who classified the works according to subjects’, published them, and drew up the Fists which were current in the time of Plutarch*.

On the strength of this last statement it has been supposed that all the extant lists of Aristotelian writings are to be ultimately traced to Andronicus’, But, even before his time, the successors of Theo- phrastus possessed copies of a few at least of the works of Aristotle, chiefly of the exoteric or popular class*. As examples of these, the list suggested by Grote® includes the dialogues; the legendary and historical collections ; and the constitutional histories of various Hellenic cities.

1 Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, c. 24, p. p. I- 117 Didot. 4 Strabo, p. 609, συνέβη δὲ τοῖς ἐκ τῶν

2 Plut. Sud/a, 26; cf. Grote’s Aristotle, περιπάτων τοῖς μὲν πάλαι τοῖς μετὰ Θεό- i pp. 50—54, and Shute’s History of the ῴραστον οὐκ ἔχουσιν ὅλως τὰ βιβλία πλὴν Aristotelian Writings, Ὁ. 29—39. ὀλίγων, Kal μάλιστα τῶν ἐξωτερικῶν.

3 Rose, Ar. Pseud., p.8; Frag. (1886) 5 Aristotle, p. 55.

TO ARISTOTLE

XXV

Thus, the Πολιτεῖαι may have been known to the successors of ‘Theo- phrastus even before the library of Aristotle was for a time restored to Athens more than two centuries after the owner’s death. But, to shew that the fate of Aristotle’s writings did not entirely depend on the fortunes of the library buried in the vault at Scépsis, we have abundant proof of some of them being familiar to the philosophic world during the interval in which his library itself was lost to view’; and it is probable that many of them, including those of more general interest, were at an early date transcribed at Athens and thence transmitted to the great library at Alexandria.

In the case of Theophrastus, we know for certain that lists of his works were drawn up, not only by Andronicus of Rhodes, but also by Hermippus of Smyrna, who lived till about the end of the third century B.c.2 and was a pupil of the Alexandrian poet and bibliographer, Calli- machus*. Such a list is preserved by Diogenes Laertius*, with the titles arranged in alphabetical order. The corresponding list of the writings of Aristotle is not in the order of the alphabet, but is arranged with a certain degree of method under 146 titles as follows. “First we have the dialogues and other exoteric works, then two or three early abstracts of Platonic lectures or writings, then we come to a part of the list in which logical works seem to predominate ; ethical, political and » rhetorical works predominate towards the middle; then come physical and zoological works; last in order we have works designed in all probability for Aristotle’s own use (‘hypomnematic works’), letters and poems”®. The arrangement seems hardly sufficiently precise to be that of Andronicus, who is said to have introduced the plan of grouping the writings according to their subject-matter®; and this is not the only reason for regarding it as independent of Andronicus’. It has in fact been conjecturally ascribed to Hermippus, and has been generally supposed to be founded on the catalogue of Aristotle’s works in some great library like that of Alexandria. In a subsequent passage (v 34) Diogenes observes that the books enumerated were nearly 400 in

number. He even adds that their genuineness was not contested by any one®.

1 Zeller, Phil. d. Griechen, τὶ ii p. 11

145—153°.

2 Schol. in Theophr. Met. τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον ᾿Ανδρόνικος μὲν καὶ Ἕρμιππος ἀγνοοῦσιν. οὐδὲ γὰρ μνείαν αὐτοῦ ὅλως πεποίηνται ἐν τῇ ἀναγραφῇ τῶν Θεο- φράστου. Heitz, die Verlorenen Schriften des Ar., p. 47. Susemihl, Avr. zber die Dichtkunst, 1865, p. 17; and Gr. Litt. in der Alexandrinerzeit, i 492, 494 note

Β ΠΗ of Classical Scholarship, i 123".

4 Vv 21—27.

Mr W. L. Newman’s ed. of Ar. Pol. vol. i p. vi. 6 Porphyry, ref. on p. xvi, note 1. 7 Zeller, 11 ii, 51 f. 8 Grote’s Ar. i 40.

POLITICAL WORKS ASCRIBED

XXvi

There is a second list, ascribed to Hesychius and containing only 127 titles, 27 of those in Diogenes being here omitted and 8 added in their place’. :

A third list, ascribed to ‘Ptolemy the philosopher’, is found in an Arabic translation only. This includes 92 titles. It is certainly later than the time of Andronicus, as one of the titles relates to certain treatises found in the library of Almikun (Ablikun or Atlikun), the Arabic form of Apellicon.

In all three lists the Πολιτεῖαι are included. In 1 they appear as the 143rd item :---πολιτεῖαι πόλεων δυοῖν Seovoaw ρξ (sc. 158), «κοιναὶ: καὶ ἴδιαι, δημοκρατικαΐί, ὀλιγαρχικαί, ἀριστοκρατικαί, τυραννικαί.

In 11 135 the title is πολιτείας πόλεων ἰδιωτικῶν καὶ δημοκρατικῶν καὶ ὀλιγαρχικῶν <Kal> ἀριστοκρατικῶν καὶ τυραννικῶν ρνὴ (158).

In 111 81 the Arabic description is translated as follows: ‘liber quem inscripsit de regimine civitatum et nominatur ὀμ γα, et est liber in quo commemoravit regimen populorum et civitatum plurium e civitatibus Graecorum et aliorum earumque relationem (originem? cognationem ἢ) ; numerus vero populorum et civitatum quarum meminit [in eo] cLxx1 [civitates magnae]”’.

In ΠῚ the number of the πολιτεῖαι is given as 171; whereas I and II agree in making it 158. The ancient Latin Version of the life of Aristotle states the number as 250; while, among the early expositors of Aristotle, Elias twice gives the same number, and Ammonius has 250. ‘The higher estimate is either a mere mistake, or has arisen from including among the πολιτεῖαι certain of the νόμιμα βαρβαρικά. The latter view is confirmed by the fact that one of our authorities for the larger number* mentions it in immediate connexion with the statement that Aristotle accompanied Alexander on his expedition to the East, even as far as ‘the land of the Brahmins’, where (according to this imaginative commentator) he actually compiled ‘the 255 zodAcretau’ ; while the estimates of Elias are in both cases given in a similar connexion. We may therefore discard the larger number, and accept 158 as resting on better authority*. so

The total number of πολιτεῖαι included in modern collections of

4A division of the πολιτεῖαι into genuine and spurious seems to be im- plied by Simplicius, 222 Ar. Categ. p. 27 a 43 Brandis, ἐν ταῖς γνησίαις αὐτοῦ πολι- τείαις. But it has been proposed either

1 First published by Ménage on Diog. vol. ii 201. The same list was found by Rose in two Mss in the Ambrosian library at Milan (4. P. p. 709). All the lists are given by Rose in the Berlin

Ar., vol. v 1463—1473, and in the Teubner text of the -ragmenta, pp. 3— 22.

2 Rose, Frag. pp. 8, 16, 21%.

3 Vita Ar. vulg., Rose, Frag. p. 2583.

to alter πολιτείαις into ἐπιστολαῖς (Ideler, in Ar. Meteor. 1 xii n. 40), or (with greater probability) to regard γνησίαις as a corrup- tion of the number pv7 (158); Heitz, Frag. Ar. p. 223 α.. '

TO ARISTOTLE Xxvii their fragments is 99. In 51 of these the name of Aristotle and the title of the πολιτεία are expressly mentioned, generally thus: ᾿Αριστοτέλης In 16 others, Aristotle is cited, but the name of the state is not given, though it can be inferred from the contents of the passage. Lastly, out of the total number of 80 states mentioned in the Politics, there are 32 that are not named in the fragments already enumerated, but which may fairly be assumed to have been included in the original work. Thus we have a list of 51 +16 + 32, or 99 states, more than half of which (51) are represented by fragments in which the title of the work, as well as the name of Aristotle, is mentioned; while in more than two-thirds (67 out of 99) the name of Aristotle

3 “a ’ὔ ἐν τῇ —wv πολιτείᾳ.

occurs. The three classes are as follows:

I (51) II (16) III (32) ᾿Αθηναίων Ἵμεραίων Μηλιέων ᾿Αντανδρίων ᾿Ι᾿Αμφιπολιτῶν Καρχηδονίων Αἰγινητῶν Κείων Ναξίων ᾿Ατραμυτηνῶν |’Avriccalwy Καταναίων Αἰτωλῶν Κερκυραίων Νεοπολιτῶν |’Emidavpiwy ᾿Απολλωνιατῶν Κλαζομενίων ᾿Ακαρνάνων Κιανῶν ᾿Οπουντίων | Θηβαίων ᾿Απολλωνιατῶν Κνιδίων ᾿Ακραγαντίνων Κολοφωνίων ᾿Ορχομενίων ᾿᾿Ἰασέων ἐν Πόντῳ Κώων ᾿Αμβρακιωτῶν Κορινθίων Παρίων Κρητῶν ᾿Αρυδηνῶν Λαρισσαίων ᾿Αργείων Κυθνίων Πελληνέων | Κροτωνιατῶν ᾿᾿Αφυταίων Λεοντίνων ᾿Αρκάδων Κυμαίων Σαμίων Κυθηρίων Βυζαντίων Μαγνήτων ᾿Αχαιῶν Κυπρίων Σαμοθράκων | Μηλίων ᾿Ἐπιδαμνίων Μαντινέίων Βοττιαίων Κυρηναίων Σικνωνίων Μιλησίων ᾿Ερετριέων Μολοσσῶν Γελῴων Λακεδαιμονίων Σινωπέων Ῥηγίνων. Ἑρυθραίων Μυτιληναίων Δελφῶν Λευκαδίων Συρακοσίων | Ῥοδίων ᾿Ἑστιαιέων Ῥοδίων Δηλίων Λοκρῶν Ταραντίνων | Σολέων Ζαγκλαίων Φαρσαλίων ᾿Ηλείων Λυκίων Τεγεατῶν Συβαριτῶν Ἡραιέων Χαλκιδέων "Hrepwrav Μασσαλιωτῶν Τενεδίων Τηνίων Ἡρακλεωτῶν Χίων Θετταλῶν Μεγαρέων Τροιζηνίων Χαλκηδονίων. Θηραίων Ὠρειτῶν.

ἸἸθακησίωωὨ Μεθωναίων Φρωκαιέων. ᾿Ιστριέων

The πολιτεῖαι are said to have been arranged in the order of the alphabet’. Some have seen indications of this in the reading preserved in a single Ms of Harpocration, s.v. θεσμοθέται :----Αριστοτέλης ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείᾳ, and also in the phrase in Photius, s.v. σκυτάλη :— ὡς ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιθακησίων πολιτείᾳ μβ. Here the πολιτεία of Ithaca appears to be described as 42nd in the series. If we test this by - taking the 99 extant titles of πολιτεῖαι as the basis of our calculation, Ithaca, which is 37th in the list of 99, would have been 58th in the complete list of 158; if, again, we take the 67 titles in which Aristotle is named, Ithaca, which is 21st of the 67, would have been soth in the

1 κατὰ στοιχεῖα, Elias, ap. Rose, Frag. p- 258%, 1. 29. Nissen, in Rhein. Mus. ᾿ xivii (1892) «89 f, gives an alphabetical

list of 98, excluding from the 99, above named, ᾿Αρυδηνῶν, ᾿Επιδαμνίων, Kapxn-

δονίων, Μολοσσῶν, ‘Podiwy, Συβαριτῶν, but including ᾿Αβυδηνῶν, Αἰνίων (Ὁ), Oov- ρίων, Κυζικηνῶν, Φωκέων, and printing Βοιωτῶν for Θηβαίων.

xxviii EVIDENCE.OF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES

complete list; if the 51 in which the name of the particular πολιτεία is specified, Ithaca, which is 17th of the 51, would have been 52nd, not

42nd. This calculation, of course, assumes that in the longer list, the -

names in alphabetical order are distributed in the same proportion as in the shorter lists. But it is highly probable that μβ is a corruption of either μέμνηται or (as proposed by Bergk) μαρτυρεῖ. If so, we cannot rely on this phrase as proof of an alphabetical order. Besides, if the order was alphabetical, it was unnecessary to specify the number of any particular treatise. Such an arrangement, however, although not attested with any certainty, is natural in itself, and the constitution of Athens would in any case have occupied the first place.

§ 3. On the evidence of ancient authorities as to the authorship of the ἸΠολιτεῖαι.

We may now proceed to review in chronological order the successive quotations from the Πολιτεῖαι which are preserved in ancient authorities.

Firstly, there is reason to believe that the latest and the most learned of the Atthidographers?, the historian PHILOCHORUS, writing before 306 B.Cc., or less than 20 years after the composition of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, quoted that work as Aristotle’s. The grounds which have been suggested for this belief are as follows :—

(1) The Scholium on Arist. Vesf. 1223 includes a quotation from ’A@. πολ. 13, 11. 16—20; the latter part of that Scholium coincides with one on Lys. 58 which is proved by Strabo, p. 392 c, to come from Philochorus. Hence it is possible that the whole of the Schol. on Ves. 1223 really comes from Philochorus, and that Philochorus is our real authority for the citation from the ’A@. πολ. (2) In the term ἀποψη- φισθῆναι τὸ ἄχθος (frag. 57), Philochorus appears to be correcting or explaining the phrase τὸ ἄχθος drocetoac0a:,—probably a reminiscence of ἀποσεισάμενοι τὸ βάρος in ᾽Αθ. πολ. 6 τ. (3) In Plutarch’s Life of 7) hemistocles, 10, Aristotle is cited as authority for a statement respecting the action of the Areopagus immediately before the battle of Salamis (’A@. πολ. 23 1). Cleidemus, the author of an’ Aris, is next quoted as asserting that this action was due to the wiles of Themistocles. Then follows the story of the dog of Xanthippus which, in Aelian, de Natura Animalium, ΧΙ 35, is attributed to ‘Aristotle and Philochorus.’ It has been plausibly suggested that Aelian had read an extract, ultimately derived from Philochorus, on the events immediately preceding the battle of Salamis, in which the name of Aristotle may have occurred in connexion with the account of the action of the Areopagus, and in which

the story of the dog of Xanthippus was also related. This may have lead Aelian to | make the mistake of quoting Aristotle, as well as Philochorus, as authorities for the

story about the dog. If, as is not improbable, the whole of the narrative in Plutarch comes from Philochorus, then Philochorus, and not Plutarch, is our authority for attributing to Aristotle the quotations from the ’A@. πολ. respecting the action of the Areopagus. This implies that ‘a careful historical student and critic, who lived and

1 Cf. Wilamowitz, i 288.

4 |. ee

=

ON AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂ΑΙ xxix

wrote at Athens in the generation immediately following Aristotle’s,’ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία as the work of Aristotle himself!.

The fact that Philochorus, who died in 261 B.c., knew of a second pair of state- triremes, the Demetrias and the Antigonis, as well as the Paralos and Ammonias mentioned in 61 8 7, shews that that work was published before the time of Philochorus’®.

accepted the

An early notice of the Πολιτεῖαι may also be traced in the attack made by Timaeus on Aristotle’s account of the origin of the Greek colony of Locri Epizephyrii. Timaeus was born about 352 Β.Ο. (or 30 years before the death of Aristotle), was banished from Tauromenium in 310, and from about that time resided in Athens for more than 50 years, dying about 256B.c. The evidence for this attack on the part of Timaeus is to be found in Polybius (205—120 B.c.), who rejects the view of Timaeus, and emphatically supports the account given by Aristotle. From a subsequent passage it appears that the attack of Timaeus was directed against Theophrastus as well. We are not told in which of Aristotle’s works the description of the origin of Locri was to be found, but it is reasonable to suppose that it was the Πολιτεῖαι. The only other possible work would have been the ᾿Αλέξανδρος περὶ ἀποικιῶν, which is now represented by its title only. Now Timaeus was in Athens for 23 out of the 35 years during which Theophrastus presided over the Lyceum as the successor of Aristotle. He had thus exceptional opportunities for becoming acquainted with Aristotle’s writings, and with the traditional knowledge of them preserved by the Peripatetic School; and he may fairly be quoted to prove that within 66 years of the death of Aristotle, one of the IoAcretac was attributed to that author.

The ΠΟολιτεῖαι appear to have been also quoted by PHILOSTEPHANUS of Cyrene, the author of works entitled περὶ εὑρημάτων and περὶ νήσων, who lived under Ptolemy Philopator (B.c. 222—206). ‘Aristotle’ and Philostephanus are quoted by Varro (apud Servium ad Verg. Georg. 1 19) and by Pliny (WV. ZH. vii 57); and it has been conjectured that Varro and Pliny took their quotations of Aristotle at second-hand from Philostephanus‘.

PuHILopEMus of Gadara (3. 58 B.c.), the Epicurean whose ἘΠ is noticed by Cicero (De Fin. ii 35), describes Aristotle as the author of a large number of Πολιτεῖαιδ,

1 Abridged from Prof. J. H. Wright’s article in the American Fourn. of Philo- logy, xli 3, 310—318.

2 Lex. rhet. ong eetpenXos καὶ Σαλα- μινία; Rose, Frag. 4 8 Polyb. {ey Hans xii 5—8 (Theo- phrastus is coupled with Aristotle, 7d. 11 5, 23 § 8); Rose, Frag. 5473; cf. Heitz, Verl. Schr. p. 243, and Shute, 7. c., p. 39.

$A

4 Rose, A. P., pp- 410, 534; Suse- pes Gr. Litt. in der Alexandrinerzeit, i 476. τὸ 5 Rhet. vol. Hercul. v fol. 147 (ii (1896), 57, 12. f, ed. Sudhaus), τούς τε νόμους συνάγων ἅμα τῷ μαθητῇ (Theophr.) καὶ τὰς τοσαύτας πολιτείας Kal τὰ περὶ τῶν τόπων δικαιώματα καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ratpove, κτλ.

c

xxx EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES

Cicero refers as follows to the Πολιτεῖαι and νόμιμα βαρβαρικὰ of Aristotle, as well as to the work of Theophrastus περὶ véuwv :—omnium Jere civitatum non Graeciae solum sed etiam barbariae ab Aristotele mores instituta disciplinas , a Theophrasto leges etiam cognovimus (de Fin. v 4 § 11); but there is no proof of any direct acquaintance with the text of the Πολιτεῖαι!. In the de Officiis, ii 18, he quotes, as from Theophrastus, the account of the liberality of Cimon which we find inc. 27 of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. In the de Senectute § 72 he tells an anecdote about Solon and Peisistratus without shewing any knowledge of c. 14 of that treatise. Similarly, in de Officiis,i 75, he writes of Solon and Themis- tocles with reference to the Areopagus without betraying any close acquaintance with chapters 23 and 25. Whatever knowledge he possessed as to the contents of those chapters was probably obtained second-hand from his authority, Panaetius, who, as we know from Cicero himself (de Fin. iv 28 § 79), constantly quoted from Plato, Aristotle, Xenocrates, Theophrastus and Dicaearchus. About Dicaearchus in particular Cicero writes to Atticus in glowing terms :—in his Tusculan villa he has been reading with admiration that author’s account of the constitution of Pellene, while he fancies that his library at Rome contains a copy of the Constitutions of Corinth and of Athens*. These Constitutions may well have been written in imitation of the earlier work ascribed to Aristotle; and the imitation may have been sufficiently close to lead to the contents of the Πολιτεῖαι of Aristotle becoming known to later writers through the medium of Dicaearchus?.

It has been conjectured that many of the quotations from the Πολιτεῖαι in later authors were taken second-hand from the works of Alexandrian scholars such as Didymus Chalcenterus (¢. 63 B.c.—10 A.D.), and his successor, Pamphilus (72. 20 B.c.)*. The scholiast on Aris- tophanes, Aves 471, quotes Aristotle ἐν τῇ Σαμίων πολιτείᾳ, as well as the comic poet, Plato; and such a scholium may readily have been derived from Didymus®; but the indebtedness of later writers to this able and industrious compiler has been greatly overrated; and, now that we know of the actual existence of copies of the ᾿Αθηναίων

1 See also Shute, /. δ.» p. 72.

2 Ad Att. ii 2, " Πελληναίων in manibus tenebam et hercule magnum acervum Dicaearchi mihi ante pedes exstruxeram. OQ magnum hominem! et unde multo plura didiceris quam de Procilio. Kopw- θίων et ᾿Αθηναίων puto me Romae habere. Mihi crede, leges;...mirabilis vir est.’ Heitz, Verl. Schr., p. 244, considers that these may have formed part of the βίος Ἑλλάδος of Dicaearchus. Bergk, Rhezn.

Mus. 1881, p. 113 2. 2, suggests that the reference is to the Πολιτεῖαι of Aristotle. He would alter Décaearchi into Dicae- archiae (2.e. ‘at Puteoli’); but his sug- gestion (with the textual alteration which it involves) seems very improbable.

3 Heitz, Verl. Schr., p. 244.

4 Rose, A. P., p. 400; Heitz, Verl. Schr. p. 244, and Ar. Frag. p. 210. - 5 Rose, A. F., p. 521.

ON AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂ΑΙ χχχὶ

πολιτεία at a time when it was supposed to have been hopelessly lost, there is less reason for attributing to the interposition of Didymus a knowledge of the Πολιτεῖαι which may easily have been derived from the work itself. It has further been supposed that some of the accounts of remarkable phenomena found in later collections, such as the Θαυμάσια ᾿Ακούσματα of various writers, may have been originally borrowed from the Πολιτεῖα. Thus, Antigonus of Carystus, who died after 226 B.c., in his Ἱστοριῶν Παραδόξων Συναγωγή 144), quotes from Callimachus a description by Aristotle of the two fountains of the Sun in the temple of Zeus Ammon. This description may have been derived from the Πολιτεία of Cyrene’.

In the age of Augustus, the ἸΠολιτεῖαι are not quoted by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who, however, refers to the Τυρρηνῶν Νόμιμα, which formed part of the Νόμιμα Βαρβαρικὰ ascribed to Aristotle”.

STRABO (who belongs to the same age) refers in general terms to Aristotle in connexion with Elis (Rose, rag. 493°), Argos (482), Epidaurus (491), Tenedos (594), and Chalcis (601, 603). In a single passage (on p. 321-2), after stating that the migrations of the Leleges are attested by ai ᾿Αριστοτέλους πολιτεῖαι, he appeals to no less than four of them as his authorities, viz. those of the Acarnanians, Opuntians, Megarians and Leucadians. When we remember that the story of the recovery of the lost library of Aristotle is told by Strabo (doubtless on the authority of his preceptor Tyrannion), we are not surprised at finding in his pages not a few traces of a first-hand acquaintance with the Πολιτεῖα.. Nevertheless, the fact that only a comparatively small number of the πολιτεῖαι are noticed in Strabo has led to the supposition that he had no direct knowledge of that work’®.

Puiny the elder (23—79 A.D.) names Aristotle as his authority, mainly on the geography of several of the Greek islands (Tenos, Delos, Melos and Samos), and also in connexion with Argos, Thebes and Chalcis. One of his references may be traced to the Νόμιμα BapBa- pixd. He also states that, according to Aristotle, the art of painting was introduced into Greece by Euchir, Daedali cognatus (Rose, Frag. 382°); but there is no sufficient warrant for referring this to a lost passage of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. Pliny’s references to Aristotle may safely be regarded as taken at second hand‘. This has also been assumed, but with ἘῸΝ less justice, in the case of Plutarch (c. 46—120 A.D.),

PLUTARCH repeatedly mentions Aristotle as his authority :—five

1 Rose, Frag 531°; A. P. p. 4873 3 Heitz, Verl. Schr. p. 24 Heitz, Verl. Schr. p. 245. 4 δι. through Philostephains of Cy- . Rose, Frag. 609°. rene.

᾿ξ 2

xxxii EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES times in the life of Zycurgus'; once in that of C/eomenes*; and twice in that of Pericles*, in passages that may perhaps be traced to the Σαμίων πολιτεία. In five instances Aristotle is named in connexion with Naxos, Tegea (twice), Troezen and Ithaca*; and in two others we may trace the reference to the Νόμιμα BapBapixa®. In the first edition of the present work, the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία was regarded as the source of Plutarch’s references to Aristotle in the lives of TZheseus*®, Solon’, Themistocles*, Cimon®, Pericles and JVicias"; as also of certain passages in which Aristotle is not actually named”, Attention was also drawn to two examples of (apparently) tacit quotation from the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία in the pages of Plutarch. Inc. 14 4 of the πολιτεία, Megacles, with the aid of Φύη, restores the exiled Peisistratus ἀρχαϊκῶς (or ἀρχαίως) καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς : Plutarch, in his life of Solon (3 5), uses the phrase ἁπλοῦς...λίαν καὶ ἀρχαῖος. Again, inc. 5 2 of the πολιτεία, the choice of Solon by the Athenians is expressed in the terms:—eiAovro κοινῇ διαλλακτὴν καὶ ἄρχοντα Σόλωνα : in the Amazorius of Plutarch (18 14), a passage that had not previously been noticed in this connexion, we find five consecutive words applied to Solon, which are identical with those just quoted,—rotrov εἵλοντο κοινῇ διαλλακτὴν Kal ἄρχοντα καὶ νομοθέτην. ᾿

On the other hand, the silence of Plutarch elsewhere is at least as remarkable. In his life of Zhemzstocles he makes no use of the striking passages describing the device adopted by Themistocles for bringing about the building of a fleet (c. 22), or the part played by him in the attack on the privileges of the Areopagus (c. 25 § 2). His account of the liberality of Cimon may have been derived -mainly from Theo- pompus (cf. Athen. 533 4); his life of So/on may have had a common source with the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία in the ᾿Ατθίς of Androtion, or may have owed its knowledge of the former to the biographical works οὗ Hermippus™. A distinction may be drawn between those passages in which the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία and the life of Solon have a common source, and those in which Aristotle is clearly expressing his own opinion. The latter do not appear in the life, and the quotations from the former may be ascribed to the common source, probably Androtion™. Possibly a

1 cc. 1, 5, 6, 28, 31; Rose, Frag. 533—538°.

*c. 9; Frag. 5393.

3 cc. 26, 28; Frag. 577-83.

4 Frag. 559, 592, 507, 597°.

5 Camill, 22, and De Cohibenda. Ira 11; Frag. 610, 608%.

© ec. ἀξ ited 384).

7 c. 25 (Frag. 390)="A0. πολ. c. 7 § 1, κύρβεις. | ,

8c. 10 (Frag. 308) π᾿ Αθ. πολ. ο.. 23

8 1. 9c. τὸ (Frag. 402) Ξε Α͂θ. πολ. c. 27

ἃ. 10 c.g, 10 (Frag. 403, 405) ΞΞ᾿Αθ. πολ. C. 27 4; 25 4. ΣΥΝ 11 ς, 2 (Frag. 407) Ξε᾿Αθ. πολ. c. 28 § 5. 12. Solon, c. 20 (Frag. 391), c. 25 (Frag. 416)="A@. πολ. 5; 7 § 1. 4 13 Cf, Wilamowitz, i 299—303. 14 ἘΝ E. Adcock, in Xo, x11 (1) 1—16.

ON AUTHORSHIP OF THE TIOAITEIAI xxxiii

common source may similarly account for’ ie two pairs of verbal parallels above noticed.

There is an increasing Sciatie of opinion. in fevont of the view that Plutarch had only a second-hand knowledge of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. He has even’ been charged with the incredible carelessness of keeping words such as νῦν unchanged in copying from the intermediate authorities which he is supposed to have followed. Thus, in Solon, c. 25, his statement that fragments of the wooden tablets on which the laws of Solon were inscribed were still to be seen in his own day (ἔτι καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς) in the Athenian πρυτανεῖον, was regarded by Rose as a careless transcript from some such phrase in Polemon as διασώζονται δ᾽ ἐν τῷ Πρυτανείῳ". Similarly, in Lycurgus, c. 28, ἔτι καὶ viv was held to refer to the age of Plutarch’s authority Ephorus*. In the former case, at.any rate, the statement of Plutarch is corroborated by the evidence of Pausanias (i 18 § 3), who, even at a later date, observes that in the πρυτανεῖον the laws of Solon εἰσὶ γεγραμμένοι. Other quotations in Plutarch are ascribed by Rose to the Zclogae and Collectanea of previous writers, such as Didymus; but this ascription is not supported by the context of the quotations themselves. Plutarch places the Πολιτεῖαι of Aristotle in the same category as the works of Herodotus, Xenophon, Eudoxus and Aristoxenus, implying that all these writers dealt with important and interesting events in a style that was at once vigorous

1 Prof. J. H. Wright, Zhe Date of Cylon, p. 25, observes: ‘Most of Plu- tarch’s statements on the affair of Cylon are traceable to Aristotle’s Respub. Ath. A comparison of Plutarch’s account of pre-Solonian affairs with that of Aris- totle shows, however, first, that this dependance is not immediate, ‘and, secondly, that there is much admixture of foreign matter’...In the note he refers to 38 passages in Plutarch’s Solow which bear resemblance to passages in Aristot. Respub. Ath., and are evidently traceable to the latter work. Only once, how- ever, is Aristotle here named (So/. 25 ad init.). ‘A minute comparison of the wording of these parallel passages, and a consideration of the order in which they occur in the two writers, as also of ex- traneous matter inserted and of important and illuminating facts omitted, show that Plutarch was certainly not intimately acquainted with the Respub. Ath. The resemblances, the dissimilarities, and the discrepancies alike are intelligible only on the supposition that’ Plutarch was transcribing from some work in which

an abridgment of these parts of the Respub. Ath. was embodied. In tran- scribing from this abridgment he inter- polates foreign matter, which is incon- sistent with the unabridged Aristotle. The abridgment omitted the main part of cc. 2—4, also c. 13 [§§ 2, 3], as well as many minor statements. The poetical quotations of Plutarch are from a dif- ferent collection; such as coincide are in a different order...Plutarch’s otherwise un- . accountable omission in his Z7hem, of the characteristic anecdote of Themistocles, Ephialtes, and the Areopagus (Respub, Ath. c. 25) may be explained on the hypothesis that the copy of Aristotle’s work used by Plutarch did not contain this story. In Pericles, Aristotle is cited, but immediately there follow statements as to Pericles which directly contradict Aristotle (cf. Ad. Bauer, /orschungen, p- 77, who believes, however, in a first- hand use of Respub. Ath. by Plutarch).’ Cf. American Journal of Philology, xiv 230. 2 Preller on Polemon, p- 87. Rose, A. P., pp. 413, 491.

xxxiv EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES

and graceful’. We are surprised to find such language used by one whose knowledge of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία in particular appears to have been solely derived from second-hand sources.

ZENOBIUS, who flourished in the time of Hadrian (117—138 A.D.), refers to c. 28 of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, and mentions the πολιτεῖαι of Corcyra, Samos, Delphi and Methone (fvag.* 513, 576, 487, 552). He also names Aristotle as his authority for facts relating to Cythnus and Thebes (Frag.* 523, 502).

AuLus GELLIUS (115—180 A.D.) names Aristotle in connexion with Solon’s law against neutrality, of which he gives a prolix paraphrase. The law is found in ’A@. πολ. c. 8 5; but Gellius probably had only a second-hand knowledge of the original authority.

ARISTIDES, one of the most celebrated rhetoricians of the 2nd century (117 or 129—180A.D.), never mentions the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, but the only poems of Solon which he quotes are extracted from those preserved in that treatise; he also paraphrases other passages from those poems and from the text of Aristotle’.

DI0GENES LAERTIUS (towards the close of the 2nd century a.D.) twice appeals to Aristotle for facts connected with Corinth (frag.’ 516, 517). In the first of these passages he couples him with Ephorus. In a third passage he refers to Aristotle ἐν τῇ Δηλίων πολιτείᾳ (Frag.*® 489) ; but, as the vague plural φασὶν occurs in the previous context, there is no certain proof of first-hand acquaintance with the work in question. In this author, however, we have several parallels to the account of Solon given in the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείαϑ.

PoLLux of Naucratis (77. 180 a.D.), who dedicated his “Ovopactixdy to Commodus (Emp. 180—192), quotes largely from the Πολιτεῖαι, especially from that of Athens. The latter is his main authority on all points of Athenian law and antiquities‘ Many consecutive lines are

1 Non posse suaviter vivi sec. Epicurum, -Ci 10, ὅταν μηδὲν ἔχουσα λυπηρὸν

οἶμαι, ἐνδεικνύμενον δὲ ὡς ἔχει γνώμης, with ’A@. πολ. c. 14 8 2. Cf. A. Platt in

βλαβερὸν ἱστορία καὶ διήγησις, ἐπὶ πράξεσι καλαῖς καὶ μεγάλαις προσλάβῃ λόγον ἔχοντα δύναμιν καὶ χάριν, ὡς τῶν Ἡροδότου τὰ Ἑλληνικά, καὶ τὰ Περσικὰ τοῦ Ξενοφῶντος, ὅσσα θ᾽ Ὅμηρος ἐθέσπισε θέσκελα εἰδώς, τὰς περιόδους Εὔδοξος, κτίσεις καὶ πολι- τείας ᾿Αριστοτέλης, βίους ἀνδρῶν ᾿Αριστό- ἕενος ἔγραψεν, οὐ μόνον μέγα καὶ πολὺ τὸ εὐφραῖνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθαρὸν καὶ ἀμετα- μέλητόν ἐστιν.

9 Cf. Aristides ii 360, 361 Dind., with "AO. Tor. 5 § 2; 11 2, 12 § 5; also p. 535—538 with ᾽ΑΘ. πολ. c, 12; and lastly i p. 765, (Σόλωνα) φασι τῆς πολιτείας καταλυθείσης λαβόντα ἀσπίδα καὶ δόρυ καθ- σθαι πρὸ τῆς οἰκίας, βοηθεῖν μὲν οὐκ ἔχοντα,

Journal of Philology, xxiv 248 f.

3 Diog. Laert. 1 88 45, 50, 58.

4 Even before the discovery of the ᾽Αθ. πολ. this fact had been partially ascertained by comparing the language of Pollux with that quoted from the ’A@. πολ. in the lexicographers. Cf. Sto- jentin, De Juléz Pollucis in publicis Atheniensium antiquitatibus enarrandis auctoritate, (Breslau) 1875; and Stoewer, in quibus nitantur auctoribus Luli Pol- ἐμεῖς verum tudicialium enarrationes, (Miinster) 1888. Since the discovery it has been observed that, after transcribing c. 54 §§ 3, 4 in viii 98, Pollux mentions the ἀντιγραφεὺς τῆς διοικήσεως, an official

ON AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂ΑΙ χχχν

either transcribed or paraphrased from its pages, e.g. the epigram about Diphilus and a large part of its context inc. 7 § 4. But his debt to the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, though vast, is invariably unacknowledged, while the only passage in which he mentions the name of Aristotle in connexion with a term of Attic law, is not found in that treatise, so far as it has been preserved’. Several of the other πολιτεῖαι are, however, expressly mentioned, viz. that of Acragas (twice in Frag.* 476), Himera (twice in 510), Tarentum (590), Orchomenus (566), and Sicyon (580). In other passages, where Aristotle is named, the information may have been ultimately derived from the Constitutions of Cyprus (527), Rhegium (568), Syracuse (585, 589), Cyrene (529) and Argos (481), or from the Τυρρήνων νόμιμα (608).

ATHENAEUS, who, like Pollux, was a native of Naucratis (77. ¢. 200 A.D.), expressly mentions the πολιτεῖαι of Aegina (Frag.* 472), Delos (490), Naxos (558), Troezen (596), Thessaly (499), Methone (551), Colophon (515), Massalia (549), Croton (583), Sybaris (584) and Syracuse (588). The name of Aristotle is also mentioned in connexion with Miletus (557); and that of Timaeus with reference to Aristotle’s account of Locri (547), which has already been noticed’. Aristotle ἐν Τυρρήνων νομίμοις is also quoted (607). It has been conjectured that these quotations may have been taken second-hand from lexicographical works, such as the lexicon to the Comic poets compiled by Pamphilus from that of his predecessor Didymus. This is supported by the fact that on p. 499 Athenaeus twice quotes the comic poet Diphilus; and, between the two quotations, inserts a reference to Aristotle ἐν τῇ Θετταλῶν πολιτείᾳ to prove that the Thessalians used a feminine form λάγυνος", But a native of a country, in which, as we now know, copies of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία were actually in existence at the time, may well have derived much of his information from the original work. Apart from the British Museum papyrus and the fragments of the Berlin papyrus, both of which came from Egypt, we know of a third copy, which is mentioned in the catalogue of an Egyptian library of the third century A.D.‘

HARpPOcRATION of Alexandria, the lexicographer of the Attic

dating from 306 B.C.; in viii gt he gives a confused abstract of the duties of the polemarch in c. 58; and, in viii 87, by a misunderstanding of the subject of the verb in c. όο 1 and c. 61 §§ 1, 2, he transfers from the people to ‘the ar- chons’ (c. 59 § 7) the appointment of the athlothetae. and the military officials (Wilamowitz, i 295 f). He adds many details from other sources (26, 296 f).

Cf. R. Michaelis, guae ratio intercedat inter Jul. Pollucts onomasticon et Ar. de rep. Ath. partem alteram, Progr. Berlin, 1902; and W. Hahn, Pollux zt Arystoteles, in Los, 1896, 114—127.

1 Pollux viii 62, παράβολον (Frag.* 456); cf. iii. 17, τριτοπάτωρ (Frag.? 415).

2 py EME. OS :

3 Rose, A. P., p. 471, Frag. 499°.

4 Ziindel.in Rhein. Mus. 1866, p. 432.

xxxvi EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES

Orators, who is doubtfully ascribed either to the second, or (less probably) to the fourth century of our era, expressly quotes ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἐν ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείᾳ in no less than 50 places. A lost passage in the same treatise is less precisely cited with the phrase ws ᾿Αριστοτέλης φησί (381). There are nine other πολιτεῖαι which he mentions by name, those of Arcadia, Elis, Thessaly, Cythnus, Cyprus, Sparta, Massalia, Opus and Pellene. The quotations from the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία are so ‘numerous and so precise, that it may fairly be assumed that they were taken at first-hand from the treatise itself.

CLEMENT of Alexandria (οὖ. 220 A.D.) quotes the πολιτεῖαι of Phocaea and Locri, and refers in more general terms to that of Sparta (Frag. 599,.548, 535); while AELIAN (77. 250 A.D.) tells the story of the usurpation of Peisistratus in language almost identical with that of c. 14 of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία.

HERACLEIDES. is the name of the otherwise unknown author of certain excerpts from the Πολιτεῖαι, fragments of which are preserved, in the same Ms as certain excerpts*from Aelian, under the title ἐκ τῶν Ἡρακλείδου περὶ πολιτειῶν. Judging from the excerpts from the extant portions of the ‘A@. πολ., he followed his original very closely. He has been assigned to about 300 or 590 4.0.5 He can no longer be identified with Heracleides Lembos (77. 181—146 B.c.)*.

Hesycuius of Alexandria, who belongs to the end of the fourth century, or (more probably) to the fifth, is a compiler from earlier authorities, the best of whom is Diogenianus of Heraclea (of the time of Hadrian). The lexicon of Hesychius expressly quotes the Constitution of the Opuntians (/vag.* 563), and names Aristotle as the authority for statements respecting Cyrene (528), Corcyra (513) and Sparta (541). The second of these items may, however, be traced back to Zenobius, Not a few articles are ultimately founded on the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, though neither the work is named, nor its author. Such are the articles on ἀδύνατοι (ΑΘ. πολ. 49 4), ἀπὸ συμβόλων δικάζειν (59 § 6), Βουζύγης (Frag. 386), βουλεύσεως ἔγκλημα (AO, πολ. 57 § 3), δήμαρχοι (21 5), διαμεμετρημένην ἡμέραν (67 3), εἰσαγωγῆς (52 2), ἐμπήκτης (64 2), ἱππάς (7 4), and ἵππου τροχός (49 1). To the same source may be traced the articles on Διονύσου γάμος and ᾿Επιλύκειον (3 § 5), and also on ἕδραι βουλῆς (30 4), and χαλκοῦν πινάκιον (63 4).

' SopaTer, the Sophist of Apamea or Alexandria, includes excerpts from the πολιτεῖαι of Aristotle, viz. from those of Thessaly, Achaia, Paros, Lycia and Ceos, in the twelfth book: of his historical selections‘,

Rose, Frag. 6113; cf. Ρ- 265 infra. iii 15, and Holzinger, in Philologus, 1891; 2 Wilamowitz, i 292 f.- f.

P+ 43 °$.Ch. Ji Ἢ. ‘Wright, Harvard Studies, 4 Phot. Bibl Cod. nie Ρ. 104 38;

ON AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂ΑΙ ‘xxxvii

Sopater is probably identical with the rhetorician who, ¢. 500 A.D., wrote the extant commentary on Hermogenes.

Procopius of Gaza paraphrases the story of the ἀτελὲς χωρίον (16 § 6) in his eulogy of the emperor Anastatius (491—518 A.D.)’,

Puorius, the patriarch of Constantinople (815—-891 a.D.), refers to the excerpts made by Sopater (see supra). In Photius’ Lexicon, the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία is mentioned in the articles on ναυκραρία (AG. πολ, 8 § 3), and ὑπὲρ τὰ Καλλικράτους (28 3): the latter may, however, be traced back to Zenobius, The πολιτεῖαι of Sparta, Samos and Ithaca are expressly cited (Frag. 586, 575, 509); and Aristotle is named in several articles®, including one on πελάται (AO, πολ. 2 2). During the embassy ‘to the Assyrians’ the patriarch perused and epitomised no less than 280 volumes, many of which are now lost; but there is nothing to prove that the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία was included among them.

PsELLUS of Constantinople (1018—1078) includes, in his list of forensic phrases, a passage on the distribution of the demes among the new tribes of Cleisthenes, which is ultimately derived from c. 21 4. ᾿ς TzetzEs of Constantinople (born ¢, 1120 A.D.) refers to the πολι- τεῖαι of Orchomenus (/rag.* 505) and Ithaca (504 and 508). Of the last two references the former is also found in the LZtymologicum Magnum; so that possibly all three may have been borrowed from earlier sources. The lexicon last named, s.v. ἱεροποιοί, expressly quotes Aristotle ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείᾳ (c. 54 6), and has a short article on δατητής (Frag. 422), which may be traced to Harpocration (c. 56 § 6). It also names Aristotle in connexion with Cumae (Frag. 525), and we know that this article comes ultimately from the Πολιτεῖαι. | EustatHius of Constantinople, archbishop of Thessalonica (who died ¢, 1198), refers to the πολιτεῖαι of Sparta (545) and Ithaca (506), and names Aristotle in a passage which comes from the πολιτεία of Thessaly (437). But there is no proof of direct acquaintance with any of the πολιτεῖαι. His only notice of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία (c. 44 § 1) is borrowed from Telephus of Pergamos who lived under Hadrian and (among other works) wrote on the Laws and Customs, and on the Lawcourts of Athens.

Thus far we have surveyed in chronological order the writers who, either at first or second hand, quote from the THoAureta: of Aristotle. We have still to notice a few anonymous citations. | _ (1) The unknown author of the ὑπόθεσις to the Areopagiticus of Isocrates, a Christian writer of perhaps the sixth century, is the only

quoted by Rose, 4. P. p- 401, Frag* pp. π.ό

258. 2 Frags 496, .541 : OW, A. Paton, cp. Wilamowitz, i 292 7 gel ares tu

xxxvii EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES person who quotes the anecdote in c. 25 respecting the part ascribed to Themistocles in the overthrow of the Areopagus’.

(2) The Scholia to Aristophanes refer to the “A@. πολ. in no less than thirteen places*. They also expressly quote the πολιτεῖαι of Sparta and Samos, and name Aristotle in connexion with Orchomenos, Corcyra and Cyrene. Many of the Scholia on Aristophanes are de- rived from Aristophanes of Byzantium and his pupils Callistratus, Aristarchus and Didymus; as well as from the Pergamene scholars, Herodicus and Asclepiades. ‘The earlier Scholia were drawn up in the 3rd century A.D. ; while the later Scholia go down as far as the age of Thomas Magister and Triclinius (end of 13th cent.).

The Scholia on Sophocles cite Aristotle for a fact mentioned in *A@. πολ. 60 2; those on Euripides quote from the πολιτεῖαι of Sparta (Frag. 544) and Thessaly (498), and name Aristotle in connexion with terms relating to the πολιτεία of Cumae (524-5). Those on Homer give us evidence as to the πολιτεῖαι of [4505 and Samos (503 and 571); those on Pindar cite the πολιτεῖαι of Sparta, Syracuse and Gela (Frag. 532, 587, 486), and name Aristotle in connexion with Aegina, Rhodes, Crete, Acarnania, Opus and Locri. Those on Plato quote Aristotle for facts which may be traced to the πολιτεῖαι of Athens (385) and Thessaly (498). Those on Apollonius Rhodius refer to the πολιτεῖαι of Samos and Samothrace, Sinope and Tegea, Corcyra and Kios in Mysia; those of Theocritus refer to Croton, Ceos and Crete*. The Schofia on Aeschines contain no express mention of Aristotle, but they include several items-of information ultimately’ derived from the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία“,

It will be observed that the references to the Πολιτεῖαι, which have now been enumerated, extend over a period of no less than fifteen centuries, and attest different degrees of acquaintance with the work in many parts of the ancient world, chiefly in great centres of learning, such as Alexandria and Constantinople. In the case of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία; the exact degree to which the text of the treatise was known to those who refer to it, may in general be traced in the Zestiémonia which

" Rose, A. P., p+ 423, no. 359; Frag.

04°.

2 "AO. πολ. 7 τ (*Av. 1354) 3 15 § 3 (*Ach._ 234); τὸ 3 (*Lys. 665), 4 (Lys: 1153), 6 (Ve ‘5p. 502); 21 § 5 (Mud. 37); c. 28 § 3? (Vesp. 684); 34 § 1 (Ran. 1532), § 3 (Vesp. 157) 5 34 re (Vesp. 157); 54 2 (δ. 691); 65 (*Plut. 278); 68 § 2 (Ἐφ. 1150). In desi of these places (marked with an asterisk) the title is given in full: Ap. ἐν AQ. πολ.;

in two (Vesp. 157, 684) the form is ’Ap. ἐν πολιτείαις.

3 In the Schol. on Theocr. iv 7 we are ©

told that the Olympic crown ἐκ τῆς καλλιστοῦς καλλιστεφάνου ἐλαίας γενό-

᾿ ξ

μενος δίδοται, ἥτις ἀπέχει σταδίων ὀκτὼ |

ws φασιν (sic) ᾿Αριστότελης. This is less likely to have been derived from the θαυ-

μάσια ἀκούσματα than from the πολιτεία. ᾿

of Elis. “47 AG. πολ. 28 § 3, 57 § 3; 59 881, 2.

tl λα

ON AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂ΑΙ xxxix

are printed below the critical notes in the present edition. All the external evidence is in favour of ascribing the Πολιτεῖαι to Aristotle.

§ 4. Zhe later literature of the ἸΠολιτεῖαι.

After the revival of learning in Italy it was Francesco Patrizzi who, in the course of a calumnious attack on the personal character and philosophical authority of Aristotle, unconsciously did some little service to the cause which he impugned by investigating the earlier sources of information as to the lost works of Aristotle. In his Déscussiones Peripateticae, published in 1571 at Venice, and reprinted ten years later at Basel, he made the first attempt to collect their fragmentary remains’. Patrizzi’s collection was included in Casaubon’s Aristotle (1590), and in 1593 a more comprehensive edition was promised by Casaubon himself 2. The lost πολιτεῖαι are also mentioned by the learned Selden*, but meanwhile Casaubon’s promise remained unfulfilled. The importance of the fragments was noticed by Niebuhr?‘ and others.

It was not until 1827 that C. F. Neumann, then living at Munich, published his Avistotelis Rerumpublicarum Reliquiae, including fragments from 50 of the πολιτεῖαι, the number traced to the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία being 59 in all. In 1843 a similar collection was published by H. A. - Van Dyck at Utrecht. These were superseded by Carl Miiller’s edition in the Fragmenta Fistoricorum Graecorum, Paris (Didot), 1848, in which the editor says of Neumann’s work: gud guidem libellus nullius nobis usus esse potuit: tam supina est auctoris negligentia. ‘The total number of πολιτεῖαι in this new collection is 95, and the fragments of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία have now risen in number to 74.

This collection served as the foundation for a still more extensive work by Valentine Rose. In his Avistoteles Pseudepigraphus (1863), we have 213 fragments, 89 of which are assigned to the ‘A@. πολ. Rose’s second edition of these fragments was included in Vol. v of the Berlin edition of Aristotle (1870), with three new fragments (445, 470, 511) from the πολιτεῖαι of Delphi, Corcyra and Methone published by a - French scholar from a ms of Zenobius discovered on Mount Athos’: - Lastly, in 1886 Rose’s third edition was published by Teubner; the number of fragments is now 223, and of these 91 are traced to the ’A0, πολ... the two new fragments. being no. 413 and 429 (corresponding to

Ὁ, 3 8 5 and 52 8 1).

1 Hallam, 222. of Europe, ii 6, ed. 4 Hist. Rom. i 20, p. 12. of 3rd Eng.

1854; Heitz, Verl. Schr., p. 1. . ed. 15

_-*, Note on Diog. Laert. p. 76, ed. 1615. 5 E. Miller, A/élanges de Sittérature ® De jure naturali &c., Operati7z4-5. grecque, Paris, 1868} p. 369. ° eis

KE 3: ‘LATER LITERATURE «

Meanwhile, in 1869, the fragments had been edited by Emil Heitz, the able author of Die Verlorenen Schriften des Aristoteles (1865). © This edition was practically simultaneous with the second edition by Rose which, although printed in 1867, was not published until 1870.

In the case of the more important πολιτεῖαι and especially in that of Athens, the substance of these fragments has been not unfrequently set

forth by modern scholars in various degrees of fulness. Thus Carl |

Miiller (FHG ii 104) supplies an epitome of the Fragments on Athens ; and Rose, a brief digest in the form of a table of contents’, But the most successful endeavour to give life to these fragmentary remains is to be found in the Appendix to the important work of Oncken on the

political teaching of Aristotle. The fragments are there discussed in ᾿

their historical bearing, and the scattered facts contained in them presented in a consecutive order and in an interesting form, . The introduction to the analysis of the fragments closes with some valuable criticisms to the following effect :—

The method of dealing with the history of Athens which was pursued by Aristotle and his pupils must be regarded as marking the beginning of a new epoch. Without in any way undervaluing the influence of the contemporary school of Isocrates, as represented by Ephorus, Theopompus and Androtion, we may say without exaggera- tion that the picture, not only of the political life of Athens down to the overthrow of her freedom, but also of most of her statesmen, which became permanent in the literary tradition of later ages, was in its leading traits first delineated by the school of Aristotle and his followers’.

The analysis concludes with the following remarks on the second part of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία :—

Even a hasty glance at all these details gives one an impression of the extra- ordinarily valuable store of authentic facts here gathered by the industry of Aristotle.

He has presented us with a description of the very subjects which the Athenians them-

selves did not deem worth the trouble of describing, since the knowledge of these de-

tails of every-day life was for themselves the merest matter of course. In Aristotle the

. , . . . , . . . . [ scientific instinct of the genuine investigator was blended with the natural curiosity of

the foreigner ; and this double interest served to add a fresh keenness to his perception of what posterity would deem to be best worth knowing. For later generations his πολιτεία became a veritable treasure-house of accumulated learning. Things that are only incidentally noticed by the orators and poets of the time, as being perfectly

familiar to every one, are here narrated, described and elucidated by Aristotle for

the benefit of all of those to whom this information was unknown. It was an

important and an imperishable service. It was also one which was the natural result of his peculiar method as an investigator. To display the various members of

4 Ae Pry P4035 3 See, however, Wilamowitz, i 370,

2 Die Siarelehes des toed: im ‘Die Politie der Athener tatsaichlich in >

Listorisch-Politischen Umrissen, vol. der Beurteilung. der Personen das Urteil (1875), pp: 410—528. der Nachwelt nicht bestimmt.’

- of Aristotle.

OF THE ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂ΑΙ ΧΙΣ

the living body of definite fact, to separate all the complex framework into its com- ponent parts, to trace the sequence of a series of results as they came into being, to describe for after ages what was regarded by contemporaries as no less obvious than their daily meat and drink,—to do all this was thoroughly characteristic It is more than enough to prove the truth of the opinion that Aristotle is above all others the scientific investigator of the Hellenic idea of political life.

Thus far we have dealt with laborious collections of the merest fragments of the Πολιτεῖαι, and with one vivid commentary upon the most important of the series. Meanwhile, the original work was deemed to have vanished as completely as the lost decads of Livy. Neumann, in the Prolegomena to his edition of the fragments, laments the loss in the following terms: eheu amissum est in sempiternum prae- clarum opus, nisi e palimpsestis quibusdam fortasse eruatur. In the Bibliotheque Ovientale of Herbelot (p. 971), mention is made of an Arabic translation of the work, but the hope inspired by this statement remained unfulfilled’. To cherish such a hope, even for a moment, was in 1865 denounced as folly”.

§ 5. Zhe Berlin Fragments of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία.

In the year 1880 the interest of scholars was aroused by the announce- ment that, among the fragments of Zapyrus found in the Fayoom near the ancient Arsinoe, and acquired for the Egyptian Museum at Berlin, there were two small pages with writing on both sides. They were skilfully deciphered by Blass, and a comparison with other papyri led to their being provisionally assigned to the second century a.D. The first fragment contained on one side (1 α) the long passage in Iambic verse quoted by Aristides from the poems of Solon; on the other _ (14), a passage in prose on the archonship of Damasias. The second fragment had on one side (II a) an account of the reforms of Cleis- thenes ; and on the other (II 4), a passage on the ostracism of Megacles and Xanthippus, with some mention of the mines at Maroneia. So imperfect were the indications given by the context that Blass identified Damasias as the archon of 639-8, instead of the archon of 582—1 and

- 1 The title of the alleged translation is

Ketab Siassat Almoden (the book of the government of States). Herbelot’s au- thority is Haji Khalfa, who died in 1658. In Fluegel’s ed., vol. v p. 97, no. τὸ, 203, Haji Khalfa says that, in the book on ‘the Government of States,’ Aristotle _ mentions 171 great States. He dis- _ tinguishes this Fook from the Politics, - and says that the latter was translated _ into Arabic, which perhaps implies that _ the ‘Government of States’ was not. Part of this statement is doubtless de- rived from the list of Aristotle’s writings

in Ibn Abi Useibia, which includes ‘a book about the Government of States and the number of the nations, in which he mentions 151 great States’ (ed. Miiller, 1884, Ρ- 68). As this list is confessedly taken from a Greek catalogue by Ptolemy (see supra p. xxvi), we have no right to assume that the Arabs possessed the book. It is not at all the kind of book that was likely to interest them. For the substance of this note I am indebted to Prof. W. Robertson Smith.

2 Heitz, Verl. Schr., p. 230.

xlii THE BERLIN FRAGMENTS

581-0. The institution of the ten archons seemed to be mentioned

after the extract from Solon. It thus appeared impossible to attribute

the fragments to a historical work written in chronological order, such as that of Ephorus or one of the writers of ᾿Ατθίδες. But Theopompus was known to have closed the tenth book of his Philippica with an excursus on the demagogues of Athens. This (as Blass thought) might

well have begun with some account of Dracon and Solon, followed by a digression on the early history of the archonship and by notices οὗ various statesmen such as Megacles, together with some observations on the institution of Ostracism and the reforms of Cleisthenes. It was ©

accordingly conjectured that the newly discovered fragments belonged to Theopompus.

Here the matter rested for a very short time. The article by Blass was published in Hermes in October, 1880. The very next number of the Rheinisches Museum" contained a brilliant. contribution by the veteran scholar Bergk, who was then in his 69th year and had just completed the fourth edition of his Poetae Lyrici Graeci, and whose attention was perhaps mainly drawn to the fragments because they included fresh evidence on the poems of Solon. Bergk pointed out that the passage on Cleisthenes corresponded with a scholium on Aristophanes, /Vubes, 37. The papyrus as deciphered by Blass had

the following letters : APHNAIOIC

xo--:-: eAeK + AHMO! €TTOMENTIANT "ὁ - [νὰ

TO*+C AHMOYCANA ** WN

With the help of the Scholium Bergk restored the second and |

following lines thus: κατ]έσ[τησ]ε δὲ κ[αὶ] δημαρ- χοὺς τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντας] ἐπίμελειαν τί οἷ]ς πρ[ό- τερον aa uate kaitov|s δήμους ἀντ], τῶν ναυκραριῶν ἐποίησ €| _ This Scholium, although introduced by the words *Kecorrdbikins δὲ περὶ Κλεισθένους φησί, had not found its way into either of Rose’s previous editions of the fragments, its place having been taken by

a less accurate transcript in the lexicon of Harpocration (Rose, 3597;

but it is duly cited in the edition by Heitz (no. 19 = 388). | In addition to the proof supplied by this citation, the internal

evidence of the style of these scanty fragments was enough to con-—

vince Bergk that the prose portions could not have come from any 1 xxxvi (1881) = Opuscula, ii 505—533.

ee ee ee ee

THE BERLIN FRAGMENTS

. pe

xlii

other work than the lost πολιτεῖαι of Aristotle’. But Bergk could not believe that so long a passage of poetry as the fragment of Solon could have been cited in the ᾿Αθηναίων roditeia®. He accordingly suggested two alternative solutions: either the poem was an interpolation in- serted in a complete copy of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία by a copyist who desired to illustrate the reforms of Solon by transcribing the poem, or the work consisted of selections from various writers on the constitution of Athens.

The Berlin fragments were further discussed by Landwehr, who published a transcript and a restoration of the text in 1883; which he afterwards revised and corrected in the Phzlologus (Suppl. Bd v 195). They were also the subject of an able paper by Diels in 1885%. According to his view the fragments are simply two loose pages of papyrus filled with transcripts from the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία by some schoolboy of Arsinoe. Damasias is rightly identified as Damasias II, and many other points are discussed in a masterly manner. It is also maintained for the first time that all the four pages belong to the same work, and that the ᾿Αθ. πολ. of Aristotle. The paper includes a convenient reprint of the various restorations of the fragments, and also a lithographed facsimile.

§ 6. The British Museum papyrus.

Thus far the student of Aristotle’s Πολιτεῖαι had to found his conclusions as to the character of the work solely on meagre fragments laboriously collected from many sources, and‘on two barely legible and most imperfect scraps of papyrus in the Museum at Berlin, when suddenly, on the morning of Monday, Jan. 19, 1891, the readers of The Times were startled by the announcement that a Ms containing the greater portion of Aristotle’s Constitution of Athens had been acquired by the British Museum as part of a collection of papyrus rolls from _a place in Egypt which, for adequate reasons, it was not expedient to specify more particularly. It was not until the rolls had been examined at the British Museum that it was found that three of them contained what was identified as the text of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία.

1 ». go, ‘Wohl aber erinnert die Be- Urtheils bewahrte. Nicht minder erinnert

Bindlungsweise an Aristoteles: selbst ein \bl6des Auge wird erkennen, dass der ‘Verfasser vollkommen mit seinem Gegen- istande vertraut ist, dass er zwischen We- sentlichem und Unwichtigem sehr wohl zu cheiden weiss, dass hier nicht ein buch- elehrter Grammatiker zu uns spricht, sondern ein erfahrener Mann, der mit harfem Blicke das politische Leben zu betrachten gewohnt war, den sein histo- rischer Sinn vor jeder Befangenheit des

‘die schlichte und schmucklose,’ nur auf

die Sache gerichtete Darstellung an die Weise des Begriinders der Staatswissen- schaft. Auf mich wenigstens machten diese Bruchstiicke sofort den Eindruck, als hatte ich Reste der Aristotelischen Politie der Athener vor mir.’

2 Cf. Wilamowitz, i 40.

3 Philos. u. Hist. Abhandlungen, Berlin Acad., 1886, ii pp. 1—57. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 291 f.

xliv. THE BRITISH MUSEUM PAPYRUS

The secret of the discovery had been well kept: and by its first, public announcement the interest of scholars at home and abroad was roused to a high pitch of expectation. Only eleven days later, on Friday, Jan. 30th, the printed text appeared under the editorship οὗ Mr F. G. Kenyon, Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, Assistant in the Department of mss, now Director of the British Museum. It was soon discovered that, although the text was described in the preface to the editio princeps as ‘in good condition’ and requiring ‘little emendation’, there was a still deeper truth in the editor’s fuller state- ment on a later page :—‘ There remain not a few passages which still require emendation by conjecture, in some of which the reading of the MS is completely lost, while in others a few faint traces of letters remain, which will serve as tests of the accuracy of any proposed emendation.” A vast number of conjectures of very various degrees of merit were accordingly proposed by English scholars in the pages of the Athenaeum, and the Academy, and all these conjectures, together with the criticisms of continental scholars, were reprinted, with many other suggestions, in successive numbers of the Classical Review (March to July, 1891). Many further contributions to the criticism and elucidation of the treatise - have since appeared. A conspectus of the literature of the subject is” reserved for a later section 10).

Early in March the Trustees of the British Museum published 4 Facsimile of the papyrus. The immediate, and indeed the permanent, result of this publication was a widely expressed recognition of the remarkable skill with which Mr Kenyon had accomplished the task of deciphering the ms. In those portions of the ms which are most easily read in the original, the facsimile is an adequate substitute for the papyrus. It is mainly, though by no means exclusively, in the places ; where the papyrus is rubbed, and the remains of the letters only faintly © visible, that it is absolutely necessary to resort to the original.

The Ms consists of four separate rolls with the letters A, B, I, written at the beginning of the first three:

I 7 feet, 24 inches, in length, by about 11 inches in height, including Columns 1—11r

It Βα 9 2 T2—24

RII 3. 3, 9 25—3¢

IV about 3 feet (originally) 5 in length, by bolit 10 cee in height, kécluding remains of Columns 3I—3

Total length about 18 feet, 8 inches?.

1 According to Pliny (4. ZH. xiii § 78) | _10°4653 inches), rather less tall than the two best kinds of papyrus were rolls I—11I, but rather taller than Iv. thirteen digits in height (13 x°72821=

THE BRITISH MUSEUM PAPYRUS xlv

The Ms is written in four hands: (1) extends over Columns 1—12, and is described as ‘a small semi-cursive hand, employing a large number of abbreviations of common syllables.’

(2) begins with Col. 13 and ends in the middle of Col. 20. This is described as an ‘uncial of fair size,’ plain but not ornamental, employing no contractions, and making a large number of blunders in matters of spelling.

(3) is a ‘straggling’ and often ill-formed semi-cursive hand, of larger size than the first. This extends from the middle of Col. 20 to the end of Col. 24; and also includes the mutilated remains of Cols. 5.1--θΊ.

(4) closely resembles (1), and ‘employs many of the same ab- breviations,’ but is generally finer and more upright, and possesses some distinctive forms of letters. This extends over Cols. 25—30".

Abbreviations are not used uniformly by all the four hands. They are chiefly confined to hands (1) and (4), while they are very sparingly used by (3), and not at all by (2). Hence it is obvious that, in restoring the text, it is solely in Cols. 1—12, and 25—30, that we can assume the existence of abbreviations. ‘They can only be admitted within very narrow limits in Cols. 2o—24, and 31—37; while they

cannot be admitted at all in Cols. 13—20.

(1) and (4) have many abbreviations in common ; but at the same _ time each of the two has some that are characteristic of itself alone. _ This will be made clear by the following classified list”.

hands (1) and (4) band (1) only Γ -- γάρ ΛΝ Ξε παρά and παρα- Ξε αὐτήν (ς. 21, 19) Δ --δέ and -δε- Ν Ξεπερί © -- -οἱ, -ov, -ov, τοῖς, -ous —& --διά and δια- é =ovv and ow- N=mep \ = εἶναι τῷ ΞΞ- -ται ἘΠ ΘΟ ἐπ Yet nasal of = χρόνος, -ou, -ov, -ων, -ots ~K =kal and -και- τ᾽ τῆς and -rys api ts Tp ay ols aE K Ξξεκατά τ' τῶν and -των Wiese re μ΄ =pév and -μεν- ω = -wy hand (4) only - pS --ῥ μετά and (in 1) μετα- = dva- ) = Ζ ΞΕ εἰσί “ὁ -εοῦν and -ουν- : CO = -σθαι Y = ὑπό and ὑπο- hand (3) only hands (3) and (4) only hy? Ξε ὑπέρ Kb = -και- and in (3) καί

1 Mr Kenyon’s Jutroduction, p. xi. their preface, is refuted by Mr Kenyon The proposal to identify hands (1) and (ed. 3 p. xii) whose opinion is justly con- 4), and hands (2) and (3), made by firmed by Blass (Praef. iv—vii). ibel and Wilamowitz on pp. v—vi of 2 Mr Kenyon has already given a

5. A, a

xlvi THE BRITISH MUSEUM PAPYRUS

Hands (1) and (4) have not only certain distinctive abbreviations, but they also use with different degrees of frequency the abbreviations that are common to both.. Thus the symbol for εἶναι is found fourteen times in (1), and only five times in (4); that for ἐστί four times in (1), and twenty-eight times in (4); that for ovv- seventy times in (1), and six times in (4); that for -ovy- three times in (1), and sixteen times in (4) 5 that for -ται twenty-four times in (1), and fifty-seven times in (4); δπᾶ that for -os is far more frequent in (1) than in (4). These considera- tions prevent us from identifying the two hands. There are also certain distinctive differences in the shapes of the letters used by each; and the same remark applies to hands (2) and (3)*.

Final syllables are often omitted in (1) and (4). Thus φυλ is found in both hands for φυλῆς and φυλήν, and βουλ is used for all the cases of βουλή in the singular. Hand (3) has χωῤ for χώραν (col. 22, 2); τρὸ for τρόπον (2b. 11) and απογραφ᾽ for ἀπογραφάς (2b. 35). An abbreviation for av is exceptionally used for αὐτήν (in col. 9, 8); and a symbol for δραχμή, found in cols. 21, 35 and 26, 54, is common to hands (2) and (4). Numerals are denoted by the ordinary symbols in all hands alike®.

Lota adscriptum is hardly ever omitted in (1); hardly ever inserted in (2); (3) and (4) do not follow any fixed rule‘.

ει and c are frequently interchanged, especially in (2); some of these © mistakes are however corrected by hand (1). But even in (1) we some-

general list on the last page of his 7γέγοα. See also p. ix of his Berlined. I have endeavoured to classify this list, and to represent approximately the shapes of the letters used in the papyrus.

1 For the details of these statistics, see van Leeuwen’s Odservationes Palacogra- phicae in the Dutch edition, pp. 170-7.

2 See the alphabets reproduced in Class. Rev. v 183.

3 The use of the above abbreviations, and their distribution over the several hands, may be illustrated by the follow- ing examples. For convenience, ordi- nary type is here used, and the words are separated from one another.

Abbreviations in (1), also found in (4): —éeBy (col. 1, 3); Txwpnoart (1, 20); Ta ὁπ Tag apxac (1, 35); TT χρεων απο- κοπησ (2, 31); ατιμονὰ Κ T trode (3, 32);

δ'κα er’ ov’ over Oar dix ov\ (4, 6); meuvntd mw avr’ (4, 15); π΄ τ' δ'νεμεσθ τὶ γην (4, 21); μ τὶ τ΄ νομων θεσιν (5, 23); ov evdexeTd (7, 2); μ'ὶπεμπομοσ (7, 14); αρμοδιῦ (7, 25); σίπαντα o ow (8, 21); δ΄κα τί π' To ἀστὺ (9, 4); K τ' σίμαχω (το, 12); \«K δικοσ (τι, 1), τωι πίκλει (11, 27); ἐπεὶ δ΄ μὶ τ' εν σικελ γενομίην S popay (11, 46);

o γραψεινἁανηγωντ», i.e. συγγράψειν ἂν ἡγῶνται (12, 3)- ; fe cos aioe focal in (1): —K Badrrerh (25, 25); Spaxue (27, τὴ; apxovr? (27, 23); watperrat (29, 18); δ᾽τιθησι (29, 23)5 μὲ τ᾽ Bova (29, 50); πῖτιθενται (30, 41). In (1) alone :—°=ov in 15 places, ¢.g. © ape? may, (2, 9); =ov in 44 places, e.g. θητικο, (3, 3); Ξξοι in 8 places, e.g. durxe- Ne (το, 17); Ξξοὶς once, αλλοὸ (2, 33)5 =-ous in 16 places, 4.9. κλεισθενο, (12, 8); Κ΄ m (8, 9). ΕῚ In (4) alone:—//=eiot (in 20 places, e.g. twice in 27, 11 and 28, 41); ὑΞε ὑπό (26, 19, 30; 27, 20; 28, 24); σθ' Ξε -σθαι in 16 places, e.g. δυνασθ' (26, 9); Y= ὑπό in 26, 19 and 30; 27, 20; 28, 24; also = ὑπο- in ὑζυγιων (26, 52); &=dva- in 13 places, e.g. aBnvat 30, 3. In (3) alone: ὑ) Ξε ὑπέρ twice 21, 24 and

23, 22 (cf. 22, 44). (3) ch -- καί (22, 13 δε;

23, 22;)=-kal- in avary Sov (23, 14). xwp Ξεχώραν (22, 2); τρδιτετρόπον (22, 11ὴ} atoypap =droypapds 22,35. Finalva bove last letter of word, seven times, cf.

P- I51, 2.6. xb also=-xat- in (4), 27, 17 4 Van Leeuwen, ὦ. c. p. 165.

THE BRITISH MUSEUM PAPYRUS xvii

times have ε for εἰ, 6.9. πίσιστρατος in three places (Col. 5, 28, 33, 37), besides four other instances. In (2) there are as many as 41, 6.9. αφιλον for ἀφεῖλον (Col. 16, 4); in (3) and (4) there are only four and five respectively. Conversely we have εἰ for «in all the four hands, the number of instances being 14, 11, 15 and 2 respectively. Both of these mistakes are combined in πολειτιαν (Col. 13, 3) and πολειτιας (14, 1; τό, 26).

There is nothing resembling a mark of punctuation, except the short horizontal line in the margin (Cols. 1, 40; 2, 43 7, 15, 30; 11, 5, 31; 13,15). In some cases this may be a true παραγραφή, as in Col. 1, 40 and 8, 21 f, where it coincides with the natural end of a chapter; in others (as suggested by Blass’) it may denote a corruption; at any rate this appears more probable than van Leeuwen’s’ opinion that it draws attention to an important or striking statement.

There are no breathings or accents, except in ἐκμαρτυρῶν (Col. 3, 9), νομοφυλακεῖν (3, 26), δήμον (4, 29), (12, 3), ἡγώνται (13, 11) and avrov (29, 46). In some of these cases they are apparently added to prevent ambiguity of meaning*.

Blunders made by hand (2) are occasionally corrected, apparently by hand (1), or possibly (4). It has been suggested that the transcript was begun by some one who desired a copy for his own use, and, after writing out the first twelve columns, entrusted to others the task of copying the remainder, being content to revise their work and to correct their misspellings and their other mistakes®. The editors of the first German edition, Kaibel and von Wilamowitz®, hold that all the cor- rections are due to hand (1) which they identify with (4). To account for the fact that many blunders are left uncorrected, they assume that the text depends on two earlier Mss, one of them much more accurate than the other’. Blass however holds, with apparently greater proba- _ bility, that there are several correctors: all the four hands correct some of their own mistakes; and one or more of them correct the work of the rest, not to mention the possibility of a revision independent of all _ the four. The same critic divides the ‘corrections’ into five groups, the _ most important of which he prefers to regard as variae lectiones which - were recorded as such in the Ms from which our papyrus was copied’. The process by which the fapyrus plant was made into material for - writing was as follows: the tall stem had its rind stripped off and the pith cut with a sharp instrument into broad slices of extreme thinness

1 Van Leeuwen, ὦ. c. p. 166. 5 Mr Kenyon’s /ntroduction, p. xi.

2 Praef. p. xi. 6 Praef. p. vii.

3 Zc. p. 166. 7 Praef. p. ix.

4 Mr Kenyon’s Jntrod. last page; and 8 Blass, Praef. pp. viii—xi. See also van Leeuwen, /. c. p. 167. Thalheim’s ed., p. vif.

a2

xl viii THE BRITISH MUSEUM PAPYRUS

and considerable length. These were laid in long strips on a flat board; across these were placed in the opposite direction and touching one another, a number of short strips corresponding in length to the proposed height of the roll. The upper and lower surfaces were made to adhere to one another by means of the slightly glutinous sap of the pith or (failing that) by means of paste. The long scroll thus formed was thereupon smoothed down with an ivory instrument or a shell’. The proper side for writing is that on which the horizontal strips allow of the pen running freely without traversing the frequent joinings of the successive parallel strips of papyrus. Thus, the British Museum papyrus of the first three speeches of Hyperides is written entirely on what may be called the ‘horizontal’ side, z.¢. that on which the strips of papyrus run in a horizontal direction. If any writing is added on the back, it may be described as written on the ‘vertical’ side, that on which the strips run vertically and overlap one another at their edges. After the front of a scroll has been filled, the back is not unfrequently used for some other writing on a totally different subject. For example, the British Museum papyrus of the Funeral Oration of Hyperides has a Greek horoscope on one side, and that the ‘horizontal’, or right side ; while the speech of Hyperides is written on the ‘vertical’, or wrong side. Similarly the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία is written on the vertical, or wrong side, technically called verso (or ‘reverse’) as opposed to vecto. It may be inferred that the text of any author so inscribed on the back of the scroll is not only later in date than that on the other side; but also that it has been copied solely for the private use of the owner (probably a student’), and not for publication or for preservation in a public library *.

On the horizontal side of the papyrus of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία are the accounts of receipt and expenditure drawn up by a bailiff on a private estate in the eleventh year of Vespasian (from Aug. 78 to June 79 A.D.)*. After (but probably not very long after) the time when the accounts had ceased to be valuable, the other side was used to the extent of a column and a half for the transcription of an argument to. the Midias of Demosthenes*; the latter was then struck out, the roll turned upside down and the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία written on it, beginning ©

1 Martial xv 209, ‘Levis ab aequorea cortex Mareotica concha Fiat: inoffensa currit harundo via.’ Cf. Pliny, WV. AZ. xiii §§ 68—83; Bliimner’s Zechnologie, i 308—325, and Kenyon’s Palaeography of Greek Papyri (1899), I5—22.

2 Wilamowitz, i 291.

3 Ὁ, Wilcken, Hermes 1887, p. 487—- 492, Recto oder Verso.

4 ἔτους ἑνδεκάτου αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Οὐεσπασιάνου Σεβαστοῦ ἀργυρικὸς λόγος ᾿ῬἜπιμάχου Πολυδεύκους λημμάτων καὶ ἀναλωμάτων τῶν δι’ ἐμοῦ Διδύμου ᾿Ασπα- σίου χειριζομένων (in the original there | ξ are no accents).

5 Printed in the Dutch ed. of the "Ag. woX., pp. 180—185; andin Mr Resya 5. Ε 3rd ed., pp. 215-210.

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΊΙΤΕΙΑ xlix

at the other end of the roll. The’mMs has been assigned to ‘the end of the first century of our era or, at latest, the beginning of the second’, and this opinion is confirmed by several dated documents of the first and second centuries which have come to light since the first publication of the papyrus’. ᾿

7:

The date of the original composition of the treatise is determined by internal evidence. The system of electing Strateg? for special departments of military duty, which is recognised in c. 61 § 1, was in force as early as 352 B.c.” If that was the date of the introduction of the new system, the work was written later than that date. The latest date expressly quoted in it is the archonship of Cephisophon, B.C. 329-8 (c. 54 § 7). Again, since in c. 46 § 1 mention is made of triremes and quadriremes, and not of quinqueremes, it has been inferred that it was written before B.c. 325~—4, the earliest date at which quinqueremes are named in connexion with the navy of Athens? Further, it is clear that the treatise could not have been composed after 322 B.c.; because, in that case, we should certainly have had some account of the change in the constitution of Athens which was brought about by Antipater in that year’, Lastly, the treatise describes the Athenians as still sending officials to Samos (c. 62, 16); in the autumn of B.C. 322 that island ceased to be under the control of Athens. B.C. 322 is also the year of the death of Aristotle: hence, the evidence derived from the treatise itself shews that it was written while Aristotle was still alive; and the reasons above assigned enable us to place its date between B.c. 328 and 325°.

We have already traced in chronological order the evidence of all the ancient authorities who quote the Πολιτεῖαι. We have seen that the work as a whole is assigned to Aristotle by the unanimous voice of antiquity ; and it has just been shewn that the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία was _ certainly completed while Aristotle was still alive’ In such a case we

Date and Authorship of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία.

? Mr Kenyon’s Juzrod. to ed. 3, p. xvi.

* See note on c. 61, 5, ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν.

3 Mr Cecil Torr in Athenaeum, Feb. 7, 1891; Bruno Keil, Berl. Phil. Woch. 1801, p. 614; J. H. Lipsius, Verhand- lungen der Sachs. Gesellschaft der Wissen- _ Schaften, 28 Feb. 1891, p. 45. See note on 46 § 1. 4 Bruno Keil, w. s. p. 613.

> The treatise makes no mention of the financial officer known as ἐπὶ τῇ διοικήσει, who existed as early as 334, possibly as early as 338. Hence it has been inferred by V. von Schéffer that the main bulk of

the treatise was composed ἐς. 350 B.C., the chapter on the Dracontic constitution (c. 4) and the mention of the archonship of Cephisophon being later additions on the part of the author (Bursian’s Jahresd. 75, 32 ἢ).

& Wilamowitz, i 305, holds that all the Πολιτεῖαι were produced towards the end of Aristotle’s life:—‘Die Politie der Athener, von der nur Willkiir ihre Schwestern trennen kann, ebenso wie die politischen Vortrige und die Δικαιώματα, der letzten Lebenszeit des Aristoteles an- gehoren.’

1 AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α

must necessarily accept the work as Aristotle’s, unless internal evidence is conclusive on the other side. The consideration of that evidence turns partly on questions of style, partly on the relations subsisting between the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία and the Politics. Let us consider the latter point first.

The latest event mentioned in the Politics is the death of Philip in B.C. 3361, Had the Po/itics been finished even as early as seven years after that date, it would have been completed before the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. But, according to the opinion now prevalent among Aristo- telian scholars, it was left incomplete by its author and was not given to the world in his lifetime. Books vii (iv) and viii (v) are more care- fully composed than the rest, being specially marked by the avoidance of hiatus. It is possible that these two books represent the author’s finished style ; it is also possible that they owe their polish to the skill of a pupil of the Peripatetic school*. But in either case they are not of the nature of a popular work, and there is nothing to prove that they were in general circulation during the author’s lifetime.

It has sometimes been supposed that the vast collection of facts relating to the πολιτεῖαι of various Greek states was formed to serve as materials for the theoretical treatment of the subject in the Politics. The folitics, however, were never completed, whereas the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία assumed a finished form more than three years before the death of Aristotle. But it is quite possible that the materiads for the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, and for the rest of the series, were collected before the larger part of the Politics was reduced to writing. The same materials would serve for both; but, in the case of the Πολιτεῖαι, they were embodied in a finished work for popular perusal; in the case of the Po/ttics, they formed part of the preliminary studies for courses of lectures probably confined to the philosopher’s immediate circle. Now, as the Politics may have continued to supply the theme for such lectures in and after 334, while the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία was not ready for public perusal until 6 or 8 years later, we need not be surprised to find in the Poktics. no reference whatsoever to the Πολιτεῖαι. At a time when only fragments of the latter were known to scholars, this fact used to be quoted in proof of the spuriousness of the work. But now that nearly the whole of one of the Πολιτεῖαι has been recovered, and its date determined to be later than the latest event noticed in the FPo/itics, no argument against its genuineness can be founded on the fact that the author

1 viii (v) 10, 1311 6 2. There may, Hicks, p. 662. Wilamowitz, i 363, re- however, be references to the events of gards the Politics and the Πολιτεῖαι as. 333 and 330, see Newman on 1270411, ‘im ganzen gleichzeitig verfasst’.

1299 @ 14, and 131246. Onthe possible 2 Shute’s History of the papillae dates of different parts of the Politics, see Writings, pp. 164—170. eee ει

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ TIOAITEIA | li

of the unfinished work says nothing of a popular treatise that had not yet been published while the theoretical work was still in course of preparation.

| The question arises whether the Πολιτεῖαι are ever mentioned in the undisputed works of Aristotle. At the close of the Z¢hics, when about to state the theme of the ensuing discussion in the Poditics, Aristotle speaks of τῶν πολιτειῶν ai συναγωγαὶ and also of τῶν συνηγμένων πολιτειῶν (x 9 §§ 21, 23). The sense of the context of the latter phrase may be expressed as follows: ‘First then let us endeavour to review whatever is to some extent valuable in the statements of our predecessors, and then to learn from the constitutions which have been collected (or put into juxtaposition with one another), the causes which are apt to preserve or to destroy states, and the causes which have this effect on the several constitutions. This promise is sufficiently fulfilled by the review of the various constitutions in Book un, their classification in Books 111-v1', and the discussion of the ways in which revolutions may be caused or prevented in Book viii (v).

Rose, however, in his Avistoteles Pseudepigraphus, while regarding the πολιτειῶν συναγωγαὶ as existing collections of facts forming materials for the Politics, insists at the same time that Aristotle had not himself written any such work or expressed any intention of writing it”. The Politics of Aristotle, he adds, were supplemented in due time by the works on νομοθεσία written by his pupil Theophrastus ; but neither Aristotle nor Theophrastus, he contends, ever wrote any work on πολιτεῖαι. The Πολιτεῖαι, attributed to Aristotle, are ascribed by Rose to some anony- mous Peripatetic who was less of a philosopher than a historian and philologist. Such was Demetrius Phalereus who wrote works περὶ τῆς ᾿Αθήνησι νομοθεσίας and περὶ τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι πολιτειῶν. Such, again, was

1 Cf. Newman, Ar. Pol. vol. i pp. 2,

214—220.

ΠΡ Rose, A. P. p. 396.

-Camerarius and > πολιτεῖαι συνηγμέναι as a reference to Aristotle’s historical work, a view sup-

rted by Grant and Stahr, Ar. Pol.

{1860) p. 66, and by Wilamowitz, i 360 n. We. may compare Aristotle’s συναγωγὴ Texvav. Heitz, Verl. Schr. Ὁ. 232, quotes the paraphrase of Andronicus: εἶτα συναγαγόντες τὰς πολιτείας θεωρῶμεν ἐν αὐταῖς τε φθείρει καὶ σῴζει τὰς πόλεις. From the use οἵ συναγωγαὶ in Pol. vii (vi) tnit., Ὁ. 1316 40, ἔτι δὲ τὰς συναγωγὰς αὐτῶν τῶν εἰρημένων ἐπισκεπτέον πάντων Τῶν τρόπων, and συνακτέον εἰς ὀλίγα in 1319 23, he infers that they are de unter eine gewisse Anzahl von Rubriken vertheilien, verschiedenen . Verfassungs-

ictorius understood’

formen. But the meaning of συναγωγαὶ in the former of these two passages is determined by Aristotle himself by the use of the word συνδυαζόμενα in the very next line, and συνδυασμοὶ in the subse- quent context. It refers to constitutions which exceptionally combine oligarchic and democratic elements; and this sense has nothing to do with the interpretation of the passage in the Ethics proposed by Heitz. Susemihl (followed by Mr J. A. Stewart) brackets Z7h. x 9 88 22, 23, the passage including τῶν συνηγμένων πολι- τειῶν, while he retains § 21, with -its mention of τῶν πολιτειῶν αἱ cuvaywyal. The former phrase is rendered by Suse- mihl- Hicks (Politécs p. 690), and by New- man (i p. 2), ‘a comparison of constitu- tions’.

li AUTHORSHIP OF THE A®HNAION ΠΟΛΙΤΈΙΑ

Dicaearchus, whose πολιτεῖαι were known to Cicero. The author of the Πολιτεῖαι was (according to Rose) inspired, like Dicaearchus, by the example of Aristotle who, in his Poditics, touches on the constitutions of a large number of states. Now that we know that the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία was completed several years before the death of Aristotle, while the Po/itics was still unfinished, the suggestion that the unknown author of the Πολιτεῖαι was inspired by the FoZitics falls to the ground, unless indeed we are to assume that the author was one of the pupils of Aristotle who attended his course on the Politics at some date after his return to Athens (334). If so, it is singular that the name of this remarkably prolific writer should not have been preserved. On the contrary, the name has completely vanished, and in its place we find everywhere the name of Aristotle and of none beside.

It has been supposed (by Ruhl) that the editor of the treatise in its present form was Heracleides Lembos, the author of an extensive compilation called Ἱστορίαι, who flourished under Ptolemy Philometor (181—146). Demetrius Phalereus and Dicaearchus have also been mentioned as possible authors. The former is suggested by Rose in his Avistoteles Pseudepigraphus, p. 398. ‘Two of the fragments seemed to imply a more aristocratic type of constitution than any that prevailed at Athens before about 317 B.c.; and, on the other hand, the work must have been composed before the number of the Attic tribes was increased from ten to twelve (B.c. 307). The fragments in question are those on θεσμοθετῶν ἀνάκρισις (414°) and στρατεία ἐν τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις (4695). The inference drawn by Rose is not supported by the context in which we find those fragments in the present work (c. 55 § 1 and c. 53 § 7); and we now know that the treatise was written not between 317 and 307, but between 328 and 325. Rose’s suggestion has been recently revived by Schvarez’. If any detailed refutation of this view is necessary, it may be noticed that, of all the passages attributed to the work of Demetrius περὶ τῆς ᾿Αθήνησι νομοθεσίας (either by Harpocration, 5.0. σκαφηφόροι, Ζεὺς ἕρκειος and παράστασις, or by Plutarch, So/. 23, or by the Scholiast on Arist. Vubes 37, or by other authorities mentioned in Miiller’s FHG), not one is to be found in the πολιτεία. Indeed, in the very first fragment of the work of Demetrius, the account of κυρία ἐκκλησία is described by Harpocration as less satisfactory than that of ‘Aristotle’ which is found in c. 43 § 4. Similarly Harpocration, 5.0. παράστασις, prefixes to a quotation from Demetrius περὶ νομοθεσίας, a quotation from ‘Aristotle’ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείᾳ which is found in c. 59 3; and the Scholiast on Arist. Vudbes 37 quotes from both

1 Ar. und die’A@. Tod. pp. ε, a.

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ [π᾿

treatises, his quotation from ‘Aristotle’ being found in c. 21 5. (From the other work, περὶ τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι πολιτειῶν Or πολιτῶν, named in Diog. Laert. v 80, not a single fragment has survived.) To meet these difficulties Schvarcz suggests that, at the time of writing the περὶ τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι πολιτειῶν, which he practically identifies with the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, Demetrius was unacquainted with the facts which he afterwards ascertained by further study in the archives of Athens and embodied in his later work περὶ τῆς ᾿Αθήνησι νομοθεσίας. And yet, strange to say, the account of κυρία ἐκκλησία in this ‘later work’ is in the judgment of Harpocration inferior to that in the treatise which Schvarcz identifies with the earlier work’ of Demetrius.

It is equally impossible to assign it to Aristotle’s pupil, Dicaearchus, for not a single fragment attributed to him by ancient authorities is to be found in the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. Nothing is quoted from his πολιτεῖαι οἵ Pellene and Corinth, or Sparta and Athens; and the few remains of his antiquarian works περὶ μουσικῶν ἀγώνων, περὶ Διονυσιακῶν

ἀγώνων and Παναθηναϊκός, have nothing in common with the treatment _ of those topics in the treatise ascribed to Aristotle.

While in the Politics there is no allusion to the Πολιτεῖαι, there are | Many passages in the “AQ. πολ. which, either in thought or expression, | are so closely parallel to the Politics, as to suggest a common author- ship. Such coincidences might of course be due to the retentive ' memory of a pupil attending the master’s lectures on his unfinished and unpublished work ; but it seems more natural to ascribe them to acommon author. Let us first consider the more general coincidences of thought.

τς (1) Τῆε ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία is the work of one who displays a certain " predilection for an aristocratic form of government.

In the Politics there is no question as to the author’s general ' sympathies being on the side οἵδ aristocratic government. Aristocracy ' is to Aristotle an ἀρίστη πολιτεία. It is marked by election for merit ; /it is distinguished from the perfect state (which alone really deserves the name of aristocracy’) by being a government of men who are only good f relatively to the constitution; it is so called because the best rule, or because the best interests of the state are consulted ; it is analogous ΤΟ royalty as government of the best: it is even preferable to royalty, | because under it the good are more than one. Odigarchy, the perverted i form of Aristocracy, is inferior to constitutional government (πολιτεία), jand to its perverted form, Democracy.

| Democracy is described in the Politics as the government of the

1 Pol. 1293 τί.

liv AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑἈΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ITOAITEIA

many in their own interests; it is the perversion of constitutional government; it is akin to tyranny; in its extreme form it is peculiarly apt to pass into tyranny; it is, however, the only possible form of government in large states; and it is more stable than oligarchy. ‘Liberty and equality’, as well as the ‘use of the lot’, are dispassionately described as characteristic of democracy; and suggestions are pro- pounded for the improvement of this form of government’.

The author of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία dwells on the importance of the services rendered by the Areopagus in the times of Dracon (c. 4) and Solon (c. g), and in the sixteen years immediately succeeding the formation of the confederacy of Delos (c. 23). Cleon is regarded as a demagogue who corrupted the people (c. 28). Nicias, Thucydides (son of Melesias), and Theramenes, are counted among the best statesmen of Athens (c. 28). The writer shows the greatest interest in the constitutional measures proposed by the Four Hundred (c. 29—3z2) ; at the same time he does not disguise the atrocities committed by the Thirty (c. 35 end). The restoration of the democracy is described in dispassionate and unenthusiastic terms (c. 38). The defeat of a pro- posal to reward all who had aided in its restoration is mentioned in language implying that the author did not disapprove of the result.

. On the other hand, the transfer of judicial functions from the βουλὴ. to the ἐκκλησία is commended on the ground that ‘small bodies are more open to corruption than large ones’ (ας. 41, 1. 28); but this approval is expressed in the mildest terms and does not imply sympathy with democracy as such. It has been quoted? as inconsistent with the Politics; but the reason given for the writer’s approval of the transfer is in perfect accord with a passage in the Politics (1286 a 30, quoted in note on c. 41 1. 28). There are two periods in which Athens enjoyed a good government :—(1) the 16 years during which the Areopagus was supreme; and (2) the time immediately after the Four Hundred. The only phrase that does not remind one of the writer of the Politics is the reference to the ‘forgiving spirit’ of democracy in I am not aware of anything like it in the Politics, but I may observe that it recalls a notable passage in the Repubhc, and may possibly be a reminiscence of it®. |

aA 3 / / οι 22 4 - τ χρώμενοι ΤΊ εἰωθυίᾳ του δήμου TPQoTyTL.

-1 For the reff. as to all these points,

τιοῦν σμικρολογία αὐτῆς. The tert see Index to Jowett’s Politics 5. v. Aris-

πρᾳότης happens to be used just befores

tocracy and Democracy. 2 Cauer, Hat Ar. die Schrift vom

Staate der Athener geschrieben? p. 49. 3

Ρ. 558 B (of the ‘forgiving spirit’ of democracy), 7 cvyyvwun καὶ οὐδ᾽ d6rwc-.

but it is there applied to the ‘calmness’ with which condemned criminals go about the world like heroes under a democratical government :---- πρᾳότης, ἐνίων τῶν δικασθέντων οὐ κομψή ;

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ IIOAITEIA lv

The attitude of the author of the πολιτεία towards Peisistratus and Theramenes is in harmony with what we should expect from the author of the Fo/itics. Both agree that Peisistratus rose to power by attacking the men of the Plain'; unless a certain passage in the Po/itics is inter- polated, both observe that he was summoned before the Areopagus, and that he was twice exiled from Athens*. When recommending ‘the constitution that gives predominance to the moderately wealthy class’ (1296 α 38), Aristotle adds that ‘only one of those who had played a leading part in the affairs of Greece had encouraged the introduction of this form’. As to the person meant there is much diversity of opinion; but whether (with Mr Newman) we identify him with Theramenes, or (as Dr Jowett prefers) with Solon, we have in either case a complete agreement with the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, though this does not exhaust the question. Again, the description of Ostracism and its object is ‘to a considerable extent in harmony with that given in the Polstics’*. The account of the policy of Aristides is less favourable than we should expect (see c. 24), ‘inasmuch as he is said to have converted a citizen- body largely consisting of peasants into an urban citizen-body subsisting on pay and exercising a despotic authority over the subject states, and

thus to have contributed to the establishment of an extreme democracy’. We are taught, however, in the Po/itics (1292 41—1293 α 6) to ‘con- -nect the establishment of a τελευταία δημοκρατία with a great increase in

the size of the city and with the provision of pay’; and we also know ‘that the opinion of Aristotle’s pupil, Theophrastus, on the policy of Aristides, ‘was not an altogether favourable one’ (Plut. Avistid. c. 25)*. _.. While the two works are in general agreement on the points above ‘mentioned, there are certain apparent discrepancies that must now be noticed. (1) The ‘Dracontic Constitution’ of the πολιτεία (c. 4) is in \conflict with the passage in the Politics (1274 15) which states that 'Dracon ‘adapted his laws to a constitution that already existed’ ; but the Dracontic Constitution’ has been vigorously attacked on its own merits, while the passage in the Politics is of doubtful genuineness. Again, the πολιτεία (c. 17 1) states that Peisistratus reigned for 19 years; ithe Politics (1315 31) makes his reign last for 17, but the whole of the ‘context of the latter passage is bracketed by Susemibl in his 2nd and 13rd editions. In a disputed passage of the πολιτεία, Themistocles \co-operates with Ephialtes for the curtailment of the power of the Areopagus: in a possibly interpolated chapter of the Politics (ii 12), the place of Themistocles is taken by Pericles, but not without protest 1 the part of critics, even before the discovery of the πολιτεία. In the

1 Pol. 1305 23. 3 Mr Newman in Class. Rev. v 162 ὁ. 2 Pol. 1315 6 21, 31. Mid.

lvi AUTHORSHIP OF THE A@HNAION IIOAITEIA

πολιτεία (c. 21 6) we are told that Cleisthenes ‘allowed every one to retain his γένος and φρατρία and his (hereditary) priesthood according to his ancestral rights’; in a perfectly genuine passage of the Politics (1319 23) it is implied that Cleisthenes ‘increased the number of the phratries’ and ‘converted a number of private worships into a few public ones’, But these passages may be readily reconciled with one another if we consider that the passage in the πολιτεία refers to those who were already citizens ; that in the Po/tics to the νεοπολῖται.

It has been pointed out by Mr*Macan that ‘the ideas underlying the second part of the work are conspicuously Aristotelian. The distinction between ἄρχειν and ἄρχεσθαι and its relation to the franchise; the definition and essence of citizenship (1275 @ 22, and 22)...; the theory of citizenship in the Politics, especially in Bk 111 ad zni¢., might seem to be presupposed in the treatment of the ἀρχαὶ in the work under consideration’’.

The comparison we have endeavoured to draw between the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία and the Politics cannot perhaps be better concluded than by a striking example of identity of thought and language in the two works. In °A@, πολ. c. 16 we read of Peisistratus: τοῖς ἀπόροις mpocdaverte χρήματα πρὸς τὰς ἐργασίας, ὥστε διατρέφεσθαι γεωργοῦντας. τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐποίει δυοῖν χάριν, ἵνα μήτε ἐν τῷ ἄστει διατρίβωσιν ἀλλὰ διεσπαρμένοι κατὰ τὴν χώραν, καὶ ὅπως εὐποροῦντες τῶν μετρίων καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὄντες μήτ᾽ ἐπιθυμῶσι μήτε σχολάζξωσιν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν κοινῶν. In the Politics we are told that (even under a democracy) it is advisable to provide the poor (τοὺς ἀπόρους) with capital, and encourage them to work (τρέπειν ἐπ᾿ ἐργασίας 1320 8); and that it is characteristic of an oligarchy and a tyranny to drive the people out of the city and disperse them (1311 @ 14). We learn elsewhere that the best material for a democracy is an agricultural population ; for being poor they have no leisure (ἄσχολος), and therefore seldom attend the assembly ; and, not having the necessaries of life, they are always at their work (πρὸς τοῖς ἔργοις διατρίβουσι καὶ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων οὐκ ἐπιθυμοῦσι, 1318 14); lastly, that while mechanics or traders or labourers are apt to frequent the city and find it easy to attend the assembly, the agricultural class: (οἱ γεωργοῦντες) do not attend meetings, or equally feel the need of assembling together, because they are scattered over the country (διὰ, τὸ διεσπάρθαι κατὰ τὴν χώραν, 1319 a 30). It would be difficult to imagine a more complete series of parallelisms in expression as well as thought. Again, in c. 41, 25 f, we find the final form of the democratie constitution of Athens described in the terms :---ἀπάντων αὐτὸς αὑτὸν

Li}. M.S. 189%, p. 21.

es OD τιν Ah

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ | lvii

πεποίηκεν δῆμος κύριον, Kal πάντα διοικεῖται ψηφίσμασιν κτλ. In the Politics, 1292 a 26, we find the phrases—é.a τὸ τὸν δῆμον πάντων εἶναι κύριον, and 7. 35, τοιαύτη κατάστασις, ἐν ψηφίσμασι πάντα διοικεῖται.

Apart from these undoubted resemblances, which are more striking than the ἌΠΡΊΜΒΒΙ discrepancies, the general spirit of both works is the same’.

Next, as to the danguage and il of the treatise. The vocabulary includes nine words that are not found elsewhere: these fall into two

_ groups, (1) technical expressions, viz. ἐπιζημίωσις (45,9, quoted from a law), ἑπτετηρίς (54, 29), ἑπτάχους (67, 8), προδρομεύω (49, 6), and προεδρικός (59, 6); (2) words compounded with two prepositions, viz. ἐπεισκαλῶ and ἐπείσκλητος (30, 22—23); προσαναζητώ (29, 16); προδιασπείρω (14, 23). The technical terms need no defence ; ἑπτετηρὶς is exactly analogous to τριετηρὶς and πεντετηρίς, and ἑπτάχους to δίχους and ἑξάχους which occur elsewhere. Of the compound words the first three occur in quotations from public documents, and the last is supported by the analogy of προδιαβάλλειν, προδιασύρειν and προδιαχωρεῖν in the undisputed works.

- Double compounds are in fact characteristic of Aristotle ; in the /udex | Aristotelicus, out of nine words compounded with ἐπεισ- one is found in _ Aristotle alone, and two others are first found in his pages; while, among the compounds with rpocava- and προσαπο-, two are found in _ Aristotle alone, and five are used by no earlier writer’. Among words that are not found in the /adex Aristotelicus may be mentioned: kvapevew, avaxpalew, βῆμα, ἀντιστασιώτης, ὁμοφρονήσαντες | (14, 8), ἀγηλατεῖν (20, 8). Of these ἀγηλατεῖν is obviously quoted from Herodotus ; and ὁμοφρονήσαντες, which occurs four times in Herodotus (though not in the same historical connexion), comes immediately after _aword borrowed from that historian. The rest are part of the necessary vocabulary of the subject, and their non-appearance in the undisputed works is merely accidental. Exception has been taken to συμβουλεύειν (c. 30, 14) as non-Aristotelian, and τούτων χάριν (29, 25) and ἐντὸς τριῶν μνῶν (49, 26) have been described as apparently un-Aristotelian*; but ithe last of these is cited from a law, and the other two are also in iquotations; so that here at any rate we have no right to demand sadherence to Aristotelian usage.

Among the compound verbs that are not found in any contemporary

iwriter are ἀντιδημαγωγεῖν, ἐπιδιανέμειν, ἐξαπορεῖν, προδιασπείρειν, προσ-

'κοσμεῖν, καταφατίζειν, συναρέσκεσθαι and παραστρατηγηθῆναι: and, among technical terms, ζευγίσιον, ὀστρακοφορία, ἀφέσιμος (ἡμέρα), εὐσημία,

1 Wilamowitz, i 372. > Gomperz, Anszeiger der; phil.-hist. Class. Rev. v 273. Classe, Wien, 1891, no. xi.

lviii AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ IIOAITEIA βάλανος, ἐμπήκτης, ἐπιστύλιον, ἐκθύματα (?), and ἐναγίσματα᾽. The word προδανείζειν, which has been quoted as only used by later writers, is actually found in contemporary decrees*®; and τριακοντόριον, which has been described as an ‘entirely new word’, is to be seen in con- temporary inscriptions*®. μεμψιμοιρία is not found in Aristotle, but he uses μεμψίμοιρος.

Lists of un-Aristotelian words and phrases’ have been collected by various scholars in the Classical Review*; and many of the items in such a list will call for notice in the course of the commentary. Attention has also been drawn to the absence of certain turns of expression charac- teristic of the undisputed writings of Aristotle: thus in the πολιτεία ‘there is a good deal about democracy, but we miss the technical terms ἐσχάτη, ὑστάτη, τελευταία, ἄκρατος δημοκρατία. Nothing is ἄτοπον, and no person or thing is either σπουδαῖος or φαῦλος δ. But, however acute such criticism may be, and undoubtedly is, much of its point is removed, and its edge appreciably blunted, by a frank recognition of the necessary distinction that separates the style of a popular manual like the πολιτεία, from that of a philosophical investigation like the Po/ttzcs.

To a similar cause we may ascribe the differences which may be noticed in the degree to which certain particles and conjunctions are used in the πολιτεία as compared with the undisputed works already known to us. Of the articles, ye is not used at all, and consequently γοῦν does not occur, roe occurs only once in μέντοι (28, 35) where its existence is solely due to a probable, but not perfectly certain, emen-. dation. περ is found only in καθάπερ, καίπερ, ὅσπερ, ὅσοσπερ and μὴν is only used in οὐ μὴν followed by ἀλλά. δὴ is rather rare, but is sometimes found after a demonstrative pronoun, once after a superlative (κάλλιστα δή 40, 17); and in several instances where te is followed by καὶ δὴ καί; ἐπειδὴ is rare, while ἐπεὶ and ἐπειδὰν are common. Of the conjunctions, οὖν is only used by itself twice (19, 19) and 60, 15), but μὲν οὖν is frequent. dpa, τοίνυν, rotyap, and τε γάρ, are) not found. ἀλλὰ occurs some thirty-seven times, but (except in 40, τό): always after a negative. καὶ always follows διό, and nearly always follows ὅθεν, when used in the sense of διό; ἵνα is found about nine teen times; ὅπως twenty-two times; and ὅπως ay twice®.

ὥσπερ.

1 See also Kaibel’s Stl und Text,

38 f.

2 The decree of Stratocles preserved in [Plut.] 852 B; and another inscr. relating

urkunden, Ὁ. 303. Σ

4 ν 123 (J. B. Mayor), 184 and 272 (H Richards); ‘rare words’, 2d., 229 (E. J Chinnock).. See also Greek Index.

to Lycurgus in CIA ii 162 ¢ 7 and 9g (cf. Class. Rev. vi 255 @).

3 Besides the inscr. of B.c. 325/4 quoted on 56, 20, we have one of 330/29 in which the word occurs twice :—cf. Boeckh’s See-

5 Class. Rev. v 273 (H. Richards). ~

6 Cf. van Herwerden’s /nudex - tionts, s.v. Particulae’; also Kaibel’s und Text, 73—8o. i

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ IIOAITETA lix

In the undisputed works, ye and οὖν and τε yap are common; ἄρα is rare in the Politics; τοίνυν, μέντοι and καίτοι frequent in the JZefa- physics, Physics and Politics; yet, in the Rhetoric, μέντοι is found only four times; καίτοι only five. μὴν is used not only after od (as in the πολιτεία), but also after ἀλλά; οὐ μὴν ἀλλά, though only found once (except in quotations) in the RAeforic (1361 @ 29), is not infrequent in the Politics (eg. 1284 6 4, 1262 a, 1264 a, 1290 ὦ) as in the πολιτεία. The argumentative sense of δὴ is common, but is never found after a superlative (as once in the πολιτεία) ; as a variation on καὶ δὴ καὶ (which also occurs in the πολιτεία) we have καὶ followed (but never immediately followed) by δή ; ὅθεν is followed by καὶ in Pol. 1384 11, ὅθεν δῆλον ὅτι καί; and διὸ by καὶ in 1301 39. After final conjunctions, such as ἵνα and ὅπως, whether the tense of the principal verb be present or not, the optative is hardly ever used, but almost invariably the subjunctive. The only exception to this rule in the πολιτεία is in c. 18, 30, ἵνα ἀσεβήσαιεν ἅμα καὶ γένοιντο ἀσθενεῖς, which may possibly be a quotation, as suggested by the introductory phrase, ws οἱ δημοτικοί φασιν. In the undisputed works ὅπως av generally has a relative sense, which it does not entirely lose even when the sense appears to be final’; in the πολιτεία, the only instances of ὅπως ἂν are in quotations from decrees of the fifth century, in which ὅπως with the subjunctive is never found without av*; all the other instances of ὅπως in the πολι- Tela are in strict accordance with Aristotle’s usage.

In the above statement such divergences as have been noticed may be fairly attributed to the different character of the works compared. There is clearly less scope for a multiplicity of particles, or of con- junctions (such as κἂν εἰ and τοίνυν and apa), in a consecutive exposition of constitutional history and antiquities, than in the course of a philo- sophic discussion‘.

In a review of the πολιτεία it has been well observed by the latest editor of the Politics, that ‘the style differs much from the style of the _ recognised works of Aristotle. It is a clear and precise, though a

1 The exceptions are Pol. 1320 35, and Z¢h. 11176 9—12. See Eucken, De | Particularum usu, Ὁ. 53. This work - has also been used for other details in _ this paragraph. | #? Eucken, p. 55.

3 Meisterhans, Gr. d. Att. Inschriften, 212".

4 See also Hagfors, De pracpositionum _ in Ar. Pol. et in Ath. Politia usu, 1892, p- 131, ‘quantum ex praepositionum usu - concludere licet, ille liber ab Aristotele _ potest esse conscriptus’; and F. Kaiss- : ling, Ueber den Gebrauch der Tempora

und Modi in des Aristoteles Politica und tm der Atheniensium FPolitia (1893), p- 89 f, ‘Die Folitica, als eine theoretische Staatslehre mit nur leichtem historischen Hintergrund, vielfach ganz andere Wend- ungen etc erheischten als die Azh. Politia, die als historisch-antiquarische Schrift auf wirklichen Verhaltnissen und Zustainden basiert. Auf der anderen Seite fanden

sich so vielfache Ahnlichkeiten...dass die Annahme, Aristoteles sei der Verfasser der A. P., soweit man nach dem Ver- gleich der Tempora und Modi urteilen kann, nicht unrechtfertigt erscheint’.

Ix AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ TIOAITEIA

rather bald style, a style which has not the pregnancy which we associate with the style of Aristotle, and is also comparatively free from the ambiguities and irregularities which beset it’. But ‘the work before us is a narrative and descriptive work addressed apparently...to the world at large, not to the pupils for whom the recognised works of Aristotle were probably designed, and it is not likely that it would be written in the same style’’. Simplicius draws attention to the lucidity of his style in the genuine Πολιτεῖαι, as well as in the Zopica and the Meteorotogica, as compared with his less popular works*. The treatise is in fact the sole representative of the more popular class of writings attributed to Aristotle, and it enables us for the first time to appreciate the justice of some of the ancient encomiums on Aristotle’s style, which have hitherto been hard to reconcile with that of his abstruser works. Thus Cicero speaks of his lumen orationis aureum*, and his dicendi incredibilis copia and swavitas*; and similar phrases are found in Dionysius of Hali- carhassus -and Quintilian®, The encomium in Cicero’s Academica in particular may indeed owe its exaggerated form to a desire to point the contrast between the style of Aristotle and the style of the Stoics ;_ but the general purport of these eulogies is enough to prove that, at a time when the abstruser writings of Aristotle were imperfectly known, © his style enjoyed the reputation of being marked by a singular charm 3 and richness and variety. This language has been generally explained as applicable to the lost dialogues of Aristotle; but there seems no sufficient reason for refusing to recognise it as holding good in the case of other popular works, ascribed to the same author. Such a work was the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία, and the style of that work may be fairly described as on the whole smooth and flowing, and severely graceful®.

It is perhaps even more than this. It is observed by Blass that its composition is marked by a high degree of attention to laws of rhythm similar to those adopted by Isocrates, and generally approved in the third book of the Rhetoric. Within the compass of a single sentence we repeatedly find a series of five to twelve or more syllables im-_ mediately followed by another of identical, or nearly identical, rhythm. Many examples of this have been noticed’, but a single instance of : an exceptionally striking character may perhaps suffice for the present

purpose (c. 55 4) :—

1 Mr Newman in Class. Rev. v 159. 5 Grote’s Ar. i 43—47, 58; the passages

2 In Cat. f. 4, ἐν οἷς ἐβουλήθη σαφέσ- are quoted at length in my note on the τατα ἐδίδαξεν, ὡς ἐν τοῖς μετεώροις καὶ τος Ογαΐογ of Cic., 62. See also Kaibel, τοπικοῖς καὶ ταῖς γνησίαις πολιτείαις, ἅπερ τ14 Ff.

διὰ τὸ κοινότερον τῶν θεωρημάτων σαφέσ- é See also Kaibel, 8 f, 64 f, 102 ἔξ τερον ἀπαγγεῖλαι σύνοιδε. Wilamowitz, i 309 f; and Diels in SB. 3 Acad. Prior. ii 119. Berlin Akad. 21 Dec. 1893. 4 Topica i 3. 7 Blass, Praef. xvi—xxv.

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α | Ixi

(ἐπειδὰν) δὲ παράσχηται τοὺς μάρτυρας ἐπ-ερωτᾷ, “τούτου βούλεταί τις κατηγορεῖν; κἂν μὲν τις κατήγορος κτλ. Here the first word is followed by a double series of nine syllables, passing off into a double series of eight; and, within each pair of sequences, the quantities of all the syllables correspond.

The observations of Blass on the rhythm of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία are perhaps unduly fanciful. In the extreme case quoted in the text the metrical correspondence is possibly due to accident alone. The central clause of the sentence is a quotation, τούτου βούλεταί τις κατηγορεῖν ; and it is difficult to believe that, in the language used immediately before and after this clause, the writer was consciously guided by the metrical value of the successive syllables of the quotation itself. One may also fairly mistrust a theory which leads its exponent to print the trisyllabic Πειραιῶς inc. 35 § 1, while everywhere else he prefers the quadrisyllabic Πειραιέως. A more cautious and sober view is that of Bruno Keil, 2.c., p. 36, who observes:—‘die Unfertigkeit des Aristotelischen Buches lasst eine Rhythmik in dem Umfange, wie Blass sie annimmt, m. E. iiberhaupt gar nicht suchen’. Elsewhere, p. 33, he makes the interesting remark: ‘das Zempo der Sprache unseres Buches ist im ganzen ein schnelles’,

The general avoidance of Azazus in this treatise implies that it is a finished work prepared for popular perusal and not a mere series of memoranda (or ὑπομνήματα) for personal use. This point was observed by Blass even in the scanty remains preserved in the Berlin fragments, and also by Mr Newman in the case of the work as a whole, It has since been investigated more minutely by Mr J. W. Headlam in the Classical Review. He shows (1) that a definite principle is observed throughout the greater part of the work. (a) as a general rule A4za¢us occurs only after the article, after numerals, after καί, διά and epi, and after words in which the last vowel is readily elided e.g. 'δέ, τε, τινα, ἔπειτα, εἶτα, ἀλλά, μηδέ, μήτε, πάντα, σφόδρα, μάλιστα. Hiatus is avoided _ at a pause, as well as in the middle of a sentence. (8) In quoted documents the rule does not hold (contrast c. 28 with latter part of c. 29). Nor (y)-in certain technical

' €xpressions, such as indications of dates, ¢.g. εὐθὺς δὲ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἔτει ἐπὶ Τελεσίνου ᾿ ἄρχοντος (22, 21); constitutional terms, e.g. βουλὴ ἐξ ’Apelov πάγου (4, 20); and

legal phrases, e.g. περὶ τοῦ δοῦναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ἂν ἐθέλῃ (35, 14) and μὴ εἶναι ἐλεύθερον

(45, 8). To these may be added (or ᾧ) ὄνομα (14, 27; 17, 13).

_+ (2) The exceptions are very unevenly distributed. A list of all that occur in the _ first part (cc. 1—41) shows that, at the beginning, clear and undoubted exceptions are very rare: in cc. 1—14 § 3 (omitting c. 7, 2I—30), there are only five. In the second _ part, the first few pages are as free as any in the first part; then cases become more ᾿ frequent, and at the end the rule is almost completely neglected. The author had to _ Insert so many technical expressions that he gave up troubling about the matter. In the first part the more striking exceptions often occur directly after a quotation _ {c. 32 1). In the first part at least, no conjectural emendation should be accepted _ which violates hzatus.

The rule is much laxer than that of the school of Isocrates. Hence the work was

1 Also after #, ef and μή. S. A. Ad

xii

AUTHORSHIP OF THE AOHNAION TIOAITEIA

not written by any member of that school. On the other hand there is considerable evidence that it is from the hand of Aristotle himself, for the usage in this matter is very nearly the same as that of some of his best authenticated works}.

While it cannot have been written by any of the Isocratean school it exhibits the same familiarity with the works of Isocrates as that displayed by Aristotle himself*. A passage that reminds us of the Gorgias is introduced by the characteristic τινες, which is Aristotle’s favourite way of referring to Plato in the Polttics®.

Thus far I have endeavoured to state the internal evidence in favout of accepting the treatise as being substantially the work of Aristotle. It is impossible, however, to ignore the fact that not a few highly com- petent scholars at home and abroad hesitate to accept it as such*, Doubtless, in its manner of dealing with matters of history and par- ticularly of chronology, side by side with much minuteness of detail on the subject of dates, there is evidence of occasional carelessness. There is sometimes a certain lack of intellectual force and vigour. And, further, there is an absence of those long and tangled sentences in which Aristotle, as we have hitherto known him, reviews and discusses a rapid succession of difficulties, doubts, and contradictions amid frequent irregularities.of construction and amid repeated violations of his own rule against the use of parenthesis (οί. ii 5 § 7).

Much, perhaps too much, has been made of such points, and in consequence some have been disposed to regard the treatise as simply a product of the Peripatetic School, the work of some pupil writing with or without the general guidance and direction of Aristotle’. It must, however, be remembered that, even in the case of works which are without question accepted as Aristotle’s, it is extremely difficult to determine how far they were actually composed by him in the form in which they have reached us; how far they are merely notes of his oral teaching, not given to the world-in his lifetime, but revised and edited after his death by the industry and devotion of his pupils and successors, Of the usually accepted works of Aristotle it is doubtful whether any one, as a whole, passed beyond the limits of the lecture-room during the life of its author. ‘Portions of the Alefaphysics and de Caelo, some

who accepts the

1 Classical Rev. v 270-2. See also 5 Even Wilamowitz, : Kaibel, 9—16. work as genuine, admits that the author * See notes on 26 2 ult., and 35 $4 may have entrusted toa pupil the prepara-

ult., and Newman in Class. Rev. v 160-1. 3 See note on 26, 23 χείρους γενέσθαι. 4 ¢. g. the Dutch editors; also F. Cauer and F. Riihl; and in England Mr H. Richards and several other con- tributors to the Classical Review.

tion of the concluding account of the law-courts, i 205 :—‘ es ganz gleichgiltig ist, ob er irgend einen Studenten des Peripatos auf dem Markt und in die

Heliaia geschickt hat, um diese Beschrei-’

bung fiir ihn anfertigen’.

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΊΑ Lxiii

at least of the Parva Naturalis, the two books περὶ φιλίας, now in- cluded in the Nicomachean Z¢/ics, and the two books on the ideal state, Politics vii (iv) and viii (v), may have first seen the light in some other form during the lifetime of Aristotle.’ On the other hand, the TloAureiac (like the Dialogues) ‘would have been very likely to see the light early, for they were on a subject of far greater general interest than most of Aristotle’s works...It could only be through his Déalogues and Πολιτεῖαι that he could hope to be immediately known to a wide circle of non-philosophic readers? If he were during his lifetime something more than the revered teacher of a limited circle of pupils, we may safely assume that the publication took place.’®

The above remarks are quoted from the work of an Aristotelian scholar of the highest promise, whose History of the Aristotehan Writings was published in 1888, after his own death, and several years before the discovery of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. The inference there drawn on grounds of priori probability, as regards the ἸΠολιτεῖαι in general, is conclusively confirmed by the internal evidence of the date of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία in particular. It was certainly written, and probably published, before the death of Aristotle*.

I may also appeal to the same unimpeachable testimony as to the exact degree of value to be attached to the evidence afforded by the avoidance of Azatus :—

‘Wherever it occurs, we have a work, or a portion of a work, in exactly the state which was given to it by the author who threw it into its present form. As to

whether this author was or was not Aristotle himself, a good deal may be said on either side.’

On the one hand, ‘the Aristotle whom we know shows the most absolute con- tempt for all matters of style’, and seems little likely to have adopted the Isocratean rule of avoiding hzatus. On the other, there is ‘nothing wonderful or difficult in keeping one style for oral lectures and another for published books. Still less wonderful would it be if there was a wide difference to be found between mere notes _ for such lectures and deliberately finished publications’.® Assuming, as we fairly may, that the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία was a work _ of Aristotelian origin, it may still remain uncertain whether it was pre- _ pared for publication by the great teacher himself, or by some unknown and unnamed pupil who was skilled in certain graces of style that were _ apt to win the popular ear®. The latter hypothesis might help to account

1 Shute, History of the Aristotelian _ Writings, p. 23.

_ # Kaibel, p. 2, describes the treatise _ as ‘Eine fiir das Publikum berechnete litterarische Leistung, das heisst ein _ Kunstwerk’; 20. p. 6, ‘Sie ist nicht fiir _ den Horsaal bestimmt, sondern fiir die _ gebildete Gesellschaft’.

| > ® Shute, p. 23.

4 Some indications of its unfinished character have, however, been noticed by Kaibel, 21 f, 27, 229, 247 f.

5 Shute, p. 165 f.

6 Cf. Beloch, Gr. Gesch. i 26, ‘mag sie nun von Aristoteles herriihren, oder auf seine Anregung hin und hinter seiner Leitung von einem seiner Schiiler be- arbeitet sein’.

62

Ιχν AUTHORSHIP OF THE A@HNAION IIOAITEIA

for certain divergences from the diction of the generally accepted works of Aristotle. To the interposition of such an editor we might perhaps attribute the general smoothness of style that marks its composition. To the same source we might possibly trace certain inaccuracies of historical statement that tend to impair the authority of the work. But even Aristotle himself may have been quite capable of making a mistake in matters of history. The ‘master of those who know’ was not neces- sarily omniscient’.

It must also be admitted that works like the Πολιτεῖαι, owing to the miscellaneous character of their contents, were, in their transmission from age to age, peculiarly liable to interpolation. It has even been suggested that, like the A/zstory of Animals and the ἱστορίαι generally, ‘they represent not any fixed work of Aristotle or of anyone else, but

merely a continuously open note-book’*. The ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία may

have suffered to some extent from this cause of corruption.

The difficulties as to the authorship of the treatise appear to be fairly met by an eminent Transatlantic scholar who expresses his opinion as follows: |

‘We are compelled to believe, from many indications, that it was written mainly by Aristotle, with perhaps the help of a pupil who prepared certain of the less important

passages, the padding as it were; the work was then revised, but not rewritten, by him. If we are ready to maintain—a proposition by no means self-evident—that the

main body of the writings current as Aristotle’s are the genuine works of the master in their original form, and that, accordingly, they are the only norm by which every-_ thing else is to be tested, we may still account for the ‘“‘non-Aristotelian” peculiarities of the language of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία as due, in part, to the fact that the historical sources (epigraphic and literary) are often given in verbal quotations, or at least in paraphrases that retain original forms of expression; due in part, perhaps, to the stylistic idiosyncrasies of an assistant whose work was incorporated with the master’s,

and finally to the most significant fact that the work was intended not for the scientific

inner circle, but for the general reader’...

The evidence, internal and external, of essentially Aristotelian authorship, as well as authority, seems so overwhelming, that, as between the two alternatives, one should prefer to modify his conceptions of Aristotle than reject this treatise. As Diels® has pointedly phrased it:—D7ese’’A@nvalwy πολιτεία [751] nicht nur echt aristo- telisch sondern aristotelischer als die meisten der uns erhaltenen Lehrbiicher an welche sich jene Skeptiker halten.’*

If we now revert to the evidence of ancient writers who, either directly or indirectly, quote the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία as the work of Aristotle, we find that, out of 56 fragments in which the ᾿Αθηναίων moh τεία is expressly mentioned, 53 are found in our Ms; of the remaining”

1 See also Wilamowitz, i 366, 373, 8 Archiv f. Gesch. d. Philos., iv (1891), ‘Er kein Historiker war’; ‘er fortan ρ. 479-86. nicht mehr als Historiker gelten darf’. 4 Prof. J. H. Wright, Zhe Date of

2 Shute, p. 72. Cylon, p. 22 f. 4

ea tt) 9,7

ΠΧ να ΟΣ τ ΤΟ τ᾿ ee

AUTHORSHIP OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α ἰχν

three, one (Frag.* 385) belongs to the lost beginning, one (463) to the mutilated end; the third (447) is an inaccurate transcript of c. 54 § 2. Of the 35 fragments in which Aristotle is named without any express mention of the work, 25 are found in the ms; of the remainder, three belong to the lost beginning (381, 384, and the new fragment on p. 268, 1, 57); seven probably do not come from this work at all (382, 386, 392, 399, 401, 415, and part of 394); one (456) may possibly have come from the mutilated end of the work; and one (396) is a misquotation of the text, which can readily be brought into harmony with it. Thus, of the total number of 93 fragments (of which 86 are probably genuine references to this work), 78 are found in the Ms, and all the rest are satisfactorily accounted for’. More than 50 of the fragments of the πολιτεία are preserved by Harpocration alone, and all of these are found in the Ms. |

Lastly, the Berlin fragments are all here. These fragments corre- spond to the following passages in the text:

I a begins before δουλευόντων and ends with ἀνδρῶν, c. 12, 26—52. I begins before ἄρχοντα and ends with χρέα, c. 13, 4—22. II @ begins before ᾿Αθηναῖοι and ends after φυλῆς ἑκάστης, c. 21, 18—c. 22, 10.

II 4 begins before Ἵππαρχος and ends after rpinpes, c. 22, 19—37.

In I a the long Iambic passage is written as consecutive prose, and I is less complete than II a and ὁ. Hence it is difficult to found any calculation on leaf I. But the contents of leaf II are equivalent to 44 lines of print in the present edition. Hence one page is equivalent to about 22 (say 24) lines of print. The number of lines of print now lost between the bottom of leaf I and the top of leaf II is 240 (4+ 30+ 26+44+18+38+39+23+18). Thus it is not improbable that the lost portion is equivalent to ro pages. The number of lines in our printed text preceding I @ is 245, which would take up only τὸ pages. If the two connected leaves, which contain the Berlin fragments, were the first and last leaves of one gathering, then, as the intermediate portion is equivalent to five leaves, the whole gathering must have

_ consisted of seven leaves, or fourteen pages. The preceding gathering of fourteen

pages would have been the first; the equivalent of ten of these pages is extant in the London ms; therefore the lost portion at the beginning of that Ms must have been

_ equivalent to four pages or two leaves of the Berlin ms. A simpler result might have been obtained, if the gap between the two leaves of the Berlin Ms had been equiva- lent to six leaves, or twelve pages, in which case the gathering would have consisted ! of sixteen pages, and the lost beginning would have been equivalent to six pages.

§ 8. Authorities followed in the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία",

The only authors actually named by the writer are Solon and

Herodotus. From Soton he quotes a large number of verses, most

1 The same facts have been duly stated 2 Cf. V. von Schoeffer in Bursian’s by Mr Kenyon in his Zutroduction, p.xv; _Jahresb., 83, 213-7.

᾿ revised in ed. 3, p. xvi.

Pa τοῦ «

AUTHORITIES FOLLOWED

Ixvi

of them already familiar to us through Aristides, who shews no proof of any acquaintance with the poems of Solon, beyond that which he derived from the present work. The writer’s debt to HERopotus is far larger than appears at first sight. He only mentions the historian once (c. 14 § 4), but he closely follows him in the account of Peisistratus and Cleisthenes (cc. 14, 15, 20), though not without interesting variations’. He also borrows from THucyp1pEs, while deliberately differing from him on several important points in the story of Harmodius and Aristo- geiton (c. 18), He coincides with the historian in many parts of his narrative of the revolution of the Four Hundred (cc. 29, 33); but the coincidence is not complete, and the writer quotes original documents: which are not quoted by the historian*. These documents are in- consistent with the historian’s narrative, but the eighth book of Thucydides was apparently left incomplete. It must have been written soon after the revolution of 411, for it mentions no event later than Had the historian lived long enough to examine the documents, As regards

410+, he would have revised and corrected his account’.

XENOPHON, we find a close resemblance in the account of the speech

of Theramenes (c. 36)° and elsewhere; at the same time, the divergences are sufficiently numerous to suggest that the authority followed here was the same as that followed at a later date by Diodorus Siculus. This authority has sometimes been supposed to have been the He//enica of Theopompus’; it has also been suggested that the writer owes to another work of Theopompus, the tenth book of his PAiippica, his list of the Athenian demagogues, and his portrait of Cleon. It is just possible that the exaggerated account of the generosity of Cimon, which appeared in that work, is tacitly corrected in c. 27 § 3. |

But there is

reason to believe that Theopompus did not publish his work until 324, after Alexander’s departure from India; if so, it was later than the

πολιτεία.

The common source, followed by Diodorus as well as the

writer, was more probably EpHorus, who is expressly mentioned by

Diodorus®. Busolt holds that the

1 Cf. Wilamowitz, i 39—75.

2 Cf. Wilamowitz, i 29—38; M. Heller, Quibus auctoribus Ar...usus sit (1893), I—Io.

3 Cf. Wilamowitz, i g97—120; Heller, 42—44.

+ Wilamowitz, Hermes, 1908, 596 f. 5. Lehmann-Haupt, in Gercke and

πολ.

that Xenophon and Aristotle alike were copying from a lost work of Theramenes.

Th. Reinach’s Zramus/. of ’A@. Toh. p. Xxiv.

Norden’s inlettung in die Altertums- wissenschaft, iii (1912) 88, who dissents from Ed. Meyer’s opinion (Forschungen, ii 406 f) that the narrative in Book viii is complete and is essentially truer than

8 xiv rr and 22; Bauer, Forschungen, p- 155. Theopompus, in Pollux, v 43. Wilamowitz, however (i 305), denies that, in the present work, Aristotle made any use of Ephorus (cf. i 266 n. 13).

μόν oe ee ae

agreement between Aristotle and

the documentary account in the ’A@

6 Heller, 44 f. Wilamowitz (i 166) explains this resemblance by suggesting _

7

IN THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ TOAITEIA Ixvii Diodorus (Ephorus) is due to the fact that both Aristotle and Ephorus borrowed from the ᾿Ατθίς of Androtion’.

There are important traces of references to oligarchical authorities. The writings of two of the ‘thirty tyrants’ have been suggested. Thus Critias, who was the writer of certain πολιτεῖαι, has been regarded as the authority for the attacks made on Solon for his motives in respect to the σεισάχθεια (c. 6 § 2) and to his increasing the power of the law-courts by the obscurity of his laws (9 2). Indebtedness to Critias has, however, been denied by others, and THERAMENES has been suggested instead: An opinion of Theramenes is expressly quoted in c. 36 2. Theramenes has been supposed to be the author of an oligarchical pamphlet attacking the Athenian demagogues of the 5th century®. It has even been suggested-that the main authority followed by Aristotle was an oligarchical work on the Athenian constitu- tion composed shortly after 390 B.c. by an adherent of Theramenes, and that this authority was to a large extent simply transcribed by Aristotle‘.

As regards the writer’s relation to the various writers of ᾿Ατθίδες, - there is no trace of any indebtedness to Hellanicus, whose carelessness on points of chronology® would have been enough to prevent his being trusted by a writer who usually aims at being precise in matters of chronological detail. To CLEIDEMUs, the next in order of time, and the first writer of a true “Ar@is, we may probably attribute the Ionism in c. 14 4, where the form παραιβατούσης appears to be an echo of παραιβατήσασαν in Cleidemus’ description of the stately woman who assumed the garb of Athene and rode in the chariot of Peisistratus on the occasion of his first restoration to Athens®. The account of the disciplinary powers entrusted to the Areopagus (c. 3 § 6) bears some resemblance to a passage attributed to PHANODEMUS; but a statement to the same effect is attributed to a writer of the next generation to that of Aristotle, namely Philochorus, who may, however, have borrowed his phraseology from Phanodemus. In any case, the resemblance between the passage in the πολιτεία and that attributed to ‘Phanodemus and Philochorus’ is not sufficiently close to make it quite certain that the writer was following Phanodemus’.

1 Busolt, Arzstoteles oder Xenophon?

flermes, 1898, 71—86, esp. 76.

Ξ * Diimmler, in Hermes, xxvii 260—286,

_ who, however, denies that Critias is the

_ authority for the Dracontic Constitution,

or for the part played by Themistocles in

the attack on the Areopagus.

_ § Wilamowitz, i 165—178; cf. V. von

Schoeffer in Bursian’s Fahresd. lxiii 197 f. 4A. v. Mess, Av. ἾΑθ. πολ. und dite

politische Schriftstellerec Athens, in Rhein. Mus. \xvi 356—392.

5 Thuc.i97, βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ ἀκριβῶς.

6 Cleidemus, in Athenaeus 609 Ὁ. The authority for stating that she was a στεφανόπωλις (as alleged by Aristotle’s ἔνιοι) is not named by Athenaeus.

7 See note on p. 124.

Ixviii AUTHORITIES FOLLOWED

ANDROTION may be identified with the person attacked in the 22nd speech of Demosthenes; he may. therefore be placed earlier than the age of Aristotle. If so, he is closely followed in the account of the ostracism of Hipparchus son of Charmus (22 § 3); and the statement as to the number of the συγγραφεῖς in c. 29 2 is in accordance with that of Androtion. But the writer differs from Androtion as to the nature of Solon’s σεισάχθεια, without going out of his way to controvert it. Here, as sometimes elsewhere, he is only tacitly polemical. Plutarch’s agreement with the author of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία is probably due to both writers having a common source in Androtion’.

The most famous of the writers of ᾿Ατθίδες, Philochorus, belongs to the age after that of Aristotle, and has several points in common with the writer of the πολιτεία. As has been shewn by Professor Wright, it is not improbable that he actually quoted the latter and accepted it as the work of Aristotle’.

On the relations subsisting between the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία and the Atthidographi, 1 may be allowed to quote some criticisms for which I am indebted to the kindness of Mr W. L. Newman.

It is remarkable that while, in the /o/ztzcs, there is little to remind us of the writings of the Atthzdographi, in the πολιτεία there is much. This indeed holds good of the Πολιτεῖαι generally. No doubt it is not unnatural that the Constitutions’ ascribed to Aristotle, containing as they do sketches of local history, should follow the model furnished by local histories like the A7zthides ; still it is strange that, if Aristotle was the author of these ‘Constitutions’, he should be so little influenced by the Atthides in the Politics, if indeed he is so at all. Readers of the πολιτεία, on the contrary, find it hard to avoid the suspicion that some A/¢his has been largely used by the writer, very possibly the A7zthzs of Androtion. We may note the following resemblances between the ’A@. πολ. and the other Πολιτεῖαι ascribed to Aristotle on the one hand, and the writings of the AtthidograpAi on the other :—

(1) The ’A@. πολ. is up to the mark of the last new historical fashion in respect of chronological exactitude. No doubt the effort to be chronologically exact is

traceable early in the development of Greek historical literature. Thucydides knows

the date of the fall of Troy (i 12), and the approximate date of the founding of Melos (v 112). Still the passion for chronological exactitude increased during the fourth century B.C. and later; for instance, Ephorus (/vag. 9 a) and Callisthenes knew that

Troy was taken on the 23rd of Thargelion. As to Timaeus see Diod. v 1 and

Polyb. xii το. Nothing of this care for exactness in dates appears in the Po/¢tics or in other recognised writings of Aristotle. The writer of the’ AQ. πολ., again, often dates by archons, but Aristotle never does so in the Po/étics. This dating by archons was perhaps no. new thing in historical writing; some think that Hellanicus reckoned

by archons, but here again we have an Atthidographic feature. Androtion and . Philochorus reckoned by archons (Busolt, Gz. Gesch. i 3631, note 4); see also ©

“ὦ

1 On Ar. and Androtion cf. Wilamo- 2 American Fournal of Philology, xii

witz, i 123, 277, 287 f, 305; also 42, 52; 310f3 supra, p. xxviii ἔς, also F. E. Adcock in XVio0, x11 (i).

far from infallible as a historian.

IN THE A®HNAION TIOAITEIA Ixix Philoch. Frag. 52 (where Philochorus knows in whose archonship at Athens Homer flourished) and Androt, Frag. 46.

(2) The ’A@. πολ. and other Constitutions ascribed to Aristotle resemble the Atthides in the interest they shew in the origin of words and familiar phrases, See "AQ. πολ. c. 2,53 6,11 f; 13, 253 21, 6 and 21; 43,6f &c.; and Aristotle’s Constitu- tions (Frag.* 477, 484, 488, 491, 495, 512, 514, 519, 536, 562, 580, 582, 595, 596); and compare Androtion, /rag. 28—29, 33: Phanodem. Frag. τ, 13, 14: Ister, Frag. 28, 32, 35, 39, 43, 52, 57: Philoch. Frag. 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, 16, 42, 48 and many others. The interest which the ’A@. πολ. and the other Constitutions shew in these matters is a good deal more marked than that which we trace in Aristotle’s. recognised works, and the same may be said of

(3) the interest which the ’A@. πολ. and other Constitutions share with the Atthides in (A) the origin of institutions and the like, and (B) the explanation of proverbs.

As to (A), compare ’A@. πολ. c. 8, 3 and fasstm, and Aristotle’s Constitutions, Frag.* 475, 479, 501, 511, 519, with Philoch. Frag. 51, 56, 66, 189.

As to (B), see’A@. πολ. c. 16, 18; 21, 6 &c., and Aristotle’s Constitutions, Frag. 487, 505, 513, 523, 528, 545, 558, 559, 571, 584, 591, 592. Demon, one of the Atthidographi, wrote a book about Proverbs (Miiller, FHG i 379).

In choosing his authorities and in deciding between them when they differ, the author is guided by the consideration of the comparative probability of the accounts before him. He repels the calumnies against Solon (6) and Theramenes (28); and, in the story of Harmodius

_and Aristogeiton, gives an adequate reason for not accepting an opinion

sanctioned by Thucydides (18 4)’. On the other hand, he is himself

There is much confusion in the

chronology of the years between the archonship of Solon and that of _ Damasias II (p. 51); and in that of the times of Peisistratus (p. 58).

The presence of Themistocles in Athens in 462 seems impossible to

reconcile with the chronology of his later years suggested by the date

in Thucydides (p. 107);

PADS BI PS Ons we δὴ

_ the Acropolis (7 § 4).

2 3

and there are several grave inaccuracies in the brief allusion to the trial of the generals after the battle of Arginussae (p. 138).

Besides relying on the testimony of Solon’s poems, the writer draws. inferences from popular poetry such as the scofium in honour of Cedon and that on the baffled heroes of Leipsydrium (cc. 19, 20). He quotes. archaeological evidence derived from the κύρβεις of Solon (7 1), from the prae-Solonian coinage (c. 10), and from a relief and somata tes on He alludes to proverbial phrases, χωρίον ἀτελές. 2K 16 6) and μὴ φυλοκρινεῖν (21 2). He also takes special pains in / quoting official documents”.

_ 16 λεγόμενος λόγος. Thucydides is 8); Kaibel, 31; Wilamowitz, i 276.

not named. Cf. the anonymous refer- _ ences to τινες (6, 5; 9, 10), ἔνιοι (3, 103 ἢ, 173 14, 26; 18, 32), of δημοτικοί (6, a 18, 30), οἱ βουλόμενοι βλασφημεῖν (6,

2 In these quotations we find a minute- but not uninteresting proof of his fidelity: in the whole work, out of 21 instances. of ὅπως with subjunctive or with future

Ixx AUTHORITIES IN THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

The decrees proposed by Aristion (14 § 1) and Themistocles (22 7) are noticed in general terms; that proposed by Pericles in 451—o (26 ult.) is expressly quoted. The official documents cited i extenso are those connected with the revolution of the Four Hundred in 413; viz. the motion of Pythodorus for the appointment of 30 συγγραφεῖς, with the amendment by Cleitophon; the formal record of the preliminary proposals and of the constitution drawn up by the συγγραφεῖς (c. 29); with the ultimate and the provisional constitutions drawn up by the hundred Commissioners (cc. 30, 31). We have also the terms of the reconciliation effected between the oligarchical and democratic parties in 403 (c. 39). These documents were presumably preserved among the archives of the State in the Mezvoon; but they probably owed their publication not only to their historical importance, but also to their including typical forms of oligarchical constitutions which afforded suitable themes for discussion among students of the theory of politics}. The writer’s evident interest in the detailed history of the period between B.C. 413 and 403 is one of the considerations in favour of identifying him with the author of the Fottics. In the latter Aristotle selects the Revolution of the Four Hundred as a typical instance of a revolution effected by fraud on the part of those who, when the deception is over, still endeavour to retain the government by force (1304 12, quoted on 6. 29, 8). Elsewhere, while discussing revolutions in oligarchies arising within the governing class, he mentions, as first of the two types of the oligarchical demagogue, ‘one who practises on the oligarchs themselves; for, although the oligarchy are quite a small number, there may be a demagogue among them, as at Athens the party of Charicles pre- dominated among the Thirty, that of Phrynichus in the Four Hundred’ (1305 624—27). It is, however, only fair to add that neither Payne nor Charicles is mentioned in the πολιτεία.

In the absence of direct historical evidence, the writer’s favourite form of argument is that indicated by Mr Macan in an interesting con- tribution to the Journal of Hellenic Studies. ‘The author has a source of knowledge, or rather a method of reconstruction, to take the place ;

indicative, we have only two of ὅπως ἂν with the subjunctive (29, 24, and 30, 20); both of these occur in decrees of the fifth century, and the inscriptions of that century give us 16 instances of ὅπως ἄν, and none of ὅπως with the subjunc- tive. In view of this fact it is suggested that in 29, 18, ὅπως ἀκούσαντες βουλεύ- owvTat is only a copyist’s mistake for ὅπως dv. This is noticed by Prof. Wright in Zhe Nation, 1 May, 1801, p. 383. It must not, however, be inferred that

πως c. fut. is not found in inscriptions: - on the contrary it is very common ( Meis- | terhans, note 17057). |

1 Wilamowitz (i 108) supposes that these documents were quoted, not direct from the archives, but from some oligar- chical work. The documents relating to’ the restoration must, in that case, ha come from another source. It seem more natural to suppose that all th documents had a common origin whic is unknown to us.

᾿

;

:

ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ | Ixxi

of direct testimony, tradition or evidence. ‘This method consists in a process of inference from the present to the past, from existing circumstances to their presumable antecedents, from a given state of institutions to a former condition of the same’.’ As instances in which the author mentions the employment of this method by others, we have (1) the oaths of the nine Archons (3 3); and (2) the property qualification of the ἱππεῖς (7 4). He uses it himself in cases such as the following: (1) the sacral marriage of the βασίλιννα (3 5); (2) the Solonian method of appointing officials (8 § 1); (3) the institution of the οἱ κατὰ δήμους δικασταί by Peisistratus (16 5); and (4) the

motive for the institution of ostracism by Cleisthenes (22 § 3)’.

§ 9. Abstract of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία.

The work is divided into two parts, (1) a Sketch of the Constitutional History of Athens down to the Restoration of the Democracy in 403 B.c. (cc. 1—41), subdivided into (a) an outline extending to about 411 B.C. (cc. 1—28), and (4) a documentary account of the oligarchical re- volutions and of the restoration (411—403 B.C.) (cc. 29— 40), with c. 41, résumé of the previous historical survey; and (11) a detailed analysis of the machinery of the Constitution between 328 and 325 B.c. (c. 42 to the end). The first has been well described as a Primer of Constitutional History’; the second, as a ‘Citizen’s Handbook’®.

Part I, in its complete form, comprised an account of the ‘original constitution’ of Athens, and of the eleven changes through which it successively passed (c. 41). Accordingly, in the following abstract, we have to deal with a series of twelve constitutions.

(1) Zhe constitution in the time of Ion. The original constitution of Athens was

an absolute monarchy. In process of time, owing to some of the hereditary line of kings being feeble in war, Ion, the son of Apollo by the daughter of an Attic

__ king, was summoned to their aid, and invested with military command. Such was

the origin of the office of Polemarch, which was second to that of Basz/eus in order

of date (3§ 2). In the days of Ion, the people were divided into four tribes, with

_ four φυλοβασιλεῖς or ‘tribal kings’ (41, 6—g). To Apollo’s son, the first Polemarch,

the Athenians owed the name of Ionians and the worship of Apollo πατρῷος (frag. 381°). (2) The constitution in the time of Theseus. Under THESEUS, we are simply told that the constitution exhibited a slight divergence from absolute monarchy (41, 10; and frag. 3843).

[About ro88 B.c., on the death of Codrus, and the accession of his son Medon,

3 the kingly power ceased to be hereditary. | Henceforth the kings were elected for

> a Ἢ, S. 1891, Ὁ. 37- ὅθεν ἔτι διαμένει. 2 16. p. 38. For some of the ‘signals 3 Cambridge ‘idgutele 20 Feb. 1801,

: i. this method’, cf. note on 1, p. 31, Ρ. 212 a.

Ixxii ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ IIOAITEIA

life from members of the royal house.]!_ By the side of the King, the Polemarch was: | already in existence as commander in the time of war; and in the reign either of Medon, or his son Acastus, a third office, that of Archon, came into being, and was endowed with some of the royal prerogatives by the descendants of Codrus (3 § 3). In process of time the name of Archon was transferred from the third officer of State to the first [c. 753/2 B.c.]. The chief.Archon was elected [from the royal house], but his term of office was limited to ten years (3 § 1 end), while the title of King, with the privilege of attending to certain religious duties, was assigned to another archon, called the Basz/eus. It was not until the three primary offices of State, those of Archon, Polemarch and Basileus, had become annual [c. 683/2 B.c.], that their number was increased by the institution of the six 7hesmothetae, whose duty it was to record and preserve all legal decisions with a view to their being enforced against trans- gressors of the law (3 § 4). In the course of time the Archons were elected by the Council of the Areopagus (8 § 2) under qualifications of birth and wealth (3 § 1), while the Areopagus itself was composed of those who had filled the office of Archon. It was the duty of the Areopagus to maintain the supremacy of law, to inflict personal punishments and fines, and to administer the State in general (3 § 6).

[In an Olympic year between 636 and 624 B.C.] an attempt to seize despotic power was made by a young nobleman named Cylon [who had been a victor in the Olympic games of 640]. The attempt was unsuccessful: the adherents of Cylon were put to death under the authority of the Archon Megacles, of the house of the Alcmeonidae, who violated their right of sanctuary and thus brought a curse on Athens and his descendants (Heracl. Epit. § 4).

The constitution at this time was thoroughly oligarchical. There was a conflict between the various orders in the State: the land was in the hands of a few; dis- content prevailed among the poor, who, if they failed to pay their rent, became the slaves of the rich (c. 2).

(3) Zhe Constitution of Dracon. It was with a view to providing a remedy for these evils that (in 621 B.c.) the first code of law was drawn up by DRACON ~ (41, 11). The franchise was at this time possessed by all who could provide their own equipment for war. It was these who elected the Archons and other principal officers of State; and out of their own body a Council of 401 members was appointed © by lot from among those who had attained the age of 30. Members of the Council were liable to fines varying with their social status. The Council of the Areopagus continued to maintain the supremacy of law and the efficient discharge of the duties. assigned to the officers of State; it also received formal complaints from persons aggrieved by the infringement of any statute (c. 4).

In due time the friends of the exiled members of Cylon’s party acquired sufficient power to compel the Alcmeonidae to submit to a trial before a special court of 300 citizens selected from the noblest families of Athens. They were found guilty; the dead bodies of the offenders were cast out, and their surviving relatives condemned to perpetual exile. Athens was further purified from the curse of sacri-

a ah

lege by Epimenides (c. 1).? 4 1 Throughout this abstract, dates and paragraph depend mainly on the Marmor

other items derived from sources extra- Parzum (Busolt, Gr. Gesch., i 4041).

neous to the treatise itself are distin- guished by being placed within brackets. Such items generally represent the tradi- tional accounts of Attic history accepted (whether rightly or wrongly) by the Athenians themselves.—The dates in this

2 On the date of Epimenides, see p. 3, and cf. Prof. Wright’s Date of Cylon, pp- 70 and 74, where the visit of Epi- menides, as well as the trial of the Alc-_ meonidae, is conjecturally assigned t 615 B.C.

ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΊΙΤΕΙΑ | lxxiii

(4) Zhe Constitution of Solon. Dracon’s legislation having failed to remedy the wrongs of the poor, the conflict of the orders broke out afresh and was not allayed antil [c. 594 B.c.] both parties agreed on choosing SOLON as mediator and as Archon (5 2). Solon cancelled all existing debts, whether public or private; and for the future he made it illegal to lend money on the security of the person of the debtor (6 § 1). With the exception of the laws on homicide, the code of Dracon was repealed, and a new code published. The people were divided into four classes, Pentacosiomedimni, Hippeis, Zeugitae, and Thetes; the various offices of State being now assigned to the first three classes in proportion to the amount at which they were severally rated, while the fourth class had only the right of taking part in the public Assembly and in the Law-courts (c. 7). The nine Archons were now ap- pointed by lot, out of forty selected candidates, nominated to the number of ten by each of the four tribes. A Council of 400 was also constituted, 100 from each tribe. The Areopagus, which still retained the duty of supervising the laws and main- taining the constitution in general, was now empowered to try cases of treason {c. 8). In Solon’s constitution the specially democratical elements were :—(1) the prohibition of loans on the security of the person; (2) the privilege of every citizen to claim legal satisfaction on behalf of any one who was wronged; and (3) the right of appeal to the law-courts. The power of voting in the law-courts made the com- mons master of the constitution (c. 9). Solon also introduced a new standard of coinage, and of weights and measures (c. 10). His legislation, however, did not prove acceptable to either of the two great parties in the State. Finding himself beset and harassed by both, and declining to make himself despot at the expense of either, he withdrew for ten years to Egypt (c. 11). |

When he had gone abroad, although the State was still disturbed by divisions, they lived in peace for four years; but, in the next year, and again four years later, their divisions prevented the election of an Archon. After another term of four years (?),

_ the choice fell on Damasias [582], who succeeded in remaining in office for two years

and two months. The interval of civil strife was closed by an agreement to elect ten Archons from the several orders in the State, five from the Zuatridae, three from the Agroeci, and two from the Demiurgi. But the general discontent was not allayed. Some of the rich had lost their wealth; others had lost their political power; a few besides were inspired by personal ambition. At this time the three parties of the Shore, the Plain and the Highlands, representing the moderate, the oligarchical and the democratic spirit respectively, were under the leadership of Megacles, Lycurgus,

and Peisistratus. The party of Peisistratus was reinforced by those whom Solon’s _ legislation had deprived of the debts due to them, and also by persons whose dubious

birth gave them an uncertain claim to the rights of citizenship (c. 13). These

Struggles found their issue in the tyranny of Peisistratus and his sons.

(5) Zhe tyranny of Peisistratus and his sons. PEISISTRATUS, who had won

_ distinction in the war against Megara, persuaded the people to grant him the _ protection of a body-guard, and with the aid of the latter seized the Acropolis 3} (560 8B.Cc.). He ruled in a constitutional spirit; but, five years later, he was ex- _ pelled by a coalition between the parties of Megacles and Lycurgus. Eleven (?) years afterwards he was restored by the aid of Megacles on condition of marrying his daughter (14). This condition was only nominally fulfilled; and, about six years - later, he was once more expelled. He withdrew to Macedonia, where he acquired

money and mercenary troops. Ten years subsequently, with the help of Thebes,

οἵ Lygdamis of Naxos, and the Knights of Eretria, he recovered his power and dis-

Ixxiv ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ TIOAITEIA

armed his subjects (15). His rule, however, was mild and humane. To encourage agriculture he advanced money to the poorer classes, with a view to their staying in the country and looking after their own affairs, instead of coming into the town and taking part in public business. With the same object he instituted ‘local justices’, and himself visited various parts of the country, thus making it unnecessary for the tenants to neglect their farms by bringing their grievances to Athens. Besides this, the cultivation of the soil promoted an increase in his revenues (16).

Peisistratus died in 527/6 B.C., having held actual possession of his power for nineteen out of the thirty-threé years that had elapsed since he had originally established himself as ‘tyrant’ (c. 17). He was succeeded by his sons Hippias and Hipparchus, who at first ruled in their father’s spirit; but, when Hipparchus had been slain in the conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogeiton (c. 18), the rule of Hippias. became more severe, Three years afterwards (c. 19 § 2) he was expelled by Cleo- menes, king of Sparta (in the spring of 510 B.C.).

(6) Zhe Reforms of Cleisthenes. After the overthrow of the tyranny the rival leaders in the State were Isagoras, an adherent of the tyrants, and CLEISTHENES, of the house of the Alemeonidae. Isagoras invited the aid of Cleomenes. Thereupon Cleisthenes withdrew, while Cleomenes vainly endeavoured to supersede the Council and to set up a body of 300 partisans of Isagoras in its place. Cleisthenes soon returned, and became leader of the people (c. 20). In 508 B.c. he distributed the population into ten tribes instead of the existing four; and instituted a Council of 500 (fifty out of each of the ten new tribes), in place of that of 400 (100 out of each of the four tribes). He also made the deme the unit of his social organisation, combined the demes into groups (rpirrves), and assigned these groups to the several tribes in such a manner that each tribe had three groups allotted to it, one from the urban or suburban district, one from the coast, and one from the interior (c. 21). The reforms of Cleisthenes made the constitution more democratic than that of Solon. Among the laws now passed was that concerning Ostracism, which was at first intended to serve as a safeguard against the reestablishment of a tyranny. In 504 B.C. [or, more probably, in 501], the oath, which was still in use in the writer’s time, was first imposed on the Council. The Generals were elected according to tribes, one from each tribe (22 § 2). The law of Ostracism was enforced for the first time in 488/7, two years after Marathon, the person ostracised being Hipparchus son of Charmus 4); he was followed in 487/6 by Megacles [a nephew of Cleisthenes], by Xanthippus. [the father of Pericles] in 485/4, and about 484/3 by Aristides. Meanwhile, in 487/6, for the first time since the establishment of the tyranny, the nine Archons were appointed by lot out of 500 [or more probably, 100] candidates selected by the demes. In 483/2, on the discovery of certain silver mines in Attica, Themistocles persuaded the people to lend the proceeds to the hundred wealthiest men in Attica, and thus: brought about the building of the hundred triremes, with which the battle of Salamis. was won [480].

(7) The supremacy of the Areopagus. Thus far the growth of the democracy had been advancing with the gradual growth of Athens; but, after the Persian wars, the Council of the Areopagus once more assumed the control of the State. It owed this high position, however, not to any formal decree, but to the spirited action it had taken in connexion with the battle of Salamis. When the Generals were unable to. cope with the crisis, it was the Areopagus that provided pay for the crews, and thus ensured the manning of the fleet and the gaining of the victory (23 §1). The | leaders of the people at this time were ARISTIDES and THEMISTOCLES. On the

ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ Ιχχν

establishment of the Confederacy of Delos, Aristides assessed the amount to be paid to the common fund by the allies of Athens, beginning with the year 478/7 5). By his advice the inhabitants of Attica left the rural districts and settled in the city, on the assurance that all of them would be able to maintain themselves by the discharge of military duties or by taking part in public affairs, and would thus secure the control of the league. Thus it was that Athens came to adopt the policy of oppressing her allies, from which Chios, Lesbos and Samos alone were exempt.

(8) The restored and developed democracy. The supremacy of the Areopagus lasted for about seventeen years (478 to 462 inclusive). The power of the people was mean- while increasing, and EPHIALTES, on becoming their leader, attacked the Areopagus, by depriving it of all the more recent privileges by which it had attained the control of the constitution, transferring some of them to the Council of Five Hundred, and others to the Assembly and the Law-courts (462 B.c.). In this revolution he was aided by Themistocles (25).

Thereupon the administration of the State became more and more lax owing to the rivalries that arose between successive aspirants for popular favour. At this time the aristocratical party had no real chief, although their leader was Cimon, who was comparatively young for that position, and had been rather late in entering on public life. In 457/6 the office of Archon was thrown open to the Zeugitae. In 453/2 the thirty ‘local justices’ were restored; and in 451/0, on the proposal of PERICLES, it was enacted that the franchise should be limited to those who were of citizen blood by both parents (26). Under Pericles, the constitution became still more democratic. He deprived the Areopagus of some of its ancient privileges, and also prompted Athens to aim at the empire of the sea (27 1). The Peloponnesian war (B.C. 431—) inured the people to military service, and led to their assuming the administration of the State 2). Pericles was also the first to provide pay for serving in the Law-courts 3).

So long as he was leader of the people, public affairs were managed comparatively well; at his death there was a great change for the worse (28 § 1). It was then that, for the first time, in the person of Cleon, the people had for their leader one who was of no reputation among the upper classes 2); on the other side, the leader of the aristocracy was Nicias. These two were succeeded by Cleophon and Theramenes

_ respectively. It was Cleophon who was the first to provide each citizen with the grant of two obols for a seat in the theatre (8 3); and the series of demagogues, who succeeded him, owed their position to their recklessness of language, and to their readi- - ness to gratify the immediate desires of the populace (8 4). Of the leaders of the - aristocratical party, Nicias and Thucydides (son of Melesias) are justly esteemed as Statesmen. Concerning Theramenes there is a conflict of opinion; but, on calm re- _ flexion, it is clear that, so far from subverting every kind of constitution, he really _ supported each in turn, so long as it was faithful to the laws; thus proving that, like _ a good citizen, he was capable of living in contentment under any form of govern- _ ment, while he could never be a party to unconstitutional conduct, but on the con- _ trary was always its resolute foe (8 5). : (9) - The revolution of the Four Hundred, After the failure of the Sicilian expe- _ dition [Sept. 413], when the power of Sparta had been increased by her alliance with : Persia, Athens was compelled to abolish her democracy and to accept the oligar- _ chical revolution of the Four Hundred. At this crisis it was proposed by Pytho- Ξ _ dorus that the popular Assembly should elect a Committee of thirty in all, to draw up 3 Proposals for the public safety; and that any other person might make such proposals

Ixxvi ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α

as he pleased, so that the people might decide on whatever course it thought fit (29 88 1, - 2). Anamendment moved [and probably carried] by Cleitophon made it an instruction to the Committee to take into consideration the constitution of Cleisthenes in drawing up their report 3). The Committee reported in favour of the Prytanes being com- pelled to put to the vote any motion for the public safety (instead of exercising their own discretion in the matter). They also proposed the abolition of all indictments for illegal motions, all impeachments before the Council or the Assembly, and all citations before the Law-courts, so that nothing should hinder any citizen from offering such counsel as he thought fit. If any person attempted, either by fine or citation or prose- cution, to prevent such counsel being given, he was to be summarily brought before the Generals and delivered up to execution (8 4). They further drew up the following form of constitution :—The revenues were to be spent solely on the conduct of the war. So long as the war lasted, no officers of State were to receive any pay except the nine Archons and the Prytanes. The franchise (including the right of making treaties) was to be entrusted to not less than Five Thousand of the citizens who were best able to serve the State. The list of the Five Thousand was to be drawn up by a Commission of one hundred formed by electing ten out of each of the tribes 5).

When these proposals had been ratified, the [provisionally acting body of] Five Thousand’ elected from among their own members the hundred Commissioners for drawing up the constitution. The Commissioners proposed for the future a Council, which was to be in power for a year at a time, and to include certain officers of State (about roo in all) as members ex officio. The Council was to appoint these out of a larger number of selected candidates chosen out of the members of the Council for the time being. All other offices were to be filled by lot (30 § 2). There were to be four Councils of four hundred each, such four Councils serving in turn, for a year each, in an order to be determined by lot 3). Members of the Council absent without leave were to be fined 6). ;

For the immediate present, there was to be a Council of Four Hundred (as in the constitution of Solon), forty from each tribe, appointed out of a larger number selected by the members of the several tribes. This Council was to appoint the officers of | State, and to have complete discretion in questions of legislation, official audits, &c. 5 but was to have no power to alter the new constitution (31 1). Military officers were to be elected from the ‘Five Thousand’, provisionally by the Four Hundred, but ultimately by the Council 2). No office, except that of a General or a member of the Council, was to be held more than once 3). q

About the end of May, 411, the existing Council was dissolved; and on June 7 the ~ Four Hundred entered on office. An oligarchical constitution was thus established _ nearly a century after the expulsion of the tyrants (510). The leaders of the Revolution i were Peisander, Antiphon and Theramenes. The Four Hundred sent envoys to Sparta, β proposing the termination of the war on the basis of wz possédetis; but, as the envoys declined to surrender the maritime supremacy of Athens, Sparta refused to come to terms (c. 32). i

(10) Zhe restored Democracy. The defeat of Athens in the naval battle of | Eretria, and the subsequent loss of Euboea, led the people to depose the Four Hundred, after they had been in power for four months (May to August, 411) ; and to entrust the management of affairs to the Five Thousand, a body consisting of all citizens capable of providing a military equipment. No pay was to be given for any public office. This revolution was led by Aristocrates and Theramenes, both of whom disapproved of the Four Hundred for keeping all the power in their

ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ Ιχχνὶϊ

own hands, and not referring anything to the Five Thousand. The constitution at this time appears to have worked excellently, inasmuch as it was a time of war and the franchise was entrusted to those who provided a military equipment (c. 33)

[After the victories in the Hellespont in 410] the people soon deprived the Five Thousand of their exclusive right to the franchise. In 406 the victory of Arginussae was won, but that victory was attended with the following results: (1) Under the misleading influence of passionate appeals to the feelings of the people, all the Generals who had won that victory had their fate sealed by a single verdict (see note on pp. 138—139); and (2), when Sparta proposed to evacuate Decelea, Cleophon protested that she should be required to surrender all the cities of the Athenian empire that had become subject to Sparta (34 § 1). Athens soon had good reason to regret the mistake of not accepting the proposal to evacuate Decelea. In 405 she was van- quished at Aegospotami; and Lysander became master of Athens and established the rule of the Thirty 2).

(11) Zhe despotic government of the Thirty and of the Ten. The TurRTY, instead of framing a constitution, appointed a Council of five hundred, out of a large number of selected candidates; associated with themselves ten officials in the Peiraeus, eleven superintendents of the prison, and three hundred attendants; and, with the help of these, kept the city completely under their own control. At first they acted with moderation : they professed to restore the ancient constitution; repealed the laws of

_ Ephialtes curtailing the privileges of the Areopagus ; and abolished the limitations to the right of bequest granted by Solon. But, as soon as they had established them- selves in power, they proceeded to put to death those who were eminent for wealth or _ birth or reputation ; and, within a short time, the number of their victims rose to 1,500 ; (c. 35). Alarmed, however, by the indignant protests and the ever increasing ' popularity of Theramenes, they offered to draw up a list of 3,000 who were to receive : the franchise. Theramenes was still dissatisfied; the list was withheld, and, when published, was constantly liable to arbitrary alterations (c. 36). Meanwhile, winter set in, and the Thirty were repulsed in their attack on Thrasybulus, who, with the exiles of the democratic party, had taken possession of the fort of Phyle. The Thirty now resolved on disarming the people and getting rid of | Theramenes. For the latter purpose they compelled the Council to pass two proposals, (1) giving the Thirty power to put to death any person not included in the list of the 3,000; (2) preventing any one from enjoying the franchise if he had taken \ part in demolishing the fort of Eetioneia or had in any way opposed the Four _ Hundred. Theramenes had done both. After putting him to death, they disarmed all the people except the 3,000; and proceeded to further extremities of cruelty and » crime (37). _ After this, Thrasybulus and his soldiers occupied Munichia and defeated the \ partisans of the Thirty. The party of the city retreated to Athens ; and, on the next day, held a meeting in the market-place, deposed the Thirty and elected Ten of the citizens as commissioners with full powers to bring the war toa conclusion. The TEN did nothing of. the kind; they sent to Sparta to ask for aid and to borrow funds. Finding that this was resented by those who possessed the franchise, and fearing they might be deposed in consequence, they arrested a citizen of the highest repute and put him to death. They thus strengthened their position, and they were further pported by the Spartan harmost Callibius and his Peloponnesians, and by certain Mf the Knights. The party of the Peiraeus, however, were soon joined by all the people, and began to get the upper hand in the struggle. Thereupon, the party of the

S. A. oe

—j

Ixxviii ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

city deposed the Ten, and elected in their place another body of the same number, consisting of men of the highest character, among whom was Rhinon (who was afterwards elected one of the Generals). Under the management of this new body of Ten, and with the aid of Pausanias and ten Commissioners from Sparta, terms of reconciliation were drawn up and the democratic party returned to Athens (c. 38).

The terms were as follows: All the oligarchs who had remained in Athens might reside at Eleusis, while retaining their property and their full rights as citizens (39 § 1). The temple at Eleusis was to be common ground for both parties; but, except at the season of the Mysteries, the settlers at Eleusis were not to enter Athens, or the residents in Athens to visit Eleusis. The settlers at Eleusis were to contribute their share to the federal fund (ὃ 2). If any one had killed or wounded another, trials for homicide were to be held, as of old 5). Lastly, there was to be a general amnesty towards all persons, except the Thirty, the Ten (who immediately succeeded them), the Eleven, and the Ten who had ruled in the Peiraeus; and even these were not to be excluded, if they rendered an account of their office 6).

A prominent part was played at this time by Archinus :— (1) He accelerated the date for the closing of the list of settlers at Eleusis (40 § 1); (2) he successfully resisted the proposal of Thrasybulus to confer the franchise on all who had aided in the restoration of the democracy; and (3) he insisted on the penalty of death being inflicted on one who attempted to violate the amnesty (ὃ 2). The funds which the Thirty had borrowed from Sparta for their own purposes, were repaid out of the public treasury 3). A further reconciliation was effected with the settlers at Eleusis in B.c. 401/o (8 4).

(12) Zhe restored and extreme Democracy. The constitution established in B.C. 403 remained in force until the time when the work was written (B.c. 328—325) with ever-increasing accessions to the power of the people. The people had made itself master of everything, and administered all the affairs of State by means of the decrees of the Assembly and the decisions of the Law-courts. In the latter, no less” than in the former, the people ruled supreme. Even the judicial decisions formerly in_ the hands of the Council were transferred to the people, a course which the writer approves on the ground that small bodies are more liable to corruption than large ones (41 2). At first it was decided not to provide pay for attendance at the Assembly ; but, as its members were habitually absent, an allowance of one obol a day was introduced by Agyrrhius, to be increased to two obols by Heracleides, and to three by Agyrrhius himself 3). j

Part 11, which describes the machinery of the ‘existing Constitution’, | :

under the general heads of (i) the Franchise (c. 42), (ii) the Council and the Public Assembly (43—45), (iii) Administration (46—62), and | (iv) Judicature (63 to end), may from one point of view be regarded © as entirely concerned with a single subject, being an account of αἱ apxai, the ‘posts of power or service, honour or emolument, for which the Athenian citizen becomes eligible or qualified sooner or later’, when once the franchise is conferred on him. It may be sivided | into four sections: (i) the conditions of the franchise (c. 42); (il) the exercise of the full franchise in the ἐγκύκλιοι ἀρχαί (cc. 43—62), first” the κληρωταί, the Council with sundry other authorities (43—54), and the Archons (55—59). From these may be detached (iii) the χειροτονηταὶ

a

an Fie

ABSTRACT OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ IIOAITEIA Ιχχιχ

dpxai, OF ἀρχαὶ πρὸς πόλεμον (61), and (iv) the Dikasteria (63 to end), placed here because they are permanent and not concerned with administration (7 διοίκησις), although recruited by the Lot (Mr Macan, Jj. i. S., xii 21). Or, again, we may for convenience use ἀρχαὶ in the narrower sense, and divide the second part into three main portions under the head of (i) πολιτεία (c. 42); (11) ἀρχαί (cc. 42—62) ; (iii) δικαστήρια (cc. 63 to end).

In (i) we have first an account of the method of enrolling citizens, with interesting details as to the military training of youthful citizens between the ages of 18 and 20 (c. 42). In (ii) the foremost place is occupied by the administrative functions of the Council and of the officials who act in concert with it (43—49); while the ἐκκλησία is only briefly dealt with in connexion with the πρυτάνεις and πρόεδροι in c. 43 and c. 44. Then follow certain other officials appointed by lot, with some account of the public Arbitrators (50—54), and the nine Archons (55—59), with a detailed statement of the duties of the Archon (56), the Basileus (57), the Polemarch (58) and the Thesmothetae (59) respectively. Next come the ἀθλοθέται, with some notice of the Sacred Olives (60). Thus far for officials appointed by lot. Next in order we have the military officers (61), who have already been briefly mentioned with other officials elected by show of hands (43 1). This portion of the work closes with a chapter on Salaries (62). The remainder is entirely concerned with the Law-courts, and, in particular, with the way by which the dicasts were allotted to the several courts, the method of voting, the measurement of time during the proceedings, and lastly the arrangements for paying the dicasts when their duties were over.

| A large amount of the contents of the Second Part was already known tous in a fragmentary way, through the quotations preserved by

grammarians and lexicographers ; but it is a signal advantage to have _ before us the source of all these quotations with the opportunity of ᾿ς testing every statement by the light of its immediate context’. We are _ thus at last able to deal with a first-hand authority for the Constitutional _ Antiquities of Athens. Whatever hesitation there may necessarily be as to the historic value of certain details in the First Part of the treatise,

especially in cases where the writer is describing the institutions of - a distant past, which had left behind it no contemporary records except the laws and poems of Solon; or where his account refuses to be - reconciled with that of writers ores as Thucydides and Xenophon; _ there can be no question as to the great importance and the completely _ trustworthy character of the Second Part, with its terse and clear description of the machinery of the State towards the close of the _ third quarter of the fourth century B.c. And the value of all this is _ unimpaired by any doubts that have been entertained as to the author- _ ship of the work.

1 Cp. Wilamowitz, i 373 f.

f2

Ixxx | BIBLIOGRAPHY |

§ 10. Bibliography of the ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία.

(The order in each division is mainly chronological except in B IV, where it is alphabetical.) (A) Published before the discovery of the Papyrus in the British Museum.

(1) Aristotelis rerum publicarum reliquias collegit C.F. Neumann. Heidelberg, 1827.

(2) Fragmenta operis Aristotelici de civitate Atheniensium, H. A. van Dijk. Utrecht, 1843.

(3) Heraclidis politiarum quae extant recensuit F. G. Schneidewin. Gdttingen, 1847.

(4) _Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum collegit C. Miller; vol. II pp. 102—107; Heraclides, ἐδ. 208—224; Paris (Didot), 1848.

(5) Valentini Rose Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus, Leipzig, 1863 [quoted in this book as Rose, A. ?.].

(6) Die verlorenen Schriften des Aristoteles, von Emil Heitz, Leipzig (Teubner), 1865.

(7) Fragmenta Aristotelis collegit disposuit illustravit Aemilius Heitz, Paris (Didot), Nov. 1868.

(8) Aristotelis Opera; edidit Academia Regia Borussica. Vol. v Aristotelis qui ferebantur librorum Fragmenta collegit Valentinus Rose, pp. 1535—1571 [quoted as Rose, 343” to 5687]; printed 1867, published with Bonitz’ Index Aristotelicus, Berlin (Reimer), 1870.-

(9) W. Oncken, Dze Staatslehre des Ar. in historisch-politischen Umrissen, vol. 2, esp. pp. 410—528 (Engelmann) Leipzig; 1875.

(το) Aristotelis qui ferebantur librorum Fragmenta collegit Valentinus Rose, pp. 258—386 [quoted as Rose, 381° to 611°], Leipzig (Teubner), 1886.

On the Berlin Fragments.

(11) F. Blass, Hermes, 1880, xv 366. (12) Th. Bergk, Rheinzsches Museum, 1881, xxxvi p. 87. (13) H. Landwehr, (a) de papyro Berolinensi, no. 163, Berlin, 1883 ;

(ὁ) papyrum Berol. commentario adiecto edidit, Gotha, 1883; and (c) in Philologus _ Suppl. v 1roo—196. (14) H. Diels, Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie, mit

2 Tafeln, Mai 1885, 11 pp. I—57.- (B) Published after the discovery of the Papyrus.

(1) EDITIONS. : (1) Aristotle On the Constitution of Athens, edited by F. G. Kenyon, M.A.

Printed by Order of the Trustees of the British Museum, London (Preface dated

31 Dec. 1890), 1st ed. Jan. 30, 1891; 2nd ed. Feb.; 3rd and revised ed. 25 Jan. 1892. . )

Preliminary notice of discovery in the Times, 19 Yan. (reprinted in C lassical Review, ν 70); Reviews of rst or 2nd ed.:—in Times, 30 [8ῃ. ᾽οι ; Athenaeum, 4 April, p. 434-6; Saturday

Review, 21 March, p. 358: Class. Rev., April, v 155; Edinburgh Rev., April, p. 470-494; Revue

de l’ Instruction Publique en Belgique, pp. 133-9; and elsewhere ; also in signed (or acknowledged)

articles by Mr Newman, Mr Macan, Mr F. T. Richards, Prof. Tyrrell, Prof, Gildersleeve and Prof. J. H. Wright; M. Dareste, M. Haussoullier and M. Weil; Prof. Blass, Prof. Diels, Prof. Bruno Keil, P. Meyer, and G. J. Schneider (see under their respective names in B |). Review of 3rd ed. in Academy, 8 June, ’92; Classical Review, v1 319 f(H. Richards). Descriptive article (signed Κ) in Review of Reviews, 14 Feb. ’91, with reduced facsimile of col. 29 and 30.

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eae MeL AIP HAI Hl

OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ TOAITEIA Ixxxi

(2) Aristotle on the Constitution of Athens. Autotype Facsimile ed.. 22 Plates, 20x15 inches, Folio; ed..1, London, March, ’91; ed. 2 in the same year.

Reviews in 7%mes, 4 March, ’91; Athenaeum, 4 April, p. 434—436, and elsewhere.

(3) ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. A. ᾿Αγαθόνικος. Athens; 1891.

(4) N. I. Πολίτης, 16. 1893.

(5) Aristotele, la Costituzione degli Ateniesi, testo greco, versione italiana, intro- duzione e note di C. Ferrini, ’91. (Hoepli) Milan [rev. in Athenaeum, 5 Sept. ’gt, p- 317]:

(6) Aristotelis Πολιτεία ᾿Αθηναίων, ediderunt G. Kaibel et U. de Wilamowitz- Moellendorff, ’91. ed. τ, July; ed. 2, Sept. ’91; ed. 3, Feb. 98 (Weidmann) Berlin [reviewed in Berl. Phil. Woch., 1892, p. 453 (F. Cauer); Meue Philol. Rundschau, ’92, p. 210 (P. Meyer); Ltt. Centr. Bl. ’92, n. 2, p. 56; Revue des études grecques iv 405 (Weil); D. Litt. Zeit. ’91, p. 1639 (Gomperz); and else- where].

(7) Aristotelis quae fertur ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτεία. Post Kenyonem recensuerunt H. van Herwerden et J. van Leeuwen; accedunt MSTI Apographum, Observationes Palaeographicae cum Tabulis iv, Indices Locupletissimi; (Sijthoff) Leyden, ’g1 [re- viewed in Berl. Philol. Wochenschr., 1892, pp. 613,649; Class. Rev. vi 2o—24; Neue Philol. Rundschau, ’92, p. 210 (P. Meyer); and elsewhere].

(8) Aristotelis Πολιτεία ᾿Αθηναίων, edidit F. Blass (Teubner) Leipeie, Jan. 1892 {reviewed in Woch. f. klass. Phil. 1892 no. 38; and elsewhere]; ed. 2, Jan. ’95; ed. 3, Sept. ’98; ed. 4, May 1903.

(9) a school-edition of c. t—41, by Karl Hude, with notes in German (Teubner, Leipzig, Dec. 1892); also in Danish, Copenhagen, ’92.

(10) Aristotle’s Constitution of Athens, a revised text, with an introduction, critical and explanatory notes, testimonia, and indices, by J. E. Sandys, Litt.D.,

_ (Macmillan and Co.) London, 1893 (Preface dated 27 Dec. 1892), pp. Ixxx+ 302

[rev. 1893, Cl. Rev. vii 209—213 (H. Richards); Athenaeum, 6 May, 568—70; Academy, 6 May (F. T. Richards); Oxford Magazine, 15 March (R. W. Macan); Am. Fourn. Phil. xiv 226—234 (J. H. Wright); Zztt. Centr. Bl. 372 f (Blass); 2. Litt. Zeit. 775—7 (Diels); NM. Phil. Rundschau, 193—9 (P. Meyer); Woch. καὶ klass. Phil., 546 f (Schneider); Ber. Phil. Woch. xiii 1409—19 (v. Schoeffer) ; Bursian’s Fahresb. \xxxiii (1895) 181—3, (v. Schoeffer); Mordisk Tidskrift, ser. 3, ii 85—88 (Hude); Rzv. di Filol. xxii 125—7 (Zuretti) ; Schrift. der Charkow. Univ. *93, no. 2 (Buseskul); and elsewhere].

(a1) Aristotelis Res Publica Atheniensium, edidit F. G. Kenyon; Testimonia composuit G. Wentzel; Indices E. Neustadt. ‘Suppl. Aristotelicum’, editum consilio _ οἵ auctoritate Academiae Litterarum Regiae Borussicae, vol. 111 pars ii, (Reimer)

Berlin, 1903 [rev. D. Litt. Zect. 1904, 1120f; Litt. Centr. Bl. 1905, 248 ἢ; Berl. Phil. Woch. 1906, 545 f]. 3 (12) Aristotelis Πολιτεία ᾿Αθηναίων, post F. Blass edidit Th. Thalheim (Teubner) _ Leipzig, 1909 [rev. Berl. Phil. Woch. 1911, 1 {].

(Il) TRANSLATIONS.

English. (1) with Introduction and Notes (and Facsimile of first eleven lines of

col. 10) by F. G. Kenyon, M.A. (Bell) London, July, 1891; ed. 2, ’95. (2) E. Poste,

_ M.A., Fellow of Oriel Coll., Oxford; (Macmillan) London, July, ’91; ed. 2,

- Dec. ’92. (3) T. J. Dymes, B.A., late Scholar of Lincoln Coll., Oxford; (Seeley) London, 1891. |

Ixxxii BIBLIOGRAPHY

German. (4) H. Hagen in Schweizer Rundschau, no. 4—6, 1891. (5) G. Kaibel τ. A. Kiessling, two editions in 1891; (Triibner) Strassburg. (6) F. Poland (Lagen- scheidt) Berlin, 901. (7) M. Erdmann (Neumann) Leipzig, ’92. (8) G. Wentzel (Reclam) Leipzig, 1893. (9) A. Keseberg, progr. Eupen, ’93.

French. (10) Th. Reinach (Hachette) Paris, ’91; (11) B. Haussoullier (Bouillon) Paris, Nov. ’gr.

Italian. (12) ©. Ferrini (Hoepli) Milan, ’91; (13) ©. O. Zuretti (Loescher) Turin, ’92.

Russian. (14) N. 1. Schubin in Fourn. d. kais. russ. Ministeriums d. Volks- aufkiirung, May—Aug.’91; (15) Alex. Lovagin, St Petersburg, 1895.

Polish. (16) L. Cwiklinski, Krakau, Nov. ’92; (17) J. Wierzbicki, Wadowic, ’94.

Bulgarian. (18) G. Kazarow, Sofia, 1904.

(Several of the above Translations are reviewed in the Athenaeum, 5 Sept. ’gt, p- 316, and by Mr F. T. Richards in the Academy, 15 Aug., ’91, p. 137.)

(III) LARGER SEPARATE WORKS.

(1) Keil, Bruno, Dze Solonische Verfassung nach Aristoteles, pp. 248 (Gartner), Berlin, Nov. ’92. [Includes text of cc. 5—13, with critical notes, followed by a com- mentary on each chapter, and many valuable remarks on the work as a whole. Rev. in Bursian’s Fahresb. lxxxiii 192 f; Berl. Phil. Woch. xiii 485 f.] (2) Kaibel, G. Stil und Text der ἸΤολιτεία ᾿Αθηναίων des Aristoteles, pp. 277. (Weidmann) Berlin, July 1893. [Rev. in Bursian’s Fahresb. lxxxiii 224; Οἱ. Rev. viii 160 f.] (3) Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Aristoteles und Athen, 2 vols., pp. 381+428. (Weidmann) Berlin, May 1893. [Rev. in Bursian’s Fahresb. lxxxiii 195—203; Cl. Rev. viii

205—7-] (IV) PAMPHLETS, ARTICLES, &c.

(omitting some of the popular articles published in 1891) (ems. = emendations)

(1) Adam, J., On Solon in c. 12 § 5 πρὶν ἀνταράξας πῖαρ ἐξεῖλεν γάλα. Academy, 14 March, ’g1, 259. (2) Adcock, F. E., ‘The Source of the Solonian chapters’ (Androtion), A7Zio, xii (1), 1912, 1—16. (3) Allen, F. D., Prof. Wright’s paper (1888) on the date of Cylon; Zhe Nation, 5 March,’91,197- (4) Arbanitopoullos, A. 8., ζητήματα τοῦ ’Arrixod. δικαίου, pp. 127, Athens, 1goo. (5) Ballet, L., ‘la révolution de 412—411’, Paris, ’99. (6) Baudat, E. M., ‘Ar. et Vhist. const. d’Athénes’, Rec. Jnaug. Univ. Lausanne, ’92, 179—197- (7) Bauer, A., (a) Vortrag in Graz, 18 Feb.; Mdinchn. Neuest. Nachrichten, no. 97, 103, 109,’91. (ὁ) Preussische Fahrbicher, vol. 68, to8—120. (c) Litterarische τέ. historische Forschungen σὰ Aris- toteles’ ’A@. πολ. (C. H. Beck) Munich, pp. 190, May ’gt, (1) Aristotle in his relation to the historical lit. of Greece, (2) historical results, (3) chronological tables

[Rev. Athenaeum 5 Sept.’g1, 317; Berl. Phil. Woch. xii 1321]. (d) Die Chronologie

des Peisistratos, in Analecta Graeciensia, Festschr. z. Philologentage in Wien, pp. 20, 93. (e) Rev. of Bruno Keil in Berl. Phil. Woch. xiii 485. (8) Benn, A. W., On c. 25, Academy, 14 March, ’91, p. 259. (9) Bérard, J., Aristote, La Const. d’Athénes’, in Rev. Hist. ’92, 285—305. (το) Bernardakis, G., ᾿Επιστολή, ἀνατύ- twos τῆς ᾿Εφημερίδος, Athens, ’gt. (11) Bethe, E., c. 20, progr. Rostock, ’95.

(12) Blass, F., (2) ems. in Zz¢t. Centr. Bl. reprinted in Cl. Rev. v 175; (6) ems. in © Neue Fahrb. 92, 571 —5 3 °96, 521; (c) c. 4, 2b. ’95, 476—9. (13) Boerner, A.,

sh il

OF THE ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ Ixxxili

‘de annis 410—403—dquaestiones hist.’ Gottingen, ’94. (14) Botsford, G. W., (2) ‘The Athenian Const.’ Boston (Ginn) pp. 294, ’93; (4) ‘the beginning of the Athenian hegemony’, C/. Rev. viii 1953; (ἡ) The Alcmeonidae and Cleisthenes, Harvard Studies, viii (1897) 1—22. (15) Brooks, E. H., ems. in C/. Rev. v 182, ix 106. (16) Bruck, 8., (2) Heliastengerichte im 4 Jahrh., Phz/ologus, lii 295— 317, 395—421; (6) Heliastentafelchen, 20. liv 64—79; Ath. Mitt. xix 203—11, ‘94. (17) Burnet, J., ems. in Οἱ. Rev.v 107,117. (ι8) Bursy, B., ‘De Ar. ’A@. mon. partis alterius fonte et auctoritate ’, pp. 145 Diss. Dorpat,’97. (19) Bury, J. B., (2) ems. in Οἵ. Rev. v τοῦ f, 175; (ὁ) Aristides at Salamis, 2d. x 414 f. (20) Buseskul, W., on the historical authority of the ’A@. πολ., pp. 484, Charkow, ’g5, in Russian (rev. in Berl. Phil. Woch. xvi 967—74). (21) Busolt, G., (a) c. 4, Philologus, 1 393—400; (δ) ‘Ar. oder Xenophon?’, Hermes, xxxiii 71 f; (c) Gr. Geschichte, ii? 13543 iii (1) 25—27 ; (2) 703, 1456. (22) Butcher, 8. H., c. 13, 21, Cl. Rev. v. 178. (23) Bywater, I., ems. 2d. 105 f. (24) Campbell, Lewis, ems. 74.105 f, 119. (25) Cassel, Paulus, Vom neuen Aristoteles τι. seiner Tendenz (Bibliogr. Bureau) Berlin, ’91 [an unscholarly pamphlet, rev. in Berl. Phzl. Woch. xii 1320]. (26) Cauer, Fr., (a) ‘Hat Aristoteles die Schrift vom Staate der Athener geschrieben? ihr Ursprung und ihr Werth fiir die altere athenische Geschichte’, (Géschen) Stuttgart, pp. 78, ’91 [rev. in Athenaeum 5 Sept. ’91, 317; Berl. Phil. Woch. xii 1288]; (4) ‘Ar. als Historiker’, Qudddes Zeitschr. viii (1892) 1—28; (Ὁ Neue Fahrb. 93, 113 f. (27) Cauer, Paul, Ar.’s Urteil iiber die Demokratie, Neue Fahrb. ’92, 581—93. (28) Cavaignac, E., ‘Etudes sur Vhistoire financiére d’Athénes au 6 siécle’, Paris, 1908 (rev. T. Nicklin, Zg/. Hist. Rev., 1910, 317). (29) Cavazza, P., Discorso, in Anmuario dell’ Istituto di studi superiori in Firenze, Pp. 20, ’92. (30) Cichorius, Conr., (a) ‘Namen der att. Steuerklassen ’, Gr. Studien Lipsius, 136, ’94; (4) Peisistratos, Festschr. z. Historikertage, Leipzig, ’94, 11 —24. (31) Corssen, P., Tyrannenmord, Rhein. Mus. li 226—239. (32) Costanzi, V., (a) ‘Spigolature aristoteliche’, L’ origine dell’ arcontato; Il’ azione Draconiana; il sorteggio per 1’ arcontato; Pisistrato; |’ areopago; le reforme della costituzione (411—404), Riv. di Filol.’93, 330—65. (6) ‘quaestiuncula Aristotelea’, on ostracism, 26. °94, 70—74. (33) Cox, Rev. Sir G. W., ‘Aristotle as an His- torian,’ Academy, 42 (’92) 52, I11, 152, 171. (34) Crusius, 0., ‘Ar. iiber die Demokratie’, Phzlologus, 1 173—8. (35) Curtius, E., Berl. Arch. Gesellschaft (Berl. Phil. Woch. xi 27). (36) Dareste, R., (a) Fournal des Savanis, 91, 257—733 _ (δ) ‘la const. athénienne’, Acad. des sc. morales et politiques, 136 (gt) 341— 364; (ὦ) ‘la science du droit en Gréce’; ‘la const. d’Athénes’, pp. 165—200, Paris, af 03. (37) Demitsas, M. G., Ἑλλάς, iii 4, 357—75. (38) Diels, H., (a) Epi- - menides, S. Ber. Berlin. Akad. ’91, 387; (0) Deutsche Lit. Zeit. ’91, 239—2423 ᾽03; _ 9753 (c) Archiv f. Gesch. der Philosophie iv 478; (4) rev. Kaibel’s Stil und Text, Gott. gel. Anz. ’94, 293—307.- (39) Dragumes, πεντετηρίδες καὶ ἱεροποιοί, c. 54, 7; ᾿Αθηνᾶ, xiv 376; ems. 7b. xviii 41. (40) Drerup, E., Staatschreiber v. Athen’, c. 54 § 3, Festschr. f. Wachsmuth, ’97, 137. (41) Droysen, H., Vorlaufige Bemerkungen ’, Gymn. Progr. (Gartner) Berlin, ’9t [mainly chronological]. (42) Diimmler, F., Die ’A@. πολ. des Kritias’, Hermes,’92, 260—280. (43) Dufour, M., ‘la const. d’Athénes et l’ceuvre d’Ar.’, pp. 260, Paris, ’95. (44) Ellis, Robinson, ems. on 35 2, 47§ 5, Cl. Rev. v 181 f. (45) Fabricius, E., Wahlgesetz des _ Aristeides’, Rhein. Mus. li (06) 456—62. (46) Ferrini, C., Rendiconto dell’ Ist. lombardo,’91, 554—9.- (47) Fontana, G., On Aristeides (Estratto dalla Bibl. delle scuole italiane, vol. iv, no. 11—12), pp. 26 (Tedeschi) Verona (Bursian’s _ Fahresb, \xxv 50). (48) Foucart, P., (z) on decree of 333 B.C., ἐπὶ τὰς κρήνας ;

Ixxxiv BIBLIOGRAPHY

also on c. 43 881, 2; 45 § 43 6187; Rev. des études gr., no. 21, I—7, *93; (6) cc. 42 f, 46f, Rev. de Phil. ’94, 244-251; (c) Νῖκαι, 2b. 283—293; (4) cc. 48 f, 54, 57> ib. °95, 24—313 (6) 56§3, 2.95, 119—1213 (7) decree of 352 B.c. (c. 61, 5 στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν) Bull. Corr. Hell. xiii 433—67. (49) Fowler, H. N.,‘ Dates of the exiles of Peisistratus’, Harvard Studies, vii (1896) 167—175. (50) Fraccaroli, G., ‘due versi di Solone’ (c. 12, 28), Rv. di Fil. xxi 40 f. (51) Frankel, M., (a) Zectschrift fi Geschichtswissenschaft v, ’91, 164—7; (6) c. 4, Rhein. Mus. xlvii, ’92, 473 —488. (52) Francotte, H., (2) ‘l’organisation de la cité Ath. et la réforme de Clisthenes’, pp. 127, Bruxelles, Paris, 93; (6) ‘L’antidosis’, Mem. Acad. de Belgique, li (1894 f) pp. 60, vii ‘L’antidosis d’aprés la Pol. des Ar.’ (53) Frederichs, J., ‘la valeur historique de la πολ. ’A0.’ Rev. de l’instr. publ. en Belgique, vol. 37, 94, 26—43. (54) Garofalo, F. P., ‘Sulla πολ. ’AQ.’, Estratto dai ‘Fiori’, Catania, ’94. (55) Gennadios, A., ᾿Ακρόπολις, Athens, 18 March—2 April, ’91 (C7. Rev. v 274). (56) Gertz, M. C., (a) Nord. Tidskrift,’91, 252—5; (6) c. 38 § 3, Neue Fahrb., gt, 192. (57) Gilbert, G., (a) pp. ix—xliii of Handbuch Gr. Staatsalt. ed. ’93 (E. T. 95); (ὁ) ‘die alteste Miinze Athens’, Mewe Fahrb., '96, 537—44. (58) Gildersleeve, B., Rev. in Am. Fourn. Phil., xii 97, cf. i 458, iv 92 (on Solon in c. 2 § 5, πρὶν dvarapdéas). (59) Giles, P., English Hist. Rev. April, ’g2, 322—336. (60) Gilliard, C., ‘quelques réformes de Solon’, Lausanne, 1907. (61) Gleue, H., ‘de homicidarum in Areopago Ath. iudicio’, Gottingen, ’94. (62) Gomperz, Th., (a) ‘Ar. u. seine neuentdeckte Schrift’, Deutsche Rundschau, May ’91; 219; (ὁ) ‘iiber die Verdachtiger seiner Echtheit’, Amz. d. Wiener Akad. no. xi (3), [both printed separately]; (c) Deutsche Lit. Zeit., ’91, 877, 1639; (4) ‘Die Schrift vom Staatswesen ἃ. ihr neuester Beurtheiler’ (Holder) Vienna, ’g1 [directed mainly against Dr F. Riihl in Rhezn. Mus. xlvi 426 f]. (63) Goodell, T. W., ‘Ar. on the Athenian arbitrators’, Amer. Fourn. Philol. xii 319—326. (64) Groh, F. (a) éxr7- μοροι, Listy filol. ’97, 253—6; (6) ‘Studie’, Prag, ’99. (65) Guiraud, P., c. 4, Mélanges Perrot, 1903, 145. (66) Haeberlin, C., ‘Der Londoner papyrus’, Woch. Kl. Phil. ’96, 989 f. (67) Hagfors, E., ‘de praepositionum in Ar. Politicis et in ’A@. πολ. usu’, Diss. Helsingfors, pp. 130 (Mayer u. Miiller, Berlin, ’92). (68) Hahn, W., (a) Pollux i Arystoteles’, Hos, ’96, 114—127; (6) Ar. and Plutarch, Progr. Landberg, ’97, pp. 55 (Polish). (69) Halbertsma, T., Adversaria Critica’, p. 92 (c. 4 § 2, ‘lege τούτους δ᾽ ἔδει διεγγυᾶσθαι πρὸς τοὺς mputdvers—rovs évous μέχρι εὐθυνῶν᾽. c. 12 fin. “οὖρος xaréornv’), Leiden, ’96. (70) Haley, H. W., c. 4, Harvard Studies, ’92, 185. (71) Hammond, B. E., ‘Greek Constitutions’; (a sketch, with fresh details from °A@. πολ.), pp. 68 (E. Johnson), Cambridge, ’g1. (72) Harberton, Lord, c. 35 § 1, Ci. Rev. vi123. (73) Hardie, W.R., ‘The διαιτη- ral’ (c. 53), Cl. Rev. v 164. (74) Haskins, C. E., em. (20, 5), Cl. Rev. v 11. (75) Haussoullier, B., (2) Rev. des études gr. no. 12 (belated no. for Dec. 1890), 4751; (ὁ) Rev. Critique, οι, 181—6; ’92, 179—183; (c) Acad. des Inscr., ’91, Feb. 13 and 20, esp. on Dracon and Themistocles; (d) ‘formation | des tribunaux’, Rev. de Philologie, οι, g8—100. (76) Havell, H. L., ‘The Great Discovery’, Macmillan’s Mag., March, ’91, 392—400. (77) Headlam, J. W., (a) c. 4, Cl. Rev. v 166—g; (ὁ) hiatus, ib. 270—2; (c) Early Ath. History’, ‘The © Council’: épéra and ναύκραροι, 2b. vi 249—253; The Council’, zd. 293—8. 4 (78) Heisterbergk, B., ‘die Bestellung der Beamten durch den Los’, pp. 119, (Calvary) Berlin, ’96. (79) Heller, M., Quibus auctoribus Ar.—usus sit’, pp. 57, ᾿ Diss. Berlin, ᾽93- (80) Herschensohn, M., (2) Ar. and Ephorus, pp. 40, Moscow, "94; (6) Ar. and Plutarch, pp. 99, 2. ’95 (rev. in Bursian’s Fahresd. lxxxiii 217f.). (81) Hertlein, F., ‘Zu den chron. Angaben’, Meues-Korresp. Biatt, Stuttgart, 5. ;

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I—10, 49—60. (82) Hertz, M. C., c. 38, Meue Fahrb., ’91, 192. (83) Herwerden, H. van, (a) Berl. Phil. Woch. xi 322, 418,610; (6) Mnemosyne, xix, ’91, 168. See also ed. in | (7). (84) Herzog, E., ‘zur Litt. iiber den Staat der Athener’, pp. 83 (Fues) Tiibingen, 2, on c. 4; also on [Xen.] ’A@. πολ. (85) Hicks, R. D., (a) ems. C/. Kev. v 111 a, 1166; (6) Susemihl-Hicks, ed. Politics I—v, 1894. (86) Hill, G. F., (a) c. 25, Cl. Rev. v 169; 176; (4) c. 10, ‘Solon’s Reform of the Attic Standard’, Mumismatic Chron., xvii (1897) 284— 292. (87) Holzinger, C., (a) Ar. ’A@. πολ. und die Heraklidischen Excerpte’, Philologus, 1 (1892) 436—446; (4) ‘Ar. ἃ. Heraklides’ lakonische und kretische Politien’, 26. li (1893), 58f. (88) Housman, A. E., em. C/. Rev. v t1oa. (89) Houtsma, E. 0., Berl. Phil. Woch., xi 262—4. (go) Hude, C., (a) Con- jecturae’, Mord. Tidskrift, ’91, 248 £; (4) ‘Spicilegium Aristotelicum’, 2d. 281 f; (c) ‘Ermordung des Hipparchos’ (where Ar. differs from Thuc., he is probably following Androtion), Neue Fahrb., ’92, 171—6; (a) ed. c. 1—41, see | (9). (91) Hultsch, F., (a2) 29 τ; 3483; 3238 83; (6) ο. 10‘ Das Pheidonische Maszsystem’, Meue Fahrb., ’91, 262—4. (92) Immisch, 0., c. 41 3, Berl. Phil. Woch., xi 707. (93) Jackson, H., ems. C/. Rev. v 105 f, 122. (94) Jebb, R. C., on Solon in c. 12, 28, Fournal of Philology, xxv 98—105. (95) Judeich, W., Staatsstreich der 400’, Rhein. Mus. \xii (1907) 295 f. (96) Kahrstedt, U., Forschungen zur Gesch. des ausgehenden 5 und des 6 Jahrh.’, 235 ff, Berlin, Igro. (97) Kaibel, G., Nord und Sud,’91, 80f; cf. | (6), Π] (2). (98) Kaissling, F., Tempora und Modi in d. Politica und ’A@. 7oX.’, pp. go (Junge) Erlangen, ’93.. (99) Keil, Bruno, (1) rev. in Berl. Phil. Woch. (a) Kenyon ist ed., xi 517, 549, 581, 6133 also Separately printed, pp. 56; (4) van Herwerden and van Leeuwen’s ed., xii 613, 649; (c) Kenyon’s 3rd ed. xiii 1352; (2) ᾿Αμφαράια, c. 54 7, Hermes, xxx 473—5;3 (3) ‘Anonymus Argentinensis’, pp. 225—269, ‘Zum athenischen Gerichtswesen’. Cf, ΠῚ (1). (100) Kenyon, F. G., (1) Class. Rev., (a) ‘New Readings’, v 269 ἔ; (ὁ) ‘recent lit.’, 26. 3321: (c) c. 13 § 2, xiv (1900) 413, The Berlin MS has [πέν]τε, not [7érrap]as; (4) ἡμέρα διαμεμετρημένη, c. 67 3, xviii (1904) 337-9, on Photiades’ proposed restorations of 67 § 4—68 1; (2) ‘the genuineness of ’A@. πολ.᾽ in Ἑλλάς, iv 137 f. (101) Kirchner, J. E., Datierung ath. Archonten’ (Damasias), Rhein. Mus. liii 380. (102) Kohler, U., (a) c. 41 3, ‘Herakleides v. Klazo- _ menai’, Hermes xxvii (1892) 68f; (δ) c. 4, 2b. xxix (1894) 158; (c) ‘Die Zeiten der _ Herrschaft des Peisistratos’, S. Ber. Berlin. Akad. 7 April 1892, 339—343 (abstract _ in ed. τ, p. Ixxii); (4) Oligarchie des Jahres 411’, 2. 1895, 451 f; 1900, 803 f. - (103) Késtlin, H., ‘Isagoras und Kleisthenes’, Philologus, ’92, 380 f. (104) _ Kontos, K. 8., (a) ’A@nva, iii (1891) 289—400; iv (1892) 3—182; (4) rod, «1 44. (105) Krassnig, J., ‘Zu den Fragmenten Solons in ’A@. πολ.᾽, Progr. Mahrisch Ostrau, ’98. (106) Kuberka, (a) Oligarchischer Staatsstreich 411’, _ Kho, vii (1907) 341 f; (6) Verfassungsentwurf 411’, 24. viii (1908) 206. (107) _ Lackner, R., ‘1”A0. πολ. et la Politica’, Progr. Gymn. Zara, pp. 42, 1910. _ (108) Lakon, B., (a) ᾿Αθηνᾶ, iii 577—592; (2) c. 49, 43 6. 5, 23 2b. v 284—7. _ (109) Lean, W. 8., Academy, 7 March, ’91, 234. (110) Lecoutere, C., L’arch- _ Ontat—d’aprés la ’A@. mod.’ pp. 124 (Louvain), Paris, ’93. (111) Leeuwen, _ J. van, (a) Mnemosyne, xix (1891) 169—190; (4) Kon. Akad. v. Wet. 1891, 154— 176. See also ed. in | (7). (112) Lehmann, C. F., (a) c. 10, Hermes, xxvii (1892) 530—60; xxxv 636—49; Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., A7io, vi (1906) 307 n.; ~ (6) ‘Schatzmeister und Archontenwahl’, A7io, vi 304—322 3; (c) on c. 4 in Gercke and Norden’s Zinleitung in die Alt.wissenschaft iii (1912) 105 f; onc. 29f, 26.88; (d) ‘Solon _ of Athens, the poet, the merchant and the statesman’, Liverpool, 1912. (113)

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The principal books of reference used in preparing the commentary are: (a) the Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum, quoted as CIA; with ΕΣ. L. Hicks, Gk. Historical Inscriptions (1882; ed. 2, 1901), Dittenberger’s Syl/oge (1883; ed. 2, r1goof), Michel’s Recuezd (1900); also von Hartel’s Studzen diber Attisches Staatsrecht τε. Urkundenwesen (1878), and Meisterhans, Grammatik der Alttischen Inschrifien, ed. 3 (1900).

(ὁ) the LZudex A ristotelicus of Bonitz; and the editions (or translations) of the Politics by Susemihl, Jowett, Newman and others; and the various editions of the Fragments.

(c) the Greek lexicographers, esp. Bekker’s Amecdota, vol. i; Etymologicum Magnum (Gaisford); Harpocration (Dindorf); Hesychius (Schmidt); Photius (ed. Porson, revised by Dobree, 1822, who printed as Appendix the Lexicon Rhetoricum Cantabrigiense; Dobree’s transcript of the latter was also published posthumously in 1834); also id. (ed. Naber, 1864—5); Pollux (Bekker); and Suidas (Bernhardy).

(7) in Gk. History;—Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, also C. Miiller’s Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, quoted as FHG:—among modern writers, Thirlwall, Grote (ed. 1862 in 8 vols), Curtius (ed. Ward), Duncker, Busolt, Holm, Abbott; also Gilbert’s Beztrdge. In Chronology, Eusebius (ed. Schoene, 1866—75); and the Marmor Parium in Miiller’s FHG; also Clinton’s Fastz,and Peter’s Zeittafeln. On Ed. Meyer’s Forschungen &c, see ἵν (126).

(ec) in Antiquities and Law: (1) Boeckh, Dze Staatshaushaltung der Athener, ed. 2, 1851, ed. 3 (by Frankel) 1886; also the translations of ed. 1 by Sir Geo. Cornewall Lewis 1828, 1842 ; of ed. 2 by Lamb, Boston, U.S., 1857. (2) the new edition of K. F. Hermann’s Lehrbuch der Griechischen Antiguititen, Vol. 1, Part 11, Der Athenische Staat und seine Geschichte, ed. Thumser, 1892; Vol. 11, Part i, ed. 4, Rechisalt. ed. Thalheim, 1894. (3) Meier u. Schoemann, der Attische Process,

1824, ed. Lipsius 1881—6; Lipsius, Das Attische Recht und Rechtsverfahren, 2 vols. | pp- 785, 1905—12 (vol. 3 not yet published), and in Verhandlungen d. k. Siichs.

Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften, ’91, p. 41—69. (4) G. F. Schoemann, Axiigui-—

ties of Greece, vol. i translated by Hardy and Mann, 1880, ed. 2 of the original work, ed, Lipsius, 1897—1902. (5) G. Gilbert, Grzechische Staatsalterthimer, 2 vols. 1881—5; ed. 2 of vol. i, 1893 (E. T. by E. J. Brooks and T. Nicklin, 1895), with Introduction on ’A@. πολ. (6) Busolt, Dze Griechischen Alterthiimer, 1887 (ed. 2, ’92), and Stengel, Sakralalterthtimer, 1890, both in Iwan Miiller’s Handbuch. (7) A. Mommsen, Aeortologie, 1864. (8) Smith, Dict. of Gk. and Roman Antiquities, ed. Wayte and Marindin (with Appendix on ’A@. πολ). (9) Darem- berg et Saglio, Dict. des Antiquités. (το) Haussoullier, Za Vie Municipale en Attique, 1884; Hauvette-Besnault, des Stratages Athéniens, 1885; A. Martin, /es Cavaliers Ath., 1887; Diirrbach, Z’Orateur Lycurgue, 1890; Brillant, Les Secré- taires Athéniens, τοτι. (11) Philippi, Bectrdge zu einer Geschichte des A Htischen Biirgerrechtes (1870), and Der Areopag und die Epheten, 1874. (12) Frankel, dte attischen Geschworenengerichte, 1877. (13) Schulthess, Vormundschaft,

1886. (14) U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Aus Kydathen, in Philol.

' Jona: WV ὦ,

}

Xe

SoG ΝΥ

ABBREVIATIONS AND ILLUSTRATIONS χοὶ

Untersuchungen’, 1880. (15) Dissertations by Thumser, de Civium Athenien- sium muneribus, 1880; Kornitzer, De Scribis Publicis, 1883; Haederli, Astynomen 24. Agoranomen, 1886; Panske, de Magtstratibus Atticis, qui saeculo A. C. quarto pecunias publicas curabant, i, 1890; and others. (16) Articles in Philological _ Journals, &c.

δ τι. Abbreviations used in the critical notes, &e. SIGLARIUM,

Papyri Londinensis lectiones litterae unciales’ indicant ;

[1 quae in papyro prius, ut videtur, fuerunt, nunc autem evanuerunt ;

< > quae in papyro per errorem omissa, propter sensum addenda sunt ; [1 quae in papyro scripta, ut aliena omittenda sunt ;

+ obelus lectionem corruptam designat;

* asteriscus coniecturas non antea ab editore prolatas.

Editiones.

K'=Kenyonis ed. prima; ΚΞ secunda; κϑ tertia; K* quarta (ed. Berolinensis) ;

K-w'=Kaibel et von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, ed. prima; K-w? secunda; K-W? tertia ;

H-L=van Herwerden et van Leeuwen;

B!= Blass, ed. prima; B” secunda; tertia; Β΄ quarta;

Th=Thalheim.

§ 12. Last of Lllustrations.

In Frontispiece. Fig. 1; Heliastic πινάκιον, from Daremberg and Saglio’s Dict. des Antiguités, iii 190, fig. 2410; first published by M. Rayet, Anmuazre de l Association des Etudes Grecques, 1878, p. 206. See note on c. 63 § 4.

Fig. 2 and 3; two bronze counters, probably used in the allotment of citizens to the several heliastic divisions. On the obverse, four owls and two sprays of olive, encircled with the word @ecmoGeTWN. On the reverse, fig. 2 (from the British Museum) bears the letter E ; fig. 3 (published in Parnassos, Athens, 1883), the letter A. From Daremberg and Saglio, /c., fig. 2411, 2412. See note onc. 63 5.

Fig. 4 and 5; heliastic σύμβολα. On the obverse, a copy of the design

ON a τριώβολον,---Δὴ owl surrounded with two sprays of olive, and AOH in fig. 4, © only in fig. 5. On the other side, a letter, probably denoting one of the heliastic sections. See note on c. 65 § 2. From Daremberg and Saglio, /.c., fig. 2413, 2414.

Fig. 6 and 7; bronze ψῆφοι used for voting, found at Athens (Bull. de~ Corr. Hellén. 1887, xi 210). From Daremberg and Saglio, /.c., fig. 2415—6.

Seenote on c. 68 § 2.

On p. 41; Aeginetan Didrachmon ; Berlin Cabinet, Friedlander u. Sallet,

_ Beschreibung, no. 2. From Baumeister’s Denkmiiler, fig. 1010.

Loid. and Title-fage. Early Attic Tetradrachmon ; Berlin Cabinet, w.s.,

no. 54. From Baumeister’s Denkmdler, fig. 1013.

ΟῚ CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA

CORRIGENDA.

Ῥ- 53, in critical note on 13, 8, for [rerrap]as Berol., read [πενἾτε Berol.; cf. Kenyon in C7. Rev. xiv 413.

p- 84 ὁ, 5—6, read ‘and the number current in Strabo’s time (7. 24 B.C.) was 174 (Strabo, p. 396).’ Cf. Cl. Rev. x 383 f.

p- 145, c- 36, 5 dele comma after Θηραμένην.

p. 258, in note on δεκάχους, for 2°16 gallons, read 7.2 gallons.

ADDENDA.

Commentary, p. 9 (c- 3, 25): Βουκολεῖον κτλ] Cf. Bruno Keil, in Berl. Phii. Woch. 21 May, 1892, p. 652 f.

p- 15 (c. 4, 6): ταμίας] The earliest inscription in which the ταμίαι are mentioned belongs to the first half of the sixth century, CIA iv 3737, p. 199, of ταμίαι τάδε χαλκία wth. Cf. J. Hf. S. ix ΔῈ.

Ρ. 143 @ (c. 35, 9): ᾿Εἰφιάλτου καὶ ᾿Αρχεστράτου)]ο Bruno Keil, Solon. Verf., p- 54, proposes to identify Archestratus with the mover of the last amendment in the decree concerning Chalcis, CIA iv I, p. 12 ἢ. 27 a, 70, ’Apxéorparo[s] εἶπε τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ [᾿ΑἹντικλῆς: τὰς [δ]ὲ εὐθύνας Xadxcded[o]e κατὰ σφῶν αὐτῶν εἶναι ἐν Χαλκίδι καθάπερ ᾿Αθήνησιν ᾿Αθηναίοις, πλὴν φυγῆς καὶ θανάτου καὶ ἀτιμίας. περὶ δὲ τούτων ἔφεσιν εἶναι ᾿Ανήναζε ἐς τὴν ἡλιαίαν τῶν θεσμοθετῶν κατὰ τὸ Ψήφισμα τοῦ δήμου.

The spirit of this proposal harmonises with the policy οὗ Ephialtes. On ᾿Αρχεστράτου |

Λυκομήδους Φλυεύς cf. Wilamowitz i 68 n. 40.

Ρ- 145 (c. 35, 24) ὑπεξαιρούμενοί re <Sid> τὸν φόβον] The insertion of ϑιὰ is proposed by Mr ὟΝ. L. Newman in a letter to the editor dated 27 Oct. 1911. He aptly compares Xen. Hero, c. 5 2, Grav δὲ τοὺς τοιούτους διὰ τὸν φόβον breé- αιρῶνται. Cf. διὰ τὸν φόβον inc. 13, 23.

p- 258 (c. 67, 7) δεκάχους] Bruno Keil’s opinion implies that there was a change in the capacity of a chows between the time of Lysias and the time of Demosthenes. We cannot allow that there was any such change. But, at the later of the two periods, the chows corresponded to a shorter day. The same amount of water had to be made to flow faster in the time of Demosthenes than it did in the time of Lysias. During the lapse of one chous, 80 lines could be spoken in the time of Lysias, but only 70 in that of Demosthenes. Therefore the water must have travelled faster by 4 of the former standard. Hence, with the change of the standard day, the

Υ

5 f ᾿ Σ - ; = ᾿ = % ;

clepsydra itself must have been changed. Thus, if the clepsydra had eight per-—

forations in the time of Lysias, we have only to make them nine, and the water will pass } faster than before (J. E. Sandys, in Cambridge Univ. Reporter, 5 March, 1912,

p- 691).

ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΟΥΣ AOHNAIQN ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ.

1. —— Μύρωνος καθ᾽ ἱερῶν ὀμόσαντες ἀριστίνδην. κατα- γνωσθέντος δὲ τοῦ ἄγους αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐκ τῶν τάφων ἐξεβλήθησαν,

11 Ex Plutarchi So/. 12 initium supplevit Wilamowitz, Arzstoteles und Athen, i

291 n, [€dixagov δὲ κατηγοροῦντος] Μύρωνος || [τριακόσιοι] kad’ ἱερῶν ὀμόσαντες || [τελείων θᾶρθεν

αἱρεθέντες] ἀριστίνδην. || -- αἱρεθέντες -- addiderat Papageorgios. KaTATNWCOENTOC. Sensui repugnat καθαρθέντος, etenim tunc temporis erat τὸ ἄγος καταγνωσθὲν tantum, nondum autem καθαρθέν. 2 αὐτοὶ scripsi; quod cum verbis in altero membro (τὸ γένος αὐτῶν) satis apte quadrat; cf. Paus. i 25, 3 αὐτοί τε οἱ ἀποκτείναντες ἐνομίσ- θησαν καὶ οἱ ἐξ ἐκείνων ἐναγεῖς τῆς θεοῦ. Idem scripserunt K-w et Kirchhofium et Kontum secuti. νεκροὶ quondam Κ, οἱ νεκροὶ H-L, sed articulo quem desideramus spatium non sufficit, et in ipsa papyro litterae τ potius quam p apparet vestigium.

TESTIMONIA. 1 Capitis primi partem deperditam in compendium redactam conservat Heraclidis epitoma (Rose, Frag. 611, 28): τοὺς μετὰ Κύλωνος (Κύκλωπος codices meliores) διὰ τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν τῆς θεοῦ πεφευγότας οἱ περὶ Meyaxdéa

ἀπέκτειναν, καὶ τοὺς δράσαντας ὡς ἐναγεῖς ἤλαυνον.

1, Cylon’s attempt to establish a tyranny, 7 , ry Ly and its comsequencess

᾿ς Μύρωνος] Myron of Phlya is men- tioned by Plutarch alone, So/, 12, as the accuser of the Alcmaeonidae who were involved in the curse of Cylon. Ata later time one of the Alcmaeonidae, named Λεωβώτης, had his revenge for this act

i of a member of the deme of Phlya by

bringing a charge of high treason against a distinguished member of that deme, Themistocles (Plut. Them. 23; cf. 20. 1§3). Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, i 508 (ed. 1885), ii 209 (ed. 1895). καθ᾽ ἱερῶν ὀμόσαντες) Cf. decree quoted in c. 29 (at end), ὀμόσαντες καθ᾽ ᾿ ἱερῶν τελείων.

᾿ς ἀριστίνδην] cannot be taken with καθ᾽ _ ἱερῶν ὀμόσαντες, but must go with some such verb as ἐδίκαζον in the earlier part of _ thesentence. We may perhaps infer from _ Plutarch So/. 12 that the sentence ran as follows: (ἐδίκαζον δὲ τριακόσιοι κατηγο-

S. A.

podvros) Μύρωνος καθ᾽ ἱερῶν ὁμόσαντες ἀριστίνδην. According to Plutarch the Alcmaeonidae were tried by a court con- sisting of 300 persons selected from the noblest families (δικαζόντων ἀριστίν δην). The number is confirmed by its being identical with that of the Aoule of the partisans of Isagoras which Cleomenes king of Sparta endeavoured to establish at Athens in a subsequent attack on the Alcmaeonidae (Hat. v 72). For ἀριστίν- δὴν cf. c. 3; 1. 2. : πὰ

καταγνωσθέντος- τοῦ ἄγου] ‘The charge of sacrilege having been made good’ by the sentence of condemnation passed by the court.

ἐκ τῶν τάφων ἐξεβλήθησαν] The same incident is mentioned in Plutarch 4 ¢., and Thuc. /. c. In the latter it seems to be more closely connected with the second expulsion of the ἐναγεῖς (in 508 B.c.), than with the first. See also Plutarch’s Moralia 549 A, Tas ᾿Αθήνησι τῶν ἐναγῶν σωμάτων ῥίψεις... οὐδὲ παίδων

Ι

2 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL. I, 1. 2—3.

8 τὸ δὲ γένος αὐτῶν ἔφυγεν ἀειφυγίαν. “Emipevidns δ᾽ Κρὴς ἐπὶ

4 a \ , τούτοις ἐκάθηρε THY πόλιν.

παισὶν ἐπιδεῖν ὑπῆρξε τῶν ἀποσφαγέντων ἐκείνων.

The principal ancient authorities on the affair of Cylon are as follows. Hdt. Vv 71, ἦν Κύλων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνὴρ Ολυμ- πιονίκης. οὗτος ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἐκόμησε, προσ- ποιησάμενος δὲ ἑταιρηίην τῶν ἡλικιωτέων καταλαβεῖν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπειρήθὴ, οὐ δυ- νάμενος δὲ ἐπικρατῆσαι ἱκέτης ἵζετο πρὸς τὸ ἄγαλμα. τούτους ἀνιστᾶσι μὲν οἱ πρυ- τάνιες τῶν ναυκράρων (αἰ. ναυκραριέων), οἵπερ ἔνεμον τότε τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ὑπεγγύους πλὴν θανάτου" φονεῦσαι δὲ αὐτοὺς αἰτίη ἔχει ᾿Αλκμεωνίδας. ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς Πεισι- στράτου ἡλικίης ἐγένετο. The above ac- count is unduly favourable to the Alemae- onidae. It is materially corrected by Thucydides, i 126 § 2, Κύλων ἦν ᾿᾽Ολυμπιο- νίκης, dvnp Αθηναῖος τῶν πάλαι εὐγενής τε καὶ duvards...0 δὲ... κατέλαβε τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ‘ws ἐπὶ τυραννίδι... 6 οἱ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Κύ- λωνος πολιορκούμενοι φλαύρως εἶχον σίτου τε καὶ ὕδατος ἀπορίᾳ. μὲν οὖν Κύλων καὶ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ἐκδιδράσκουσιν᾽ οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι ὡς ἐπιέζοντο καί τινες καὶ ἀπέθνησκον ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ, καθίζουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἱκέται τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει. ἀναστήσαντες δὲ αὐ- τοὺς οἱ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπιτετραμμένοι τὴν φυλακήν, ὡς ἑώρων ἀποθνήσκοντας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἐφ᾽ μηδὲν κακὸν ποιήσουσιν ἀπα- γαγόντες ἀπέκτειναν. § 7 καθεζομένους δέ τινας καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν [ἐν τοῖς βω- μοῖς] ἐν τῇ παρόδῳ διεχρήσαντο. καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου ἐναγεῖς καὶ ἀλιτήριοι τῆς θεοῦ ἐκεῖνοί τε ἐκαλοῦντο καὶ τὸ γένος τὸ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων. ἤλασαν μὲν οὖν καὶ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τοὺς ἐναγεῖς τούτους, ἤλασε δὲ καὶ Κλεομένης Λακεδαιμόνιος ὕστερον μετὰ ᾿Αθηναίων στασιαζόντων (B.C. 508), τούς τε ζῶντας ἐλαύνοντες καὶ τῶν τεθνεώτων τὰ ὀστᾶ ἀνε- λόντες ἐξέβαλον. Thucydides is supported by Plutarch, So/om 12, whose narrative has several points of contact with the account in the text. τὸ δὲ Κυλώνειον ἄγος ἤδη μὲν ἐκ πολλοῦ διετάραττε τὴν πόλιν, ἐξ οὗ τοὺς συνωμότας τοῦ Κύλωνος ἱκετεύοντας τὴν θεὸν Μεγακλῆς ἄρχων ἐπὶ δίκῃ κατελθεῖν ἔπεισεν" ἐξάψαντας δὲ τοῦ ἕδους κρόκην κλωστὴν καὶ ταύτης ἐχομένους, ὡς ἐγένοντο περὶ τὰς σεμνὰς θεὰς καταβαί- ψοντες, αὐτομάτως τῆς κρόκης ῥαγείσης, ὥρμησε συλλαμβάνειν Μεγακλῆς καὶ οἱ συνάρχοντες, ὡς τῆς θεοῦ τὴν ἱκεσίαν ἀπο- λεγομένης" καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἔξω κατέλευσαν, οἱ δὲ τοῖς βωμοῖς προσφυγόντες ἀπεσφάγησαν" μόνοι δ᾽ ἀφείθησαν οἱ τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῶν ἑκετεύσαντες. ἐκ τούτου δὲ κληθέντες ἐνα-

γεῖς ἐμισοῦντο᾽ καὶ τῶν Κυλωνείων οἱ περιγενόμενοι πάλιν ἦσαν ἰσχυροὶ καὶ στα- σιάζοντες ἀεὶ διετέλουν πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Μεγακλέους. ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε χρόνῳ τῆς

᾿στάσεως ἀκμὴν λαβούσης μάλιστα καὶ τοῦ

δήμου διαστάντος, ἤδη δόξαν ἔχων Σόλων παρῆλθεν εἰς μέσον ἅμα τοῖς ἀρίστοις τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, καὶ δεόμενος καὶ διδάσκων ἔπεισε τοὺς ἐναγεῖς λεγομένους δίκην ὑποσχεῖν καὶ κριθῆναι τριακοσίων ἀριστίν δην δικαζόν- των. Μύρωνος δὲ τοῦ Φλυέως κατηγο- ροῦντος ἑάλωσαν οἱ ἄνδρες, καὶ μετέστησαν οἱ ζῶντες" τῶν δ᾽ ἀποθανόντων τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀνορύξαντες ἐξέρριψαν ὑπὲρ τοὺς ὅρους. ταύ- ταις δὲ ταῖς ταραχαῖς καὶ Μεγαρέων συνεπι- θεμένων ἀπέβαλόν τε Νίσαιαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ Σαλαμῖνος ἐξέπεσον αὖθις. καὶ φόβοι τινὲς ἐκ δεισιδαιμονίας ἅμα καὶ φάσματα κατεῖχε τὴν πόλιν, οἵ τε μάντεις ἄγη καὶ μιασμοὺς δεομένους καθαρμῶν προφαίνεσθαι διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ἠγόρευον. οὕτω δὴ μετά- πεμπτος αὐτοῖς ἧκεν ἐκ Κρήτης ᾿Επιμενίδης ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ τῷ Σόλωνι χρησάμενος φίλῳ πολλὰ προσυπειργάσατο καὶ προωδο- ποίησεν αὐτῷ τῆς νομοθεσίας...τὸ δὲ μέγισ- τον, ἱλασμοῖς τισι καὶ καθαρμοῖς καὶ ἱδρύσεσι κατοργιάσας καὶ καθοσιώσας τὴν πόλιν ὑπή- κοον τοῦ δικαίου καὶ μᾶλλον εὐπειθῆ πρὸς ὁμόνοιαν κατέστησε.

The date of the Olympic victory of Cylon is 640 B.c. Sex. Julius Africanus (early in 3rd century A.D.), as quoted in the Chronicon of Eusebius, i p. 145= 198, has, under O/. 35, 1=B.C. 640, Re- cursum Cylon Atheniensis, is gui tyran- nidem affectavit, that Epimenides visited Athens, in con- nexion with the expiation of the curse of Cylon, shortly before the legislation of Solon (archon 594 B.C.).

Plutarch ἢ. c. implies

Hence the at- tempt of Cylon has generally been placed after the date of Dracon (621 B.c.). Thu- cydides, i 126, 3, places Cylon’s attempt to seize the tyranny in an Olympic year. It has therefore been assigned to the Olym- ~ pic years 620 (Clinton and Peter), 616

(Duncker), 612 (Corsini). But Herodotus - /, c. describes the partisans of Cylon as an ἑταιρηίη τῶν ἡλικιωτέων, which points to

a company of young men.

Hence it has

been suggested that the attempt was made

at an earlier date, before the time of Dra-

con. It has accordingly been assigned to various Olympic years between 640 and

624 B.C., either as early as 636 or as late as 624 (Busolt, Griechische Geschichte,

i 498, 505, ed. 1885; perhaps. 632, il

=

=

Gx..1 ll; 3; 4.

204-9, ed. 1895). The same opinion was maintained by Prof. John H. Wright as reported in the Proceedings of the Amerz-. can FPhilological Association, 1888, p. xxvi. His arguments were drawn from the language of Herodotus, Thucydides and the other authorities on this inci- dent; from considerations of the pro- bable age of Megacles and the date of

Cylon’s father-in-law, Theagenes of Me-.

gara. Healso urged that ‘the adoption of the earlier date lent unexpected coherencé and significance to certain phenomena in early Attic history, the episode thus being one of the important steps in the social and political development of Athens, and not an unrelated event.’ This opinion is confirmed by the text which clearly im- plies that the affair of Cylon preceded the date of Dracon. Cp. Macan on Hat. v 71, and Busolt, ii 204 f?.

ἔφυγεν ἀειφυγίαν] Plat. Zeg. 871 Ὁ, 877 C, 881 BD, φευγέτῳ ἀειφυγίαν, 877 E, (ὅταν) ἐν ἀειφυγίᾳ τις φεύγῃ. Plut. So/. 24, τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἀειφυγίᾳ τὴν ἑαυτῶν, Photius, 5. Ὁ. μαστῆρες: τῶν ἀειφυγίαν φυ- γαδευθέντων.

᾿Εἰπιμενίδης] The purification of Athens by Epimenides is generally assigned to B.C. 596-5, shortly before the archon- ship of Solon in 594-3 (Clinton, Faséz, and Busolt, i 509', ii 2117). These dates are consistent with the account in Plu- tarch and were possibly suggested by it, or derived from some common source, such as Hermippus of Alexandria, quoted in Plut. So/. 11. The chronology of the life of Epimenides is however extremely uncertain. Diogenes Laertius, i 111, aap Phlegon as stating that Epimeni- es returned to Crete and died not long after at the age of 157. He adds that Xenophanes made him die at the age of 154, and the Cretans at. 299. (But the Cretans, as we know on the authority of Epimenides himself, ‘are always liars.’) Suidas puts his birth in Ol. 30 (about 659 B.C.), and describes him as an old man at the time of the purification, which he places in Ol. 44 (B.c. 604—), cor- rected by Bernhardy into Ol. 46 (B.c. aa At the latter date he would

ve been 63. : On the other hand, Plato, Zeg. 642 D, ᾿ 698 c, describes him as coming to Athens and offering expiatory sacrifices in 500 B.C. This account is rejected by Bentley and Grote. The former says of Plato: _ ‘that great Man did not tie himself in his § Discourses to Exactness of Time’ (Pha-

_ faris, p. 58); the latter regards the _ Statement in the Zaws as ‘a remarkable example of carelessness in chronology’

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 3

(HH. G., ς. το, ii 294). ‘The sacrifices ascribed to Epimenides by Plato may, indeed, be connected with the outbreak of a plague attested by an inscription of about 500 B.C. (CIA i 475, Busolt i 509", ii 2127), but this is not enough to warrant our placing the prophet a century later than the age of Solon.

Thus we have two accounts of the date of Epimenides, (1) that represented by Plato, placing him about 500 B.C. ; (2) that represented hitherto by no earlier autho- rity than Hermippus, placing him about 600 B.C. (2) is supported by the text, which mentions his visit immediately after an account of a trial assigned by Plutarch to the time of Solon. The dis- crepancy between the two accounts is explained by Diels as arising from the fact that Plato is referring to the Epi- menides of literature and not to the Epimenides of history. The Theogony ascribed to Epimenides was written under Orphic influence shortly before the Per- sian wars; and the story of the protracted sleep of Epimenides, which lasted for a whole century, was a fiction designed at the same time to give currency to the poet- ical fabrications ascribed to him. The curse of Cylon was originally expiated through the banishment of the Alcmae- onidae and the purification of Athens by Epimenides about 600 B,c. In the fol- lowing century the Alcmaeonidae re- turned and about 508 B.c., after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae, when Cleisthenes, the Alcmaeonid, was the foremost man in the state, the influence of the exiles led to a revival of the memory of the ancient crime. At such a time as this the story of Epimenides was naturally revived by the opponents of Cleisthenes, and his oracles invented as part of their machinations against the guilty race of the Alcmaeonidae (Diels, Sz¢zungsberichte of the Berlin Academy, April 16, 1891, part. xxi; abstract in Berliner Philolog- wsche Wochenschrift, p. 766). Cp. Busolt, ii 211 f?.

ἐπὶ τούτοις] either ‘thereupon,’ or ‘besides,’ Ἐπὶ τούτοις in the former sense=perd ταῦτα has hitherto. been found only in the spurious works (Eucken, Sprachgebrauch des Ar., p. 51). The latter sense (fraeferea) is on the whole preferable, and is found in Δ δέ. ii 6, 1384 α 9. Cf. Pol. ii 9, 1271 @ 39, ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν vavapxia ἑτέρα βασιλεία καθέστηκεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις may also mean ‘in consequence of these events,’

ἐκάθηρε] For the details of this purifi- cation, see Plut. So/. 12 ad fin, (καθαρ- ots), and Diogenes Laertius, i 110,

I-—2

σι

AOHNAIQN COL, 1,1. 3—12: 2. peta δὲ ταῦτα συνέβη στασιάσαι τούς τε γνωρίμους Kal TO πλῆθος πολὺν χρόνον [τὸν δῆμον]. ἦν γὰρ αὐτῶν πολιτεία τοῖς 2 ΝΜ > \ n \ \ 2 , ε / a

τε ἄλλοις ὀλιγαρχικὴ πᾶσι, Kal δὴ Kal ἐδούλευον οἱ πένητες τοῖς καὶ ἐκαλοῦντο 4 7 \ z \ \ 7 3 / πελάται Kal ἑκτήμοροι" κατὰ ταύτην yap THY μίσθωσιν [ἠ]ργά- Covto τῶν πλουσίων τοὺς ἀγρούς. δὲ πᾶσα γῆ δι’ ὀλίγων ἦν"

, ΙΝ waneet ERE aay eee a πλουσίοις καὶ AUTOL καὶ TA τέκνα καὶ αἱ YUVQLKES.

[καὶ τὸ πλῆθος} πολὺν χρόνον - καὶ :- τὸν δῆμον secluserunt K, K-W, H-L, B: defendebat Joh. Mayor. δ ἐκ- “--τεξ- γὰρ B* appendix.

II 2 τούς τε---πλῆθος del. Oppenraij. Thalheim. τημόριοι Bt.

TESTIMONIA. 5 Plut. Sol. 13 ἅπας μὲν yap δῆμος ἦν ὑπόχρεως τῶν πλουσίων. γὰρ ἐγεώργουν ἐκείνοις ἕκτα τῶν γινομένων τελοῦντες, ἑκτήμοροι (ἑκτημόριοι libri, corr. Koraés) προσαγορευόμενοι καὶ θῆτες, χρέα λαμβάνοντες ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἀγώ- γιμοι τοῖς δανείζουσιν ἦσαν, οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ δουλεύοντες, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν ξένην πιπρασκόμενοι (c. 12, 37 ff.). Photius, 5. v. πελάται 1, οἱ παρὰ τοῖς πλησίον ἐργαζόμενοι. καὶ θῆτες οἱ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἑκτήμοροι, ἐπειδὴ ἕκτῳ μέρει τῶν καρπῶν εἰργάζοντο τὴν γῆν (=schol. Plat. Euthyphr. 4); ib. 2, οἱ μισθῷ δουλεύοντες, ἐπεὶ τὸ πέλας ἐγγύς, οἷον ἔγγιστα διὰ πενίαν προσιόντες. *’ApiotoréAns; Pollux iv 165 ἑκτήμοροι δ᾽ οἱ πελάται παρὰ τοῖς

᾿Αττικοῖς (cf. iii 82). μορτος : ἑκτήμοροι οἱ τὸ ἕκτον τελοῦντες.

Hesych. ἑκτήμοροι : οἱ ἕκτῳ μέρει τὴν γῆν γεωργοῦντες ; id. ἐπί- Rose, Ar. Frag. 3517, 389°.

Il. The conflict of the classes before the

times of Dracon and Solon.

8 1. μετὰ ταῦτα] z.c. after the affair of Cylon, which must have been the main subject of the previous chapter; although in the part that has been preserved, the narrative of its consequences is brought down to the time of Epimenides. (Blass, however, makes μετὰ ταῦτα mean ‘after, the expiation by Epimenides,’ egue enim στάσις, 7.6. seditio armata, per multos annos obtinuisse potest.)

For the general sense, cf. Plut. So/. 13 init., οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῆς Κυλωνείου πεπαυ- μένης ταραχῆς καὶ μεθεστώτων.. τῶν ἐνα- γῶν, τὴν παλαιὰν αὖθις στάσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς πολιτείας ἐστασίαζον, ὅσας χώρα διαφορὰς εἶχεν, εἰς τοσαῦτα μέρη τῆς πόλεως δια- στάσης. :

§ 2. τοῖς τέ dAAots...Kal δὴ Kal] τό §§ 2,8, 10. In r8§ 2 and 19 § 3 we have καὶ alone in the second clause. It is excep- tional for re to be omitted, as in Lycurg. Leocr. 95, ἐπὶ τὴν ἄλλην χώραν καὶ δὴ Kal (where Baiter prefers ἐπί re). Kaibel (p. 78) regards it as an archaic formula.

ὀλιγαρχικὴ..-ἐδούλευον] These evils were remedied by Solon, who was eulogised as a legislator: Po/. 1273 6 36, ὀλιγαρχίαν Te yap καταλῦσαι λίαν ἄκρα- τον οὖσαν δουλεύοντα τὸν δῆμον παῦσαι.

πελάται] used by Plutarch in eight passages as an equivalent for the Roman clientes (Romulus 13, Poplicola 5, Corio- lanus t3;and 21 § 4, Marius 5 5, Crassus 21 5, Cato Minor 34§3, 710. Gracchus 13

§ 2); alsoin 4.9756 5, and Quaest. Conviv, ii 10, (ὁ κιττὸς) Bowwriov θεοῦ πελάτης καὶ παράσιτος ὦν. ἑκτήμοροι] (1) Plut., So/. 13, states that these tenants paid their landlords a sixth part of the produce (ἕκτα τῶν γινομένων τελοῦντες). Similarly, Hesychius, s.v. ἐπί- μορτος. (2) Photius, s.v. πελάται, says that they cultivated the soil in return for a sixth part of the produce (ἕκτῳ μέρει τῶν καρπῶν εἰργάζοντο τὴν γῆν). Similarly, Hesychius, 5. vw. ἑκτημόροι, and the Scholiast on Plato, Huthyphron 4 C. Thus Plutarch makes them pay 1/6 and retain 5/6 for their own maintenance; while Photius makes them pay 5/6 and retain 1/6. The former view is preferable anditis supported by Oncken (Staatslehre, ii 437 n) who observes that a tax-of 1/6 was sufficiently severe to imply a con- siderable amount of distress, and by Gom- perz (in Appendix 111 to his polemical pamphlet, Die Schrift vom Staatswesen der Athener,pp.45—48; also by Botsford, Athenian Const. (1893) 138 f, and Henry Sidgwick, Οἱ. Rev. viii (1894) 296f, who ~ quotes Isocr. Aveop. 32, γεωργίας ἐπὶ. eT plats μισθώσεσι παραδιδόντες. The other view is held by Beloch, i 218; Busolt, ii 1097, Thumser, Gr. Ant. 3351} Gilbert, i 1282; and Wilamowitz, ii 58. _ μίσθωσιν] ‘rent’ {not ‘wages’). Jaf. μισθώσεις ἀποδιδοῖεν. Dem. 28 § 12, ἀπο- δέδωκε τὴν μίσθωσιν, and 43 58 (dex) τοὺς bh ἀποδίδοντας τὰς μισθώσεις τῶν τεμενῶν. δι᾽ ὀλίγων ἦν] c. 4 αὐ fin., c. 290 1. The sense is not materially different π΄

CH. 2, 1,.1—CH. 3,11. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α 5

\ > \ \ , 3 a > 4 ἈΝ +? A Α e καὶ εἰ μὴ Tas μισθώσεις ἀποδιδοῖεν, ἀγώγιμοι Kal αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ παῖδες ἐγίγνοντο. καὶ οἱ δανεισμοὶ πᾶσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἦσαν μέχρι Σόλωνος" οὗτος δὲ πρῶτος ἐγένετο τοῦ δήμου προ- στάτης. χαλεπώτατον μὲν οὖν καὶ πικρότατον ἦν τοῖς πολλοῖς τῶν

\ A / ἈΝ 4 > > \ \ > \ a κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν TO δουλεύειν" οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐδυσχέραινον: οὐδενὸς γάρ, ὡς εἰπεῖν, ἐτύγχανον μετέ-

XOovTes.

3. ἦν δ᾽ τάξις τῆς ἀρχαίας πολιτείας THs πρὸ Δράκοντος

8 ΕΓΊΙΝΟΝΤΟ (K-W): ἐγίγνοντο (Η-1,, Κϑ, Β, Th) ; in titulis atticis annorum 445—292 A.C. quadraginta tribus locis inventum est γίγνομαι, nusquam γίνομαι (Meisterhans,

Grammatik der Attischen Inschriften, (K4),

γὰρ κτλ. K-wh?; ὑπόχρεῳ yap H-L repugnante papyro,

Ρ. 177°); itaque ubique praetuli ylyvoua καὶ of δανεισμοὶ πᾶσιν Blass (K*, K-w*): καὶ [δε]δ[εμένοι τοῖς δανείσ]ασιν K, καὶ

11 δουλεύειν K-w (K%, Β):

[τὸ τῆς γῆς μὴ κρατ]εῖν H-L Blassii coniecturam secuti. III 1 τῆς πρὸ Δράκοντος 5:0]. Dufour (Th).

Pol. viii (v) 6, τ3οό α 16, τῆς πολιτείας δι᾽ ὀλίγων οὔσης, and Ζηγγα c. 29 1]. 9, δι᾽ ὀλίγων ποιήσωνται τὴν πολιτείαν, also Pol. 13186 34, αἵ τε γὰρ ἀρχαὶ ἀεὶ διὰ τῶν βελτίστων ἔσονται, 1301 12,. τὴν μὲν κατάστασιν προαιροῦνται τὴν αὐτήν, δι᾽ αὑτῶν δ᾽ εἶναι βούλονται, 1293 a 28, δι᾽ αὑτῶν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔχειν (Eucken, Sprachge- brauch des Ar., p. 38), 1283 6; Isaeus, Vi 35, ὅπως ἐκείνου τελευτήσαντος δι᾽ αὑτῶν ἔσοιτο οὐσία,

᾿ ἀγώγιμοι] ΡΙαί.. So/. 13, χρέα λαμβά- νοντες ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἀγώγιμοι τοῖς δανεί- fovew ἦσαν, 15 8, τῶν ἀγωγίμων πρὸς ἀργύριον "γεγονότων πολιτῶν.

Diod. Sic. i 79, 16 (of an Egyptian law- giver) τῶν ὀφειλόντων τὴν ἔκπραξιν τῶν δανείων ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας μόνον ἐποιήσατο, τὸ δὲ σῶμα κατ᾽ οὐδένα τρόπον εἴασεν ὑπάρ- χειν ἀγώγιμον.

δανεισμοὶ κτλ.] c. 4 ad fin. c. 9 § 1 δανείζειν ἐπὶ rots σώμασιν. Dion. Halic. Ant. Rom.-iv 9, p. 658, 6 Reiske (of Servius Tullius), νόμον θήσομαι, μηδένα δανείζειν ἐπὶ σώμασιν ἐλευθέροις, and ν 53, P- 970, 4 (οἱ δανείζοντες) εἰς δεσμοὺς τὰ τῶν ὑποχρέων ἀπῆγον σώματα. The word δανεισμὸς occurs in Ath. 1131 3, Plat. Rep. 473 Ἑ, Leg. 842 Ὁ, 921 C.

τοῦ δήμου προστάτης] In Plut. So/. 13 ad fin., the oppressed citizens resolve on choosing ἕνα προστάτην ἄνδρα, and the choice falls on Solon. The same term is applied zzfra c. 28 to Solon, Peisistratus, Cleisthenes, Xanthippus, Themistocles and Aristides, Ephialtes and Pericles, Cleon and Cleophon. Ac- cording to Grote’s definition, which is mainly applicable to a time later than that of Solon, the term ‘denotes the leader of a popular party, as opposed to

, ws εἰπεῖν.

an oligarchical party (see Thue, iii 70, 82, iv 66, vi 35) in a form of government either entirely democratical, or at least in which the public assembly is frequently convoked and decides on many matters of importance’ (77st. of Gr. vii p. 304n). See Dr Hager’s article in Smith’s Dect. of Ant, ii 504.

$x 4, ihapts., ts εἰπεῖν] An ex- ample of the normal use of ὡς εἰπεῖν, to modify a numerical exaggeration. To the passages quoted in my note on Dem. Lept. § 140, the following may be added, from Aristotle’s Politics. ws εἰπεῖν is used with πᾶς in 1263 4, 12734 τῇ, 1282a 5, 1314 @14, 1319 30, 1323 α 20, 132846 16; also with numbers in 1285 4 34 σχεδὸν δύο ἐστὶν ws εἰπεῖν, 1302 α 19 σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν τρεῖς. ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πλεῖστον εἰπεῖν Oc- curs in 1297 33, 1335 α 8. ὡς ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, in 1293 34, 1200 25, 13104 37.

ws εἰπεῖν is less frequently used to modi- fy a strong metaphor or other emphatic phrase unconnected with number: 1263 @ 36 τοῖς δούλοις χρῶνται τοῖς ἀλλήλων, ὡς εἰπεῖν idiots, 1268 23 τὰς κυριωτάτας ἀρχὰς ὡς εἰπεῖν, 1324 6 τῶν πλείστων νομίμων χύδην ὡς εἰπεῖν κειμένων, 1301 5 ἀρχαὶ μὲν οὖν ὡς εἰπεῖν [bracketed by Susemihl, transferred after πηγαὶ by others] αὗται καὶ πηγαὶ τῶν στάσεων εἰσίν, 1304 5, οἱ κατ᾽ ἀρετὴν διαφέροντες οὐ ποιοῦσι στάσιν ὡς εἰπεῖν, 1312 23 εὐθὺς ws ἔπος εἰπεῖν is combined with πᾶς, 1252 29; also 2777 c. 57 1, and with πλεῖστα in 49 5. It is quite un- necessary to substitute it for ws εἰπεῖν here.

Ill. Zhe Athenian Constitution before the time of Dracon.

According to the current account the

σι

"οὗ βασιλεύς (Pausanias i 3 3).

\

δ᾽ )

AOHNAIQN

COL. 1, 1.-12—22.

τοιάδε, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς καθίστασαν ἀριστίνδην καὶ wrovTivdny’

μέγισται δὲ Kal πρῶται

ἦρχον δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διὰ [βίου], μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα δεκαέτειαν. τῶν ἀρχῶν ἦσαν βασιλεὺς καὶ

πολέμαρχος καὶ [ἄ]ρ[χω]ν" τούτων δὲ πρώτη. μὲν τοῦ βασι- λέως (αὕτη γὰρ ἦν πάτριος), δευτέρα δ᾽ ἐπικατέστη πολεμαρχία

3 διὰ βίου K-w, H-L (K*, B): ἀεὶ quondam kK. ut videtur’ K*; πάτριος ἐγένετο H-L; καὶ π[άτ]ριος [ἢν] B.

admisso Jos. Mayor (H-L, Κϑ, s!).

6 ἦν πάτριος K (Β5, K-w?, ‘ita L, ἐπικατέστη hiatu

title of king was abolished on the death of Codrus. His son Medon, and twelve successors, beginning with Acastus and ending with Alcmaeon, were archons for life. In the second year of Alcmaeon (752 B.C.) the life archonships of the Medontidae were reduced to the duration of ten years. The names of seven decen- nial archons have been preserved. In 712 B.C., with this limitation in the tenure of the office, the archonship was thrown open to all the Eupatridae. Lastly, in the archonship of Creon (683 B.C.), or on the expiration of that of Eryxias (682, Duncker, Hist. of Greece, ii 135 E.T.), the single decennial archon was abolished, and his duties were distributed over nine officials who held office for a year only, and were elected by the Eupatridae out of their own body (Grote, #.G., ii chap. 10 émit.). The legend that it was out of gratitude for the heroism of Codrus that the title of king was abolished has no earlier authority than that of Justin (ii 7). It is not recognised by Plato or Aristotle, or by any earlier writer. Plato describes

Codrus as meeting his doom in quest of

glory and in the interests of the royal status of his descendants, Symp. 208 D, ὑπὲρ THs βασιλείας τῶν παίδων. Aristotle, Pol. viii (v) 10, p. 1310 37, implies that he was one of those who earned their royal power by their services to their country (κατὰ πόλεμον κωλύσαντες δου- λεύειν) The life-archons were elected from the royal house, and bore the title This title was never formally abolished, but survived even in later times in the name of the ἄρχων βασιλεύς. The institution of the office of life-archon is described by Pausanias, iv 5 § 10, as a change ἀντὶ βασιλείας és ἀρχὴν ὑπεύθυνον. In ex- planation of this phrase it has been sug- gested that the life-archon was ‘respon- sible to the general body of the Eu- patridae’ (see ARCHON, p. 166 a, in Smith’s Dzct. Ant.); but it seems more probable that Pausanias used a phrase which was an obvious antithesis to an

irresponsible monarchy without having any real knowledge of the nature of the responsibility attaching to the holder of a life-archonship (Busolt, i pp. 400 f', cf. 1 132 f?),—Cf. Lugebil, Fahkrd. f. class. Philol, suppl. Bd v 539—564; also Bots- ford, p. 124 ἢ. 6; and Wilamowitz, li 40 f.

§ 1. ἀριστίνδην καὶ πλουτίνδην] § 6. Pol. 1273 23, οὐ yap μόνον ἀριστίν δην ἀλλὰ καὶ πλουτίνδην οἴονται δεῖν ai- ρεῖσθαι τοὺς ἄρχοντας, 1293 10, ὅπου γε μὴ μόνον πλουτίν δην ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρι- στίνδην αἱροῦνται τὰς ἀρχάς, 1272 36, ταύτην δ᾽ αἱροῦνται τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀριστίνδην Ξεκατ᾽ ἀρετὴν 1273 a 26. Isocr. Paneg. 146, οὐκ ἀρ. ἐπειλεγμένους. Plat. Leg. 855 C, dp. ἀπομερισθὲν δικαστήριον. In Andoc. de Pace 30, πολλοὺς ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπολέσαντες ἀριστίνδην καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, I should prefer to read ἄρδην, which is combined with ἀπολλύναι in Plato Rep. 421A. The adverb is defined by Timaeus as meaning κατ᾽ ἀνδραγαθίαν αἱρετόν. Prof. Mayor adds to lexicons the following examples of ἀριστίνδην : ‘Dem. p. 1069, 7, Plut. So/. 12 2, Lysand. 13 § 7 (where also πλουτίνδην, as in Septem Sap. Conv. 11 pr. p. 154). Euseb. 2c. Proph. iv 4 p- 177,18. CIA 161, App. Bell. Civ.i 35. Aelian in Suid., Διονυσίων σκωμμάτων, has πλουτίνδην᾽ (Class. Rev. ν 120). Mr Wyse adds Pollux viii 112, 125, IGA 322, and, for ἀριστίνδην καὶ πλουτίνδην, Rec. des Inscr. Jurid. Grecg. i p. 348 (Sparta, 2nd cent.), and Le Bas-Foucart, Pelop. no. 1719.

διὰ βίου] Po/. 1270 39, 1272 a 37, 1285 a 15; 2727. at end of 6.

§ 2. πολεμαρχία] This account of the original relation of the πολέμαρχος to the βασιλεὺς is illustrated by the Schol. on Plat. Phaedr. 235 Ὁ, where the former is described as ὥσπερ λοχαγὸς τοῦ βασιλέως (Wyse in Class. Rev. v 224). Similarly in certain semi-savage tribes the institu- tion of a ‘war-king’ has grown up beside that of the regular hereditary monarch. Cf. Post, Bausteine, ii p. 84.

CH. 3,1. 2—15. TIOAITEIA 7

διὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τινὰς τῶν βασιλέων τὰ πολέμια μαλακούς" ὅθεν καὶ τὸν Ἴωνα μετεπέμψαντο χρείας καταλαβούσης. τελευταία. δ᾽ τοῦ ἀ]ρ[χ]οντίος" o]é μὲν γὰρ πλείους ἐπὶ Μέδοντος, ΝΜ > > \ 3 ᾿ Nei \ / , ’ὔ ἔνιοι. δ᾽ ἐπὶ ᾿Ακάστου φασὶ γενέσθαι ταύτην: τεκμήριον > δια la »” > , iA + SP Ae , ἐπιφέρουσιν ὅτι οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες ὀμνύουσι[ν @lomep ἐπὶ ᾿Ακά- στου τὰ ὅρκια ποιήσειν, ὡς ἐπὶ τούτου τῆς βασιλείας παραχω- ρησάντων τῶν Κοδ[ρι]δί av] [ἀντὶ] τῶν δοθεισῶν τῷ ἄρχοντι δωρεῶν. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὁποτέρως ToT ἔχει, μικρὸν ἂν παραλλάττοι τοῖς

une he

χρόνοις" ὅτι δὲ τελευταία τούτων ἐγένετο τῶν ἀρχῶν, σημεῖον 15.

7 rin: corr. Lipsius (edd.). Condos ᾽ΑΘ. iii 301, iv 192.

πολεμικὰ B! (23, 14); sed cf. Kaibel, p. 119,. 8 ὅθεν καὶ K (H-L, K-w’, B?-4): πρῶτον δὲ K-w?, Bl, 10 ταύτην K-w; idem (ravr’) postea agnovit K ; τὴν ἀρχὴν K! (H-L, S}). in papyro agnovit B, confirmavit K; σημεῖον olim omnes.

TEKMH Ρ ΙΟΝ 11 ὀμνύουσιν ὥσπερ

κι; ομνυουσι. ηιτα Wn, ὀμνύουσι[ν] 7 «-μὴν:- τὰ Wilamowitz, Hermes xxxiii 119 ;

τὰ BY, Th. Th. (K-w!?),

12 τὰ ὅρκια ποιήσειν (litteris primis quinque incertis) K> ; τὰ om. B4, τούτου τῆς H-L (K3, K-w%, Β΄, Th); τῆς τούτου von Schoeffer; τῆς ἐκείνου] K! 13 ἀντὶ τῶν δοθεισῶν, litteris evanidis scripta,K*, B, K-w?: τῶν ὑπεξη-

ρημένων K-W!?2; τῶν ἀποδοθεισῶν maluit Kaibel 123, ‘utique dv7i delendum videtur,’

Th. ; *dvramodobecGr s!.

TESTIMONIA. 7 διὰ τὸ---μαλακούς.

14 ἂν παραλλάττοι B? (K-Ww’, K4).

Heraclidis epitoma, Rose, Frag. 611, 1 ἀπὸ

δὲ Κοδριδῶν οὐκέτι βασιλεῖς ἡροῦντο διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τρυφᾶν καὶ μαλακοὺς γεγονέναι.

Ἴωνα] Ion, the son of Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus, was summoned to the aid of Athens against Eleusis and was en- trusted with the conduct of the war. Hadt. viii 44, Paus. vii 5, 1, and esp. i 31 § 3 ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπὶ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς ᾿Ελευσινίους ἐπολεμάρχησε. Cf. Schol. on Arist. Aves 1527, πατρῷον δὲ τιμῶσιν ᾿Απόλλωνα ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐπεὶ Ἴων πολέ- μαρχος ᾿Αθηναίων ἐξ ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Κρεούσης τοῦ Ξούθου (γυναικὸς) ἐγένετο (Rose, Frag. 3432-- 3813). This scholium may have been derived either from the present passage, or from another in which Ion was mentioned near the be- ginning of the treatise.

τελευταία--ἄρχοντος] It is uncertain whether the president of the board of nine magistrates bore the title of Archon before the time of Solon. Probably up to that time the members of the board were called πρυτάνεις and their president retained the ancient title of βασιλεύς. It was the βασιλεὺς that presided over the archons when assembled as a judicial body (Busolt, i 408, ed. 1885, cf. ii 154, ed. 1895). On the other side, see Gilbert’s Gr. St., i 117—118', cf. 1242.

§ 3. MéSovros] son of Codrus. ᾿Ακάσ- του, successor of Medon (Busolt, i 4037, ii 1302).

ὀμνύουσι κτλ.] To ‘swear that they

will swear’ implies that a second oath would be taken subsequently. The two oaths of the archons are distinguished in c. 55 ad fin., while the first oath alone is mentioned in c. 7 § 1, where the present clause is not repeated,

παραχωρησάντων] For the constr. cf. Dem. p. 38, 24, ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς μὴ παραχωρεῖν τῆς τάξεως, p. 655,17, π. τῆς ἀρχῆς. For the sense, Pol. 1285 14, τά μὲν αὐτῶν παριέντων τῶν βασιλέων, Ta δὲ τῶν ὅχλων παραιρουμένων, ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν, αἱ πατρίοι θυσίαι κατελείφθησαν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι μόνον.

τῶν δοθεισῶν .---- δωρεῶν] Plato, Leg. 948 A, τῶν ἄλλων τῶν δοθεισῶν αὐτῷ τιμῶν. ἀντὶ τῶν δοθεισῶν, retained by Mr Kenyon, is confessedly a somewhat re- markable expression, and is interpreted to mean ‘in consideration of the privileges which were surrendered to the archon’; but this is hardly satisfactory in point of sense. Cf. Kaibel, 123, who prefers con- struing ἐπὶ with βασιλείας, and suggest- ing, as the gen. after παραχωρησάντων, τῶν ἀποδοθεισῶν τῶν ἄρχοντι δωρεῶν.

ὁποτέρως trot exe] De Physica Aus- cult, 252 35, ὁποτέρως mor ἔχει. De Sensu, 446 21, ὁποτέρως ποτὲ γίνεται. περὶ ζωῆς 467 τῇ, ὁποτέρως ποτὲ δεῖ κα- λεῖν (Index Ar.).

Leal

ο

EE AOHNAIQN COL. :1,.1, 22—29,

A \ \ “Ὁ , » na e/ e καὶ [τὸ] μηδὲν τῶν πατρίων τὸν ἄρχοντα διοικεῖν, ὥσπερ βασιλεὺς καὶ πολέμαρχος, GAN ἁπλῶς τὰ ἐπίθετα" διὸ καὶ

\ / e > \ t lal 5 θέ > θ νεωστὶ γέγονεν ἀρχὴ μεγάλη, τοῖς ἐπιθέτοις αὐξηθεῖσα. a « ? θεσμοθέται δὲ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἔτεσιν ἡρέθησαν, ἤδη κατ᾽ 4 ἐνιαυτὸν αἱρουμένων τὰς ἀρχάς, ὅπως ἀναγράψαντες τὰ θέσμια φυλάττωσι πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἀμφισβητούντων κρίσιν" διὸ καὶ μόνη τῶν ἀρχῶν οὐκ ἐγένετο πλείων ἐνιαυσίας. τοῖς μὲν οὖν χρόνοις § a / > / 3 > vA 4 e τοσοῦτον προέχουσιν αλλήλων. ἧσαν οὐχ ἅμα πάντες οἱ

16 πατρίων Wyse, Blass, K-w, H-L (K%), 6011. 57ὴ 81. 17 ἁπλῶς τὰ Wilcken -ννὅ, Bt, K*, Th), 566]. τὰ Κ-ν7ν8, μόνον τὰ κϑ, BIL 20 αἱρ[ουμένων] Wyse, Blass, Lipsius, (K-W, H-L, αἱρουμέϊνων] K4). 21 ἀμφισβητούντων Wilcken (K-w?, B*4, κ΄, Th): παρανομούντων K! (K-wh?, Bh2, sl), 22 πλείων ἐνιαυσίας B?, collato Pl. Leg. 779 (K-w?, κέ, Th): πλείων [ἢ] ἐνιαύσιος κὶ, K-wh?, Bl, 51, rois— xp(dvors) K-w, B®4, κέ, Th; τῷ---χρόνῳ 85; [οὗτοι] μὲν οὖν χρόνον olim K (s), 23 AAAHWNHCAN, ἄλλων. ῴᾧκησαν K!; ἀλλήλων. ᾧκησαν 51, ἀλλήλων. ἦσαν Jackson, Blass (K-W, H-L; K4, Th).

TESTIMONIA. 23—33 Bekk. Axecd. (lex. iv) 184, 11 ἄρχοντες θ΄" οὗτοι πρὸ τῶν Σόλωνος νόμων ἦσαν. ib. 449, 7 (lex. Bachm. i 149, 1 et Suidas, 5. v. ἄρχων) ἄρχοντες οἱ ἐννέα τίνες" θεσμοθέται ἕξ, ἄρχων, βασιλεύς, modkéuapxos* καὶ πρὸ μὲν τῶν Σόλωνος νόμων οὐκ ἐξῆν αὐτοῖς ἅμα δικάζειν, ““ ἀλλ᾽ μὲν βασιλεὺς " καθῆστο παρὰ τῷ καλουμένῳ βουκολίῳ---τὸ δὲ ἦν ““πλησίον τοῦ πρυτανείου---.,᾽" ““ὁ πολέμαρχος" ἐν Λυκείῳ, καὶ ἄρχων παρὰ τοὺς ἐπωνύμους, οἱ θεσμοθέται παρὰ τὸ θεσμοθέσιον. κύριοί τε ἦσαν ὥστε ““ τὰς δίκας αὐτοτελεῖς ᾿᾿ ποιεῖσθαι. ὕστερον δὲ Σόλωνος οὐδὲν ἕτερον αὐτοῖς τελεῖται,

μόνον ὑποκρίνουσι (ἀνακρίνουσι Pearson et Matthiae) τοὺς ἀντιδίκους.

§ 4. θεσμοθέται, literally ‘legislators,’ from θεσμοί, the old term for νόμοι. The name was ‘probably applied to them as the judges who determined the great va- riety of causes which did not fall under the cognizance of their colleagues; be- cause, in the absence of a written code, those who declare and interpret the laws may be properly said to make them’ (Thirlwall, ii 17). According to the text, the object of their appointment was to secure that the enactments of the law should be publicly recorded and duly preserved, with a view to their being en- forced against transgressors. In the ab- sence of a code of law, such as Dracon afterwards gave to Athens, the θέσμια published by the 7hesmothetae were pre- sumably ‘rudimentary laws derived from their knowledge of unwritten usage or suggested by their actual experience in the management of cases’ (Botsford, “421. Const. p. 129). It is suggested by Gilbert (p. 124?) that ‘each of the three superior magistrates had two Zhesmothetai to. as- sist him in his judicial functions.’

κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν.--τὰς ἀρχάς] B.C. 683.

ἀναγράψαντες] not exactly to ‘com- mit to writing’ (Poste), but to engrave on a tablet and set up in a public place (this is the force of dva-); in brief, ‘to record publicly.’ CIA i 61, 5, quoted

on c. 7 § 1 and Dittenberger’s Sy/loge, 46%, 29, καταθεῖναι ἐμ πόλει ἀναγράψαντας ...€V στήλῃ λιθίνῃ. Inc. 30 1 the verb means ‘to draw up.’

διὸ] does not appear to refer to the im- mediately preceding clause, but to the beginning of the previous sentence. It was because the ¢hesmothetae were not in- stituted until the time when magistrates were appointed annually that, unlike the three senior archons in former days, they never held office for more than a year.

§ 5. τοῖς-- ἀλλήλων] ‘Such then is the order of precedence which these ma- gistrates have over one another in point of date,’ 1.4, (1) βασιλεὺς, (2) πολέμαρχος, (3) ἄρχων, (4) θεσμοθέται. ἀλλήλων is somewhat loosely used.

ἦσαν δ᾽ οὐχ ἅμα πάντες κτλ.] With reference to the lexicographical articles quoted above, in the Zestzmonia, it was remarked by Schémann (4152. Gr. p. 412 E. T.) that ‘before the time of Solon, as we are assured by evidence which, it must be admitted, is exceedingly apocry- phal in character, the nine Archons were not permitted to sit in judgment all .to- gether. They were, however, equally precluded from doing this in the times better known to us, and the statement must therefore be based on some kind of °

ΑΙ, ἀΒ oF

ἀπ

CH. 3,1. 16—25, »

TOAITEIA: 9

3 \ a U ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, GAN μὲν βασιλεὺς εἶχε TO νῦν καλούμενον a a a 4 4 a Βουκολεῖον πλησίον τοῦ πρυτανείου (σημεῖον δέ" ἔτι καὶ viv yap

25 BOYKOAION (K, H-L, B, Th): Βουκολεῖον K-w, Κ΄.

misapprehension.’ It was also noticed that, before the time of Solon, the archon could not have had his official residence παρὰ τοὺς ἐπωνύμους, as the statues of the ἐπώνυμοι, or national heroes that gave their names to the ten Attic tribes, could not have existed before the institution of those tribes by Cleisthenes (508 B.C.). Hence it was inferred by K. F. Her- mann (Gr. Staatsalt., p. 407, note 14) that the information referred to the post- Solonian time. But at that time the official residence of the Archon-Basileus was the Stoa Basileios, not the Basz- leion. Accordingly it was suggested by Wecklein (Monatsber.der Miinchen.Akad., 1893, 5. 38) that the Baszlezon, which he

_ supposed was the residence of the φυλο-

βασιλεῖς, had been confounded with that of the Archon-Basileus.

We now see that the main source of the information, so far as it is correct, was the present passage. The information really refers to the time before Solon; but the lexicographers commit an ana- chronism, for which they are themselves responsible, in placing the office of the archon near the Zfonymi, instead of in the Prytaneum, in the neighbourhood of which the statues of the Afonymz were Set up in 500 B.C. Βουκολεῖον] We are here told that the official residence of the Archon-Basileus was the building which, in the time of the writer, was called the Βουκολεῖον, This explains the otherwise obscure passage quoted in Athenaeus, p. 235, from the law relating to the Archon-Basileus: τοὺς δὲ mapacirous ἐκ τῆς βουκολίας ἐκλέγειν ἐκ τοῦ μέρους τοῦ ἑαυτῶν ἑκτέα κριθῶν κτλ.

In Telfy’s Corpus Juris Attict § 358 the

words ἐκ τῆς (or ἐκτὸς) βουκολίας are

Strangely rendered adsgue dolo. It is now, however, clear that they must refer to the residence of the Archon-Basileus and are used in the same sense as ἐκ τοῦ Bovxodeiov, which was perhaps the original reading. .

The Βουκολεῖον is possibly connected with the βουζύγιον, or field of sacred ox-

ploughing, described by Plutarch (Con-

tugalia Praecepta, xlii) as below the

_ Acropolis: ᾿Αθηναῖοι τρεῖς ἀρότους ἱεροὺς

ἄγουσι... τρίτον ὑπὸ πόλιν τὸν καλούμενον ᾿βουζύγιον (Miss Harrison, Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens, p. 166).

It has been suggested that a black-figured vase-painting on a Aydria in the Berlin Museum, where an ox is standing within a small Doric shrine, not bound as for sacrifice, but free and stately, is a repre- sentation of the sacred ox in his Βουκο- λεῖον, whether it be the building below the Acropolis or some other shrine of Ζεὺς lodeds (26. p. 428). It is more probable, however, that the Βουκολεῖον was connected with the worship of Dionysus, who was often represented in the form of an ox (cf. Eur. Bacchae, τοο, 920—922, 1017, 1159), There was a play of Cratinus called the Βουκόλοι, which began with a dithyramb, and it has been inferred from Aristoph. Ves, 10, Tov αὐτὸν ἄρ᾽ ἐμοὶ βουκολεῖς Σαβά- fiov, that the votaries of the Thracian Dionysus, tavpduopgos, were called βουκόλοι (O. Crusius, in Phzlologus, xlvii 34). It will be observed that in the text the Βουκολεῖον is mentioned in connexion with Dionysus. Curtius is content to regard it as having been in primitive times a royal farmhouse, including a slaughter-house for the royal sacrifices (Stadtgeschichte von Athen, 1891, p. 51).

mputavelov] The position of the Pry- taneion is disputed, and it is sometimes supposed that there was more than one building of the name (Judeich, Zofogr, von Athen, pp. 59,91). Pausanias tells us (i 18 § 3) that near the Agrauleion is ‘the Prytaneion, in which are inscribed the laws of Solon.’ By this is probably meant the original Prytanezion, the centre of the ancient city and the site of the hearth of the state. This Prytaneion was probably a little to the east of the ground beneath the northern, or north-eastern, cliff of the Acropolis, somewhat high up the slope (Miss Harrison, /. δ, p. 165). Before reaching it Pausanias had seen (i 5. § 1) the statues of the ἐπώνυμοι ‘above the Bouleuterion’ or Council Chamber of the Five Hundred. Near the latter he sees ‘what is called the Θόλος, where the Prytanes offer sacrifice. It was ap- parently for this reason that the Θόλος was sometimes called the πρυτανεῖον, e.g. in Schol. on Aristoph. Pax 1183, τόπος ᾿Αθήνησι. παρὰ πρυτανεῖον ἐν ἑστή- κασιν ἀνδριάντες ods ἐπωνύμους καλοῦσιν (cb. p. 171 note 106). Curtius places the original Prytaneton in the Old Agora

TO AQOHNAIQN COL.- 1, 1. 30—36.

a a ~ Χ eg” ee a , : A τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως. γυναικὸς σύμμειξις ἐνταῦθα γίγνεται τῷ

/ e n το Διονύσῳ καὶ γάμος), δὲ ἄρχων τὸ πρυτανεῖον, δὲ πολέμαρχος

30

A) ΝῊ / ; τὸ ᾿ξατιλύκειον (ὃ πρότερον μὲν ἐκαλεῖτο πολεμαρχεῖον, ἐπεὶ δὲ ᾿Επίλυκος ἀνῳκοδόμησε Kal κατεσκεύασεν αὐτὸ πολεμαρχήσας, rn ᾿Επιλύκειον ἐκλήθη)" θεσμοθέται δ᾽ εἶχον τὸ θεσμοθετεῖον. ἐπὶ

26 Ογλλλιζιο: ΓΙνετὰι (K-W). -εἴον K etc.

_ TESTIMONIA. 26 Hesych. Διονύσου γάμος:

θεοῦ γίνεται γάμος.

σύμμειξις K-W, H-L, Β, K%, Th, coll. Meisterhans, p. 27 καὶ γάμος delet Rutherford (H-L, Hude).

181°. 28 ETTIAYKION :

fol Aa 4 n τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως γυναικὸς καὶ <ToU>

28 Hesych. ᾿Ἐπιλύκ(ενιον: ἀρχεῖον τοῦ πολεμάρχου ᾿Αθήνησιν.

30 Schol. Plat. Phaedr. 235 Ὁ:

«οἱ δὲ θεσμοθέται EE εἰσι τὸν ἀριθμόν, δε. ὧν καὶ

τόπος, ὅπου συνήεσαν καὶ ἐσιτοῦντο, θεμίστιον (leg. θεσμοθετεῖον) ἐκαλεῖτο...

which, according to his view, was 5. of the Acropolis; he recognises a second Prytaneion in the Tholos situated in the Agora of the Cerameicus; while he re- gards the Prylaneion of Pausanias, on the northern slope of the Acropolis, as a building belonging to Roman times (Stadigeschichte, p. 302). Wachsmuth (Stadt Athen, i 465) accepts the Pry- taneton of Pausanias as the original build- ing and regards-the Zholos in the Cera- meicus as a ‘dépendance’ in which the Prytanes had their public meals in the democratic days of Athens. Round the original Prytaneion rose the official resi- dences of an earlier age. First among these was the βασίλειον, or official resi- dence of the kings, which may be identi- fied with the building in which the four φυλοβασιλεῖς performed their religious rites (Pollux viii 111, ἐν τῷ βασιλείῳ τῷ παρὰ τὸ βουκολεῖον) and with the residence of the Archon-Basileus (Wachsmuth, p. 468). See also Busolt, i 407 ἢ. 4%, ii 154 n. 67, 158 n. 123 Judeich, Zofogr. von Athen, p. 59.

ἔτι καὶ---γάμος] Either on the second day of the Axthesteria at the beginning of March, or at the Greater Dionysia at the end of that month, there was a pro- cession representing the entry of Dionysus ᾿Ἐλευθερεὺς ‘from without the city into the little temple of the Cerameicus,’ and his incorporation into the city by union with the noblest woman of the land, the wife of the king.’ On this occasion the Bastlinna was accompanied by fourteen venerable priestesses, and was solemnly and secretly betrothed to the god. Inthe temple in Limnae she administered a vow to the priestesses, offered a mystic sacri- fice, wherein she prayed for all blessings for the state, and then remained for the night in the interior of the temple. Cf.

[Dem.]c. Meaeram, ὃδ 74—78, and Momm- sen’s Heortologie, pp. 358—360, quoted by Mr Purser on Deonysia in Smith, Dict. Ant.i639a. The passage in thec. Veae- ram 76 speaks of the law relating to the βασίλιννα as inscribed on a tablet in the temple of Dionysus ἐν Λίμναις opened only once a year on the second day of the An- thesteria. Italsodescribes her as τὴν θεῷ γυναῖκα δοθησομένην, but says nothing of her spending the night in the temple.

᾿Ἐπιλύκειον] Suidas, s. v. ἄρχων, de- scribes the official residence of the Pole- march as ἐν Λυκείῳ, and accordingly it is generally held that .‘the Polemarch had his office outside the walls, but quite close to the city, beside the Lyceum, a shrine con- secrated to Apollo and frequently men- tioned on account of a gymnasium exist- ing there’ (Schomann, Antiquities, p. 412 E. T.; see also Curtius, Stadtgeschichte, p. 58). The office was doubtless ἐπὶ Λυκείῳ (not ἐν Λυκείῳ), and this is what is meant by the name ᾿Επιλύῴκειον. This is far more probable than the story about the ‘polemarch Epilycus,’ which is justly rejected by Mr Kenyon. See Busolt, ii 166 n. 82: and Wilamowitz, i 56, 278, li 43, 104.

θεσμοθετεῖον] Suidas, s. v. ἄρχων, on the authority doubtless of the present pas- sage, says that the θεσμοθέται held their © court παρὰ τὸ θεσμοθέσιον (Bekker, Anecd. 449, 23, παρὰ τὸ θεσμοθέσιον). Cf. Hyper- ides, Hux. xxii, θεσμοθετῶν συνέδριον. It wasthere also that they dined at the er : expense: Schol. Plato, Phaedr. 235 .D οἱ δὲ θεσμοθέται ἕξ εἰσι. τὸν ἀριθμόν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν καὶ 6 Toros, ὅπου συνήεσαν καὶ ἐσι- τοῦντο, θεμίστιον (leg. θεσμοθέσιον vel θεσμοθετεῖον) ἐκαλεῖτο. Its position is unknown, but it was not improbably near the πρυτανεῖον, though there is no- thing to prevent its being placed in the :

6

CH. 5,1. 26---.34.-

Σόλωνος ἅπαντες εἰς τὸ θεσμοθετεῖον συνῆλθον.

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α

Il

t Lage wid κύριοι δ᾽ ἦσαν

᾿ n “A » A καὶ tas δίκας αὐτοτελεῖς [xpivlew καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ νῦν προανα- ; : - 3 \ , κρίνειν. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τοῦτον εἶχε τὸν τρόπον. A a / oe «) a δὲ τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν βουλὴ τὴν μὲν τάξιν εἶχε τοῦ διατηρεῖν 34

82 αὐτοτελί Gs] Jos. Mayor (Η-1). 34, 88 ΔΡΕΟΤΤΔΓΕΙΤ. :

“«- μόνον > προανακρίνειν coni. Bt.

ἀγορά, as (from the very first) the θεσμο- θέται had judicial duties to discharge. Kohler conjectures that it was near the βουλευτήριον, but the evidence for this is inconclusive (Wachsmuth, /. c. i p. 482- » li 353-4)- : bo 8 ρλωνον.. συνελϑον] Diog. Laert. i 58 (of Solon), καὶ πρῶτος τὴν συναγωγὴν τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων ἐποίησεν, εἰς τὸ συνειπεῖν, ὡς ᾿Απολλόδωρός φησιν ἐν δευτέρῳ περὶ νομοθετῶν. The text con- firms the conjecture of Schomann (Azz, p- 412 E. T.) that the Thesmothesium’ was used by the whole board of the nine archons. It also favours the view that as

early as the time of Solon all the nine

archons were called 7hesmothetae (K. F. Hermann, Staatsa/t. §138,n. 3,and Bergk in Rheinisches Museum xiii 449, quoted by Wachsmuth, 7. ¢., ii 354). ; ᾿ αὐτοτελεῖς κρίνειν] c. 53 § 2, ‘to decide on their own authority.’ On various meanings of αὐτοτελής, see Kaibel, 40. The adj. is here nom., and not acc, agree- ing with δίκας as in Bekk. Ax. 466, 21,

᾿ς αὐτοτελὴς δίκη : ἀφ᾽ ἧς οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκκαλέ-

σασθαι ἐφ᾽ ἑτέραν, καὶ αὐτοτελὲς τὸ κύριον ἁπλῶς.

κρίνειν... -προανακρίνειν] Po/. 1298 a 31, τέταρτος δὲ τρόπος τὸ πάντας περὶ πάντων βουλεύεσθαι συνιόντας, τὰς δ᾽ ἀρ- χὰς περὶ μηδενὸς κρίνειν ἀλλὰ μόνον προανακρίνειν, ὅνπερ τελευταία δη- μοκρατία νῦν διοικεῖται τρόπον. This is in favour of κρίνειν, as against ποιεῖσθαι (suggested by Suidas s.v. d&pxwv).—‘In

_ the later and better-known times of

Athenian law, we find these archons de- prived in great measure of their powers of judging and deciding and restricted to the task of first hearing the parties and

- collecting the evidence; next, of intro- _ ducing the matter for trial into the appro-

priate dikastery, over which they pre-

sided’ (Grote, H. G. chap. 10, ii 283 ed.

1862).

§6. τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν βουλὴ] The

| first establishment of the Senate of Are- _ Opagus is sometimes ascribed to Solon.

® Thus Plutarch, So/. 19 zzzt., says of Solon

συστησάμενος τὴν ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴν

ἐκ τῶν κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀρχόντων. But in Ar.

Pol. ii 12 12744, it is stated that the Council of the Areopagus was already in existence: ἔοικε δὲ Σόλων ἐκεῖνα μὲν ὑπάρχοντα πρότερον οὐ λῦσαι, τήν τε βου- λὴν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀρχῶν αἵρεσιν (Busolt ii 138 f?). On the other hand, Cicero, de Off. i 22 75, speaks of it as the senatus, qui a Solone erat constitutus; and Pollux, viii 125, describes it as established by Solon as a tribunal of homicide, in ad- dition to that of the Ephetae. ‘But there can be little doubt,’ says Grote, ii p- 281, ‘that this is a mistake, and that the senate of Areopagus is a primordial institution, of immemorial antiquity, though its constitution as well as its functions underwent many changes. It stood at first alone as a permanent and collegiate authority, originally by the side of the Kings and afterwards by the side of the archons. It would then of course be known by the title of Ze Boulé— The senate or council; its distinctive title, ** Senate of Areopagus” (borrowed from the place where its sittings were held), would not be bestowed until the forma- tion by Solon of the second senate or council, from which there was need to discriminate it.” The Areopagus appears to represent the Homeric βουλὴ γερόντων (Meier and Schémann, p. 10), and is prob- ably as early as the time of the Attic kings; but, if so, its number must have been very limited. By modern writers its number is sometimes supposed to have been either 300 (Schémann, Jahré. f. i. Philol. 1875, p. 154, Hermann, Szaatsalt. 8 102, 17, Lange, Ephet. u. Areop. p. 27, Duncker, Gesch. des Alterth.v 473=H. G. ii 141 E. T.); or 360, representing the 360 γένη (Philippi, Aveop. τ. Epheten, p.. 206, cf. Duncker iii 434); or 60, 2.2. 15 nominated by each of the four tribes, and including the g archons, the remaining 51 being those known as the Ephetae (Busolt, i 418"). As soon as it became customary for the archons to be added to the Areopagus at the end of their year of office, the number would cease to be fixed; but we do not know at what time this method of recruiting the Areopagus was first adopted. Mr Kenyon suggests

3

σι

[2 AOHNAIQN COL. I, l. 36—42. τοὺς νόμους, διῴκει δὲ τὰ πλεῖστα Kal τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν TH πόλει, καὶ κολάζουσα καὶ ζξημιοῦσα πάντας τοὺς ἀκοσμοῦντας κυρίως. δι τίς Ψ a 3 , , \ / 2 6% 4

γὰρ αἵρεσις τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀριστίνδην καὶ πλουτίνδην ἦν, ἐξ ὧν οἱ ᾿Αρεοπαγῖται καθίσταντο" διὸ καὶ μόνη τῶν ἀρχῶν αὕτη μεμέ-

νηκε διὰ βίου καὶ νῦν.

/, 4, μὲν οὖν πρώτη πολιτεία ταύτην εἶχε τὴν ὑπογραφήν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα χρόνου τινὸς οὐ πολλοῦ διελθόντος ἐπ᾽ ᾽Αρι-

86 καὶ κολάζουσα : καὶ delet Gennadios (H-L); sed οἷ. c. 8 8ὶ 4 εἴ c, 45 1 (Papa-

georg.). 37 Ante γὰρ aliquid excidisse putat Keil. (Hude). 38 --διὰ Biov> καθ. coni. B. Sakorrhaphos.

yap: δὲ mavult Gennadios 39 διὰ βίου -- ἔτι:- hiatu admisso

that ‘the automatic process of forming it from all ex-archons was probably put into operation from the date of the estab- lishment of the annual archonship,’

τὴν μὲν τάξιν κτλ.}] This confirms Grote’s statement that the functions of the Areopagus were originally of the widest senatorial character, directive ge- nerally as well as judicial.’ With the context, cf. Isocr. Avreop. 37, τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν ἐπέστησαν émiped- εἶσθαι τῆς εὐκοσμίας, ἧς οὐχ οἷόν τ᾽ ἦν μετασχεῖν πλὴν τοῖς καλῶς γεγονόσι καὶ πολλὴν ἀρετὴν ἐν τῷ βίῳ καὶ σωφροσύ- νὴν ἐνδεδειγμένοις, and §§ 30—55, esp, § 46, rods ἀκοσμοῦντας ἀνῆγον els τὴν βου- λήν. Athen. iv 19 p. 168A: ὅτι δὲ τοὺς ἀσώτους καὶ τοὺς μὴ ἔκ τινος περιουσίας ζῶντας τὸ παλαιὸν ἀνεκαλοῦντο οἱ ᾽Αρεο- παγῖται καὶ ἐκόλαζον, ἱστόρησαν Φανό- δημος καὶ Φιλόχορος (FHG i 394, cf. 387, 17).

διατηρεῖν τοὺς νόμους] Aeschin. 3 6, ὅταν διατηρηθῶσιν οἱ νόμοι τῇ πόλει, σῴ- ζεται καὶ δημοκρατία.

γὰρ] The Areopagus was entrusted with all these powers, decause it con- sisted of archons who had themselves been elected under special qualifications of birth and wealth.

The constitution of the Areopagus is the subject of a fragment of Philochorus (frag. 58 in Miiller’s Frag, Hist. Gr., i 394): ἐκ yap τῶν ἐννέα καθισταμένων ap- χόντων ᾿Αθήνησι τοὺς ᾿Αρεοπαγίτας ἔδει συνεστάναι δικαστάς, ws φησιν ᾿Ανδροτίων ἐν δευτέρᾳ τῶν ᾿Ατθίδων: ὕστερον δὲ πλει- ὄνων γέγονεν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλή" τουτέστιν ἐξ ἀνδρῶν περιφανεστέρων πεν- τήκοντα καὶ ἑνός (this implies an identifi- cation of the Ephetae and the Areopagus). ov παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἦν eis τὴν €&’Apelov πά- you βουλὴν τελεῖν" ἀλλ᾽ οἱ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις πρωτεύοντες ἔν τε γένει καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ

βίῳ χρηστῷ, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Φιλόχορος διὰ τῆς τρίτης τῶν αὐτῶν ᾿Ατθίδων.

διὸ---καὶ νῦν] This is also the reason why it is the only office which has con- tinued to be held for life down to the present day.’ The Council consists of all ex-archons, and this qualification could only cease with death. For ϑιὰ βίου, cf. 281.

IV. Zhe Dracdhtic Constitution.

§ 1. τὴν ὑπογραφήν] outline,’ ‘sketch,’. Ar. de Gen. Anim. ii 6, 743 6 20—25 esp. οἱ γραφεῖς ὑπογράψαντες ταῖς γραμμαῖς οὕτως ἐναλείφουσι τοῖς χρώμασι τὸ ζῷον. De Anima, ii 1, 413 α το, τύπῳ . «ταύτῃ διωρίσθω καὶ ὑπογεγράφθω περὶ ψυχῆς. Fol. ii 5, 1263 @ 31, ἔστιν ἐν ἐνίαις πόλεσιν οὕτως ὑπογεγραμμένον. Plato, Leg. 734 E, νόμους πολιτείας ὑπο- γράφειν, Rep. 548 Ὁ, σχῆμα πολιτείας ὑπογράψαντα.

χρόνου ---διελθόντος) A vague note of time, the event from which the writer reckons being apparently the affair of Cylon and its more immediate conse- quences (c. 1).

᾿Αρισταίχμου ἄρχοντος] The name of this archon (‘Apioracxuos) is now known for the first time. It follows that. Dracon was not the ἄρχων ἐπώνυμος of the year, as has been sometimes supposed (e.g. Busolt, i 510"). Cf. Pausanias, ix 36 § 8, Δράκοντος ᾿Αθηναίοις PecuobeTH-: σαντος ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου κατέστη νόμων, ods ἔγραφεν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἄλλων TE ὁπόσων ἄδειαν εἶναι χρή, καὶ δὴ καὶ τιμω- ρίας μοιχοῦ. It may fairly be assumed! that he was one of the θεσμοθέται, in the’ narrower sense of the term. Hence’ Grote is right in describing him as ‘the thesmothet Drako.’ His legislation ma be assigned to B.C. 621 (Clinton’s Fast, sub anno; Busolt, ii 224).

—————e τὖοιρἥἕΣ2ύῦσῦὕΣτῖηἫοτοτττουοτοὀωἼο͵ρὠἑλἁἑνμἭοσἶἨἑἙβ«ρ“ἁρ“Δββρ“ρΦΦΦ“ΔΠΠΠ

ἄρχοντας ἄρχειν κτλ.

CH, 53,1. 35—CH. 4, 1. 3.

TIOAITEIA 13

2 σταίχμου ἄρχοντος Δράκων τοὺς θεσμοὺς eOnxev: δὲ τάξις

IV 3 δὲ τάξι-----23 νόμον secl. Wilcken, Th.

θεσμοὺς ἔθηκεν) This confirms the view that he was one of the θεσμοθέται atthetime. θεσμοὶ was the term generally applied to the laws of Dracon: Andocides, de Myst. § 81, χρῆσθαι rots Σόλωνος νόμοις καὶ τοῖς Δράκοντος θεσμοῖς. But even the laws of Solon were by himself called θεσ- μοί. Plutarch, So/. 19, quotes from one of them the words ὅτε θεσμὸς ἐφάνη ὅδε, and the word occurs in his own poems c. 12 § 4, line 18, θεσμοὺς... ἔγραψα. The same ancient term was preserved in the oath of the περίπολοι in Pollux viii 106, kal τοῖς θεσμοῖς Tots ἱδρυμένοις πείσομαι, which in later Greek would have been ex-

pressed τοῖς νόμοις τοῖς κειμένοις (cf. Grote, ¢. 10, ii p. 283, note). ~ homicide is called a θεσμός in the text of

C. J. A. i 61, 21 but a νόμος in the modern preamble.

§ 2. δὲ τάξις κτλ.}] To identify the τάξις, or constitution, with the θεσμοί, or legislation, is inconsistent with the distinc- tion drawn by Aristotle in Po/. 1289 a 15, πολιτεία μὲν γάρ ἐστὶ τάξις ταῖς πόλεσιν περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς... «νόμοι δὲ κεχωρισμένοι τῶν δηλούντων τὴν πολιτείαν, Kad’ obs δεῖ τοὺς Cf. also 1286 3. This distinction is maintained in cc. 7 and g, but not inc. 34. The term θεσμοὶ has a distinctive meaning and can only refer to a code, not to a constitution (Class. Rev. v 167 a).

Dracon has hitherto been recognised as a legislator alone. There isa well-known passage respecting him in Ar. Fol. ii 12, p- 1274 615, Δράκοντος δὲ νόμοι μέν εἰσι, πολιτείᾳ δ᾽ ὑπαρχούσῃ τοὺς νόμους ἔθηκεν κτλ. This passage, which describes Dra- con as adapting his laws to a constitution already in existence, is inconsistent with the present chapter, which almost ignores the legislation of Dracon and represents

him as the framer of a constitution.

The passage in question comes from a chapter which, in the opinion of Zeller, Susemihl and other Aristotelian scholars,

has suffered from considerable interpola- - tion.

Thus Mr W. L. Newman conjec- tures ‘that Aristotle may have left only

_ the fragment about Solon and a few rough data for insertion after the notice of the Carthaginian constitution, and that some member of the school, not very long

after his death, completed them as best

he could’ (Newman’s ed. ii 373, 377).

Accordingly it is possible that the pas-

1 | sage about Dracon in the /olitics was

Dracon’s law οὗ

not written by Aristotle himself. Der Widerspruch mit der Politie ist allerdings vorhanden, aber dort ist seine Verfassung eine Einlage, und nichts verbietet anzu- nehmen, dass Aristoteles ein Jahrzehnt oder auch fiinf Jahre spater etwas neues zugelernt habe’ (Wilamowitz, i 67).

In Ret. ii 23 29, 140046 21, Ar. quotes Herodicus (the physician) as saying of Dracon (ὁ νομοθέτης), ὅτι οὐκ ἀνθρώπου οἱ νόμοι ἀλλὰ δράκοντος" χαλεποὶ γάρ. Of the actual legislation of Dracon little is known, since his laws (with the excep- tion of those on homicide) were repealed by Solon (c. 7 1 πλὴν τῶν φονικῶν and Plut. So/. 17 there quoted). This is pos- sibly a sufficient reason for the absence of any reference to it in the constitutional part of this treatise, except in the words τοὺς θεσμοὺς ἔθηκε. All that survived is sufficiently described in the second part of the work, in the account of the pro- cedure in cases of homicide (c. 57).

According to the text the main points in the constitution of Dracon’s time are (1) a hoplitic franchise, already in exist- ence; (2) those who had this franchise elected the Archons, the Zamzae, the Strategt, the Hipparchi and the Prytanes (unless, indeed, these are identical with the Archons) from among those who were duly qualified by a property-qualifi- cation. (3) A Council of 401, elected by lot from among those who had the franchise, and were over 30 years of age. The same limitation held good for other offices filled by casting lots, and no one was to hold office twice till every one else had had his turn. (4) Members of the Council were fined for not attend- ing meetings of the Council or Assembly, and the fine varied with their status.

This Dracontic constitution’ has, not unnaturally, been viewed with suspicion. It tells us of a Council of 401, of which we never hear elsewhere, and (which is more serious) of certain property-qualifi- cations which have hitherto been regarded as part of the subsequent legislation of Solon, and which the author himself mi- nutely describes in connexion with Solon (c.7). A writerin the Athenaeum, 1891 (1), p- 435 4, denounces it as ‘the amazing Draconian constitution.’ It has also been attacked by Weil (Journal des Savants, Avril, 1801), F. Riihl, and F. Cauer; also by Mr Macan in the Journ. of Hel- lente Studies, April, 1891, pp. 24,27,

14 AOHNAIQN

, \ , “3 αὕτη τόνδε τὸν τρόπον εἶχε.

(Κ-νν5). πολιτεία 566]. Bt.

COL, 1,1. 42----2, 1. 2.

ἀπεδέδοτο μὲν πολιτεία τοῖς ὅπλα.

4 δγτ᾽ (=avurns); αὕτη Κὶ (Β.2, Th); αὐτῆς seclusit Bt; αὐτοῦ Richards, Wilcken

and in detail by Mr J. W. Headlam in an article in the Class. Rev., v 166—168; followed by valuable criticisms by Mr E. S. Thompson, 2d. p. 336, by M. Théo- dore Reinach in the Revue des études grecques, iv (1891) 82, 143 f, and by E. Meyer, Forschungen, i (1892) 236 f.

Mr Headlam’s main points are these: (1) No other writer knows anything of a constitution attributed to Dracon. Plu- tarch, when speaking of the θεσμοὶ of Dracon, mentions nothing but a code of law. (2) Other passages in the Πολιτεία itself support the view taken by Plutarch and in the Polztics. (a) In chap. vii the writer speaks of the θεσμοὶ of Dracon in connexion with the new code of laws made by Solon, but makes no reference to Dracon in speaking of the constitu- tional innovations of Solon. (ὁ) The recapitulation in c. 41 states that the cha- racteristic feature of Dracon’s legislation was the publication of the laws. This is inconsistent with chap. 4 and its very re- markable constitution. (3) Among the provisions of the constitution at least one could not possibly have been devised in Dracon’s time, the property-qualification for the archonship being expressed in terms of money that probably belong to a later age; nearly all of them are very difficult to reconcile with what we know of the state of Athens at the time; and several of them inconsistent with other statements in this book. (4) None of the provisions, some of them very remarkable, are ever quoted by later writers. (5) The whole constitution is exactly like those afterwards described in connexion with the aristocratic revolutions in 411. The details connected with the above criticism will be noticed as they occur in the fol- lowing notes.

Dr P. Meyer (Des Aristoteles Politik und die’ A@nvalwy πολιτεία, pp. 31—44) regards the passage in the Folztics and the present chapter as, both of them, equally genuine, and vainly endeavours to reconcile the two. He holds that the *Dracontic constitution’ does not differ materially from the constitution which preceded it, the ἀρχαία πολιτεία of c. 3. If so, the writer of the present chapter has not succeeded in making the points of resemblance clear. The Dracontic constitution’ is defended with greater success by Prof. Gomperz (Die Schrift

vom Staatswesen der Athener, p. 43). He holds that, in distributing the citizens of Attica into four classes, Solon availed himself of existing social divisions, and gave them a new definition. This may hold good in the case of the ἱππεῖς, the fevyirac and the θῆτες. But it is difficult to accept it in the case of the πεντακοσιο- μέδιμνοι. The term is used without any explanation in the present chapter; but, in the description of Solon’s constitution, it is defined with precision as though it were then used for the first time. One would be glad to believe with Mr Kenyon, in his note on this chapter, p. 13 ed. 3, that ‘a sober historical judgment will probably in the end find its statements not so startling as they at first appear’; but at present the contents of the greater part of the chapter seem to require the most careful scrutiny before they can be finally accepted.

Considerations in favour of the account are urged by Busolt, in Pz/o/. 1891, vol. 50, Pp. 393—400. He points out that the Pseudoplatonic A.xzochus, which has seve- ral points of contact with this treatise (cf. c. 18 § 1, 34 § 1, 42 § 2), uses the phrase ἐπὶ τῆς Δράκοντος Κλεισθένους πολιτείας (Ρ. 365). While admitting the coinci- dences with the oligarchical constitutions of 411, he holds that the oligarchs profess- ed to aim at the restoration of the πάτριος πολιτεία, which may fairly be identified with the pre-Solonian constitution. (1) The term πεντακοσιομέδιμνος must origi- nally have referred to measures of corn: Solon extended its meaning to measures of wine and oil, and gave it a different value by changing the standard. (2) Fines in money may have been exacted by the State at a time when private transactions were settled by the transfer of oxen. (3) We know little of the early history of the στρατηγία, but it is possible that the fears inspired by the affair of Cylon © may have led the aristocracy to limit the _ authority of the polemarch by means οὗ four στρατηγοὶ appointed from the wealth- ier class. In his history, however, ii 224 ed. 1895, he admits that in all probability Dracon produced no constitution. The constitution is accepted by B. Keil, Die _ Solonische Verfassung, 96 f, 115 f, 202, Gilbert, Gr. S¢. i, pp. xxx, 131 f, ed. 2, Wilamowitz, i 76 f, ii 56, and Kaibel, 126.

ἀπεδέδοτο] In my former edition I

ΓΗ. 4,.1. 4-0.

TIOAITEIA 15

a ba ; ἘΠῚ παρεχομένοις. ἡροῦντο δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐννέα ἄρχοντας καὶ τοὺς 5 ταμίας οὐσίαν κεκτημένους οὐκ ἐλάττω δέκα μνῶν ἐλευθέραν,

. 2.1] τὰς δ᾽ ἄλλας ἀρχὰς || (τὰς) ἐλάττους ἐκ τῶν ὅπλα παρεχομένων,

\ \ \ e , 3 , ? Ε] +. στρατηγοὺς δὲ καὶ ἱππάρχους οὐσίαν ἀποφαίνοντας οὐκ ἔλαττον al ᾿ς a 2 a ἑκατὸν μνῶν ἐλευθέραν καὶ παῖδας ἐκ γαμετῆς γυναικὸς γνη-

6 ἔλαττον K-W.

Aeka: ἑκατὸν ES Thompson ; διακοσίων Weil (Journal

des Savants, 1891, 197) et Wil. i 80; maiorem censum nemo non expectet H-L.

1 <rads> ἐλάττους Richards, Blass, al.

in Thue. ii 13: éAdrrov’ olim K.

8 ἔλαττον Marchant coll. Dobr. Adv.

9 ελεγθερων : corr. Wyse etc.

held that the pluperfect implied that the franchise had already been given and that this was not part of the alleged constitu- tion of Dracon. Accordingly I quoted with approval Mr Poste’s translation: ‘Sovereign power was already wielded by the class of persons capable of pro- viding its own equipment for war’; and his note: This agrees with the statement of Aristotle, Po/. ii 12, that Dracon made no change in the constitution. The revo- lution had already taken place. Dracon’s task was to adjust the laws to the changed centre of political power.’ But it is rightly urged by Mr H. Richards (C7, Rev. v 467 4) that ‘the pluperfect is used here, not because the change had taken place before Draco, but because he had made the change before the system here described in some detail got into working order. The imperfects that follow de- scribe its working, not its first establish- ment. At the time when they ἡροῦντο κτλ. Draco had given power to the ὅπλα ᾿ παρεχόμενοι.᾽ See also Wilamowitz, i 77n.6. Mr Kenyon’s rendering is there- fore sufficiently exact: ‘The franchise was given etc.,’ z.e. ‘was first given.’— The same kind of franchise is to be found in the constitution proposed by the party of Theramenes in 411, c. 33 at end, Thue. viii 97, and Xen. ell. ii 3 (Class. Rev. v 168 a; Busolt, ii 38 n. 12).

Séxa μνῶν] We have to notice (1) the nature, no less than (2) the amount of the

ΓΞ property-qualification required of archons.

(1) At this time property was reckoned not in money but incorn. Now, the quali- fication of a ζευγίτης was to possess land capable of producing 200 μέδιμνοι : a μέδιμνος of corn was worth at this time about a drachma (Plut. So/. 23). Land of this extent must thus have been worth not less than 2000 drachmas. According to this, men were eligible to the archon- ship who were excluded by Solon from all office (Class. Rev. v 167 4).

(2) In the constitution described in c. 29, the archons and prytanes alone were

to receive pay, 2 obols a day, implying that no high property-qualification was required. The comparatively high quali- fication for the generals, 100 minae (if the text is sound), would be natural in 411 but not in 621 (2. 168 a). See also Kaibel, 126, and Wilamowitz, i 79 f.

Busolt, however, points out that the two qualifications of 100 and of 10 minae respectively correspond to the relative values of gold and silver in ancient times, 10:1. He supposes that a piece of land valued at τοοο Aeginetan drachmae might produce a return of 120—130 Aeginetan or 166—180 Attic drachmae; and if we assume that in those early days, when money was scarcer than in Solon’s time, a medimnus was worth only 2 to 3 Aegi- netan obols, the yearly produce would be from 360 (or 390) ἴο 250 medimni. This would correspond to the census of a ἱππεὺς under the Solonian constitution (P2/o/. 1801, pp. 393—400).

1. 6. ραν, ‘unencumbered.’ Isaeus 10 17, 6 μὲν κλῆρος ἐλεύθερος ἦν, con- trasted with ὑπόχρεως. Dem. 35 § 21, ὑποτιθέασι ταῦτ᾽ ἐλεύθερα, and 22, ἐπ᾽ ἐλευθέροις τοῖς χρήμασι δανειζόμενοι. Dit- tenberger, Sy//oge, no. 344, 38; 294, 10; 126, 20, 28. Cf. c. 12, 34.

1.8. στρατηγοὺς} It is urged by Mr Headlam that (2) We have no other record of στρατηγοὶ at this time: in the list in c. vii § 3 they are not mentioned. (ὁ) The clause about their children is entirely new. (c) If there were such officers, they held an inferior position, and the comparatively high property-qualification is unaccountable (Class. Rev. v 167 4). Qualifications of a similar character may, however, be noticed at a much later date,

‘in Deinarchus, contr. Dem., § 71, τοὺς

νόμους προλέγειν τῷ ῥήτορι kal τῷ oTparn- γῷ (τῷ) τὴν παρὰ τοῦ δήμου πίστιν ἀξι- οῦντι λαμβάνειν, παιδοποιεῖσθαι κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, γῆν ἐντὸς ὅρων κεκτῆ- σθαι, πάσας τὰς δικαίας πίστεις παρακατα- θέμενον, οὕτως ἀξιοῦν προεστάναι τοῦ δή- μου.

16 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 2, L 2—9.

10 σίους ὑπὲρ δέκα ἔτη γεγονότας" τούτους δ᾽ ἔδει Sielyylway τοὺς πρυτάνεις καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἱππάρχους τοὺς ἕνους Penge εὐθυνῶν, ἐγγυητὰς τέτταρας ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ τέλους δεχο-

μένους οὗπερ οἱ στρατηγοὶ καὶ οἱ ἵππαρχοι. βουλεύειν δὲτετρακο- 3 σίους καὶ ἕνα τοὺς λαχόντας ἐκ τῆς πολετείας. κληροῦσθαι δὲ καὶ τῷ ταύτην καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τριάκοντ᾽ ἔτη γεγονότας, καὶ i λ΄ δι (supra scr. λει)-. - © ἔδει διατερεῖν Ἐπ-τς διεγγοξ» F. Schultess deletis verbis

1 ἀρχὰς E Ar. Pol. 1322 2 τὶ τὰς τῶν Gus (Scaliger) μᾶλλον τὰς νέας (ἀρχάτ). εἰ Theophr. apad Athen. 77 F, ἔκ τοῦ ἔνου βλαστοῦ καὶ oft ἐκ τοῦ νέου. 12 δ΄ {=rérrapas) ἐκ K-w, H-L, Β εἰς. : δ᾽ é&olimk. δεχομένοις K, K-w, Η 1 B**; ταρεχομένους Rutherford; παρασχομένους B* (s"). 13 οὗτερ <cis> Houde. 15 TPIAKONGETH.

διεγγιᾶν, in the active, ‘to hold to 2 common device to prevent the votes bail,” “to exact security from‘; m the bemg exactly equal. Thos, we have the

passive, ‘to be bailed’ by any one, «2. 341 Epbetee who are gencrally to

Thec. i 70, δετακοσίεον ταλάντων tors = the ume of Dracon; and, m leter times,

πριξένοις διηγγνημένοι. we have the διεαστήρια consisting οὗ so1, τοὺς πρυτάνει5)] These must either be Οἵ 1001, Sucusrai.

incladed the ἄλλας ἀρχὰς τὰς & τῆς πολιτείας -- ἐξ τῶν πολιτῶν.

ἔλάττους, or they are identical with the κληροῦσθαι} the first mention of ap-

ὥνέα Ggyeres. As to the bitter altern2- i t by lot im this treatise. Hither:

It ts now, however, that This, if troc,

the ives im the text should be sdenti- Fastel de Coulanges (&

fed with “the 3 of the Comncll® pp. 212-4, oe

(Kel, Solon. Ῥω. οὐ. 117, Gilbert, Σ mstitution of religions ongm 134 2 τ΄. i 87, Besolt, m fore of great antiquity. See Kari 392, ed. 2).

δινο: τῶν καὶ Gruso πρὸς τὰ covi lung der Beamicn durch das Las, 1896.

τ ὅτιον. ὑτη»] τὴν

δεχομένους = CE Den. - vis odes

ire gain ye Adee gota Archons, mentioned, but probably not exclusive of

εν ae τριάκοντα. ἔτη] This is the age af could become

ἊΣ

4. ΤΙΣ 5 eee be

CH. 4, 1. 1o—18.

TIOAITEIA:

17

a a / \ / > δὶς τὸν αὐτὸν μὴ ἄρχειν πρὸ τοῦ πάντας ἐξελθεῖν: τότε δὲ πάλιν ἐξ

ὑπαρχῆς κληροῦν.

εἰ δέ τις τῶν βουλευτῶν, ὅταν ἕδρα βουλῆς

΄ / e \ ἐκκλησίας 4, ἐκλείποι THY σύνοδον, ἀπέτινον μὲν TEYTAKOCLO-

16 ἐξελθεῖν H-L (K-w!, Β, κϑ, Th); διελθεῖν Wilcken (51, K-w%) ; διεξελθεῖν K-w? ;

[περι]ελθεῖν K}, 18 ἐκλίποι H-L.

΄

that the same requirement of age held good for other officials, the ἄλλαι ἀρχαὶ of the text. (The Ephetae and the public Envoys were, however, required to be 50 years of age; the Diaetetae 59.)

Sis τὸν αὐτὸν μὴ ἄρχειν κτλ.} Pol. 1299 α 10, μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν δὶς ἀλλ᾽ ἅπαξ μόνον (ἄρχειν) and 1317 23, τὸ μὴ dis τὸν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν μηδεμίαν ὀλιγάκις ὀλέγας ἔξω τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον. Of officials in general we read in Dem. 7imocr. 150 (document quoted as ὅρκος ἡλιαστῶν) οὔτε δὶς τὴν αὐτὴν ἀρχὴν τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα οὔτε δύο ἀρχὰς ἄρξαι τὸν αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐνι- αὐτῷ. The same citizen could be βου- λευτὴς more than once, as is shewn by the case of Timarchus and that of De- mosthenes (adv. Mid. 114 and Aeschin., F. L. 17), and is stated in c. 62 ad fin. It is doubted by Boeckh (Staatsh. ii 763) whether the same citizen could be a Bov- λευτὴς for two years in succession, but this is purely, conjectural (Thumser’s Staatsalt. p. 478, τι. 2). The ἐπιστάτης τῶν πρυτάνεων was not allowed to hold that office more than once (c. 44 1).

The rotation of all in office was a well- known device of later times(cf. Headlam’s Election by Lot, p. 88): but it may well be asked how far it was applicable to a large body of citizens, most of whom

.lived at-.a considerable distance from

Athens. It was in fact the work of a de- veloped democracy (Class. Rev. v 168 a). Ar. Fol. vi (iv) 14, 1298 @ 14, ἐν ἄλλαις δὲ πολιτείαις βουλεύονται ai συναρχίαι συνι- οῦσαι, εἰς δὲ τὰς ἀρχὰς βαδίζουσι πάντες κατὰ μέρος ἐκ τῶν φυλῶν καὶ τῶν μορίων τῶν ἐλαχίστων παντελῶς, ἕως ἂν διεξ- ἐλθῃ διὰ πάντων. zt. p. 1300 23, γὰρ πάντες (οἱ πολῖται τὰς ἀρχὰς καθι- στᾶσιν) αἱρέσει, πάντες ἐκ πάντων κλήρῳ (καὶ [ἢ] ἐξ ἁπάντων ὡς ἀνὰ μέρος, οἷον κατὰ φυλὰς καὶ δήμους καὶ φατρίας, ἕως ἂν διέλθῃ διὰ πάντων τῶν πολιτῶν κτλ.). 26. p. 1273 τῇ, διὰ πάντων... διελήλυθε τὸ ἄρχειν καὶ τὸ ἄρχεσθαι. Τὶ is characteristic of the oligarchical spirit μὴ ἐᾶν λέγειν πάντας ἐξῆς μηδὲ Bov-

λεύειν ([Xen.] Rep. Ath. i 6).

ἐξελθεῖν] τὴν ἀρχήν. In Pol. ii 11,

_ 1273 a 16, the word is applied to the - *going out of office’ (of certain officials in the Carthaginian constitution), καὶ yap

Se A.

ἐξεληλυθότες ἄρχουσι καὶ μέλλοντες, Cf. Psephisma of Patrokleides, in Andocides, De Myst. 77, μέχρι τῆς ἐξελθούσης βούλης.

εἰ δέ τις.. ἐκλείποι.. ἀπέτινον] Good- win’s Moods and Tenses, 462.

ἕδρα βουλῆς] c. 50 § 4.

ἐκκλησίας) Of the general assembly of the citizens, in or before the times of Dracon, nothing is known. ‘The people must have had some power’ (says Mr Abbott, History of Greece, i 2301), ‘or the Draconian laws would not have been published, and Solon would not have been chosen to reform the constitution. We do not know that the officers were elected by, or responsible to, the assembly, and of legislative and judicial authority the people had none. Perhaps we may as- sume that war could not easily be pro- claimed without their consent, as they formed the bulk of the soldiers. If that were the case, the safety and power of the State depended, in the last resort, upon the General Assembly.’

ἐκλείποι τὴν σύνοδον] Xen. Hell. v 2 § 22, εἰ δέ τις τῶν πόλεων ἐκλίποι τὴν στρα- τείαν, ἐξεῖναι Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπιζημιοῦν στα- τῆρι κατὰ τὸν ἄνδρα τῆς ἡμέρας. The phrase is not found in Aristotle, although in Po/. 1331 10 we have πρὸς ἀγορᾷ... καὶ συν- ὁδῳ τινὶ κοινῇ. σύνοδος is applied to an ἐκκλησία in 1319 @ 32, οἱ δὲ γεωργοῦντες διὰ τὸ διεσπάρθαι κατὰ τὴν χώραν οὔτ᾽ ἀπαντῶσιν οὔθ᾽ ὁμοίως δέονται τῆς συνόδου ταύτης, and to the συσσίτια in 1271 a 28, ἔδει yap ἀπὸ κοινοῦ μᾶλλον εἶναι τὴν σύν- οδον, καθάπερ ἐν Κρήτῃ. ἐκλείπειν is generally intrans. in Ar.—Fines for non- attendance are mentioned in Pol. 1297 a 17 (among the devices by which oligar- chies deceive the people), περὲ ἐκκλησίαν μὲν τὸ ἐξεῖναι πᾶσιν ἐκκλησιάζειν, ζημίαν δὲ ἐπικεῖσθαι τοῖς εὐπόροις ἐὰν μὴ ἐκκλησιά- ζωσιν...., and (among the counter-devices on the part of democracies), 1297 @ 37, τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀπόροις μισθὸν πορίζουσιν ἐκκλησιά- ζουσι καὶ δικάζουσιν, τοῖς δ᾽ εὐπόροις οὐδε- μίαν τάττουσι ζημίαν. 1294 a 38, ἐν μὲν γὰρ ταῖς ὀλιγαρχίαις rots εὐπόῤοις ζημίαν τάττουσιν, ἂν μὴ δικάζωσιν, τοῖς δὲ ἀπόροις οὐδένα μισθόν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς δημοκρατίαις τοῖς μὲν ἀπόροις μισθόν, τοῖς δὲ εὐπόροις οὐδε- μίαν ζημίαν.

Mr Headlam observes that the only

“ΠΩ

2

[9]

18

AOHNAIQN

COL. 2, 1. o—16.

μέδιμνος τρεῖς δραχμάς, δὲ ἱππεὺς δύο, ζευγίτης δὲ μίαν. δὲ 4 βουλὴ ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου φύλαξ ἦν τῶν νόμων καὶ διετήρει τὰς

» \ \ \ / la IeAR \ “Ὁ 3 / apxas ὅπως κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἄρχωσιν. ἐξῆν δὲ TO ἀδικουμένῳ

πρὸϊς τὴν τῶν] ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν βουλὴν εἰσαγγέλλειν ἀποφαίνοντι

γ > a / παρ᾽ ὃν ἀδικεῖται νόμον.

ees Se a ΄, 3 ε / ETL O€ TOLS σώμασιν σαν OL aVELO LOL,

Καθάπερ εἴρηται, καὶ χώρα Ov ὀλίγων ἦν.

19 «ὁ: ζευγίτης Kontos coll. Dem. 43 54, K-W, H-L; sed expectares δὲ ¢.

22 apeorTarelt. . 130.

23-4 ἐπὶ--ἣν spuria putant Richards et Keil, defendit Kaibel, oi δανεισμοὶ Blass (K* p. LXIV, K-W®); δεδεμένοι quondam dubitanter K K-W) ; dedavecopévor Richards, H-L, K-Ww?.

Athenian instance of a law inflicting a fine for non-attendance at the Council is to be found in the constitution of the 400 in c. 30 wit.

There is no evidence as to fines for non-attendance at official duties in the earlier part of Athenian history. The fines

inflicted by Solon’s legislation aré of a_

completely different character.

In the laws of Dracon fines were levied in terms of so many head of oxen: Pollux ix 61, κἀν Δράκοντος νόμοις ἐστὶν ἀποτί- νειν εἰκοσάβοιον. This may have been the compensation paid to a man’s relatives in a case of unintentional homicide. But (as observed by Busolt, PAz/o/. 1891, p. 399) fines paid to the public chest in the form of oxen would be very inconvenient, and in such cases the payment was prob- ably exacted in money.

ἀπέτινον] Ar. Pol. ii 12, 1274 20, ζημίαν ἀποτίνειν (in a possibly interpo- lated chapter).

πεντακοσιομέϑιμνος, ἱππεύς, ζευγίτηΞ] see 6.7 8 4- All these have hitherto been regarded as characteristic results of So- lon’s legislation; but some sort of pro- perty classification, even before the time of Dracon, is implied in c. 3 § 1, where magistrates are described as chosen πλου- τίνδην.

We here reach the end of that part of the chapter which is open to most dis- pute. Its possible origin is thus indicated by Mr Headlam:

‘The constitution described betrays the thought of a’ particular party; the reformers of this school used to advo- cate their policy by maintaining that it really would restore Athens to the con- dition in which it was before the demo- cratic changes began. Many as we know

looked on Solon as the originator of the.

changes which they deplored (Ar. Polit. ii 12). They would then recommend a constitution of this kind by saying it was like that which prevailed in Athens be-

fore the time of Solon. This has misled some transcriber or editor. After the words τοὺς θεσμοὺς ἔθηκεν, influenced by the expression at the beginning of chap. iii he desiderated some account of the con- stitution in the time of Draco and in- serted this passage out of some other book (Class. Rev. v 168 δ).

§ 4. φύλαξ τῶν νόμων] Plut. Sol. 19, τὴν δ᾽ ἄνω βουλὴν ἐπίσκοπον πάντων καὶ φύλακα τῶν νόμων ἐκάθισεν, inf. 8 4.

τῶν νόμων] esp. the θεσμοὶ of Dracon mentioned in 1. 3 immediately before the disputed passage.

εἰσαγγέλλειν] ‘to impeach,’ or ‘lay an information’ or ‘denunciation.’ The first known instance of the verb belongs to an inscr. soon after 446 B.c. (Bull. de Corresp. hellén. 1880, p. 225). The use of the term here does not correspond pre- cisely with any of the technical senses which it afterwards bears in a more highly developed stage of Attic law. An εἰσαγγελία could be brought before the Archon or the Polemarch in certain cases, or before the Boule or the Zcclesia, but not before the Council of the Areopagus. See Dr Hager in Smith, Dict. Ant. s. v.

δ. 5. ἐπὶ δὲ κτλ.] c. 2 τ. In spite of the advantage of being able to appeal to the Areopagus against acts of injustice, the people had the standing grievance of

-having their persons mortgaged to their

creditors &c. -The statement follows na- turally from the previous sentence and leads up to the account of the rebellion of the poor against the rich in the next. It is therefore unnecessary to accept the

view of Dr Tyrrell in the Zdinburgh Re-

view, 1891, 479: ‘‘the statement is quite superfluous; the conjunction does not

link it with the preceding sentence, which

is concerned with a wholly different sub- ject, and the form, ‘as has been said,” shows clearly that it is a marginal com-

ment made by some one who wished to ~ impress the fact on his memory.” So far

“ef 5

3 wa VIPS Pw . PD ASCE ΠΝ © τι}

pee

Ye! ype

i’

-

CH. 4, 1. 1g—CH. 5, 1. 6.

TIOAIT EIA 19

a a Lay a 5. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς τάξεως οὔσης ἐν TH πολιτείᾳ, καὶ TOV πολλῶν δουλευόντων τοῖς ὀλίγοις, ἀντέστη τοῖς γνωρίμοις

2 δῆμος.

ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ τῆς στάσεως οὔσης καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀντι-

καθημένων ἀλλήλοις, εἵλοντο κοινῇ διαλλακτὴν καὶ ἄρχοντα / a Σόλωνα Kal τὴν πολιτείαν ἐπέτρεψαν αὐτῷ ποιήσαντι τὴν 5

> / a > \ > \ ἐλεγείαν ἧς ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ

V 2 an ἐπανέστη Wyse.

TESTIMONIA. V4 Plut. Amatorius 18 § 14, p. 763 Ὁ, ὥσπερ οὖν ἦσάν ποτε τρεῖς στάσεις ᾿Αθήνησι, Παράλων ᾿Επακρίων Πεδιέων, χαλεπῶς ἔχουσαι καὶ διαφερόμεναι πρὸς ἀλλήλας" ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντες ἐν ταὐτῷ γενόμενοι καὶ τὰς ψήφους λαβόντες ἤνεγκαν πάσας Σόλωνι καὶ τοῦτον εἵλοντο κοινῇ διαλλακτὴν καὶ ἄρχοντα καὶ νομοθέτην, ὃς ἔδοξε

τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔχειν ἀδηρίτως τὸ πρωτεῖον.

from wishing to strike out this passage, we should be grateful for its preservation, as it has made it possible to restore the sense in the previous mention of the same facts in chap. 2 § 2. It has already been shewn that it is quite in harmony with the context.

V—XII.. 7he legislation of Solon.

V § τ. τάξεως] If, in the previous chapter, the description of the τάξις is an interpolation, and the mention of the θεσμοί in relation to the Areopagus and the economic condition of the poorer classes is alone to be regarded as genuine, the use of τάξεως here becomes open to suspicion, unless we are content to regard the powers of the Areopagus and the right of bringing grievances before them as sufficient to constitute a τάξις, or consti- tutional order of things.

ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ] almost equivalent to τῆς πολιτείας, the gen. being avoided be- cause of the gen. preceding. Cf. De Gen. Anim. 1, 1, 715 @ 1, ἐπεὶ δὲ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων μορίων εἴρηται τῶν ἐν τοῖς ζῴοις.

2. ἀντικαθημένων] a metaphor im- plying two forces watching one another. The literal sense is found in Thuc. v 6

Ὧν 3, and similarly with ἀντικαθίζεσθαι 2d.

- iv 124§ 2. ᾿ς διαλλακτὴν καὶ ἄρχοντα] Plut. So/. 14, ὁμοῦ καὶ διαλλακτὴς καὶ νομοθέτης, Praec. Ger. Retip. 10 τό p. 805, ovdevi γὰρ ἐμμίξας ἑαυτὸν ἀλλὰ κοινὸς ὧν πᾶσι καὶ πάντα λέγων καὶ πράττων πρὸς ὁμό- νοιαν, ἠρέθη νομοθέτης ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις, 2b. p. 825 Ὁ, ἥμερον διαλλα κτήν, and esp. Amatorius 18 § 14, 763 Ὁ, τοῦτον εἵλον- το κοινῇ διαλλακτὴν καὶ ἄρχοντα καὶ νομοθέτην. The last passage supports the opinion that Plutarch had a first-hand acquaintance with this treatise.

The archonship of Solon is assigned to

B.C. (Clinton /. Z., ii p. 298 = 3633; usolt, 15247, note 2). Cf. note on 13 §1. Σόλωνα] See esp. Bruno Keil’s So/on- ische Verfassung, 1892, and Wilamowitz, li 59—67.

ἣν ἐλεγείαν] here, and in 1. 2 from end of chapter, ‘the elegiac poem.’ The fem. form is found in Theophrastus, sz. Plant. ix 15, 1, and also in late authors (e.g. Plut. So/. 26, Cimon 10). ἐλεγεῖον is ‘an elegiac couplet,’ used in pl. by Aris- totle in Poet. τ, διὰ τριμέτρων ἐλεγείων, Rhet. i 15, ἐλεγεῖα Σόλωνος, iii 2, ἐλεγεῖα Διονυσίου (cf. Class. Rev. v 334 a; also Kaibel, 40).

The lines quoted have been hitherto un- known. They may fairly be accepted as the opening couplet of the poem cited in Dem. de Falsa Leg., p. 421, 255, some- times called ῬὋὙποθῆκαι εἰς ᾿Αθηναίους. The passage as there quoted begins with the words: ἡμετέρα δὲ πόλις κατὰ μὲν Διὸς οὔποτ᾽ ὀλεῖται

αἶσαν καὶ μακάρων θεῶν φρένας ἀθανάτων. Voemel saw no difficulty in regarding the passage quoted by Dem. as the actual be- ginning of the poem: ‘‘Particula δὲ non obstat initio....Similia initia Tyrtaei, Mimnermi, Callini. Imo optime con- venit commoto atque elato Solonis animo relicté sententia ‘Aliae quidem urbes in- terierunt et interibunt,’ sic incipere: ‘sed Athenae sunt perpetuae’.” But, if the couplet quoted in the text comes from the same poem at all, we now have the true beginning of that composition. The poet begins in a strain of sorrow and dejectior due to the sad condition of his country mingled with fear of the consequences of the avarice and pride of the wealthy (z#- Sra, τήν τε φιλαργυρίαν τήν θ᾽ ὑπερηφανίαν). Afterwards (in the passage preserved by Dem.) he changes his tone to one of ex- ultant trust in the overruling power of

2——2

20 AQHNAIQN COL. 2, l. 16—27. γιγνώσκω, Kai μοι φρενὸς ἔνδοθεν ἄλγεα κεῖται, πρεσβυτάτην ἐσορῶν γαῖαν ᾿Ιαονίας καινομένην" 10 ἐν a πρὸς ἑκατέρους ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρων μάχεται καὶ διαμφισβητεῖ καὶ

| μετὰ ταῦτα κοινῇ παραινεῖ καταπαύειν τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν φιλονικίαν. ἦν δ᾽ Σόλων τῇ μὲν [φύ]σει καὶ τῇ δόξῃ τῶν πρώτων, τῇ δ᾽ οὐσίᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι τῶν μέσων, ὡς ἔκ τε τῶν ἄλλων ὁμολογεῖται καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς ποιήμασιν μαρτυρεῖ, παραινῶν τοῖς πλουσίοις 15 μὴ πλεονεκτεῖν"

¢ » > δα ΄ δι \ \ \ ΠῚ ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἡσυχάσαντες ἐνὶ φρεσὶ καρτερὸν ἦτορ, οὗ πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐς κόρον [ἠ]λάσατε,

7 τινω[οκω] Κ, K-W, H-L: γιγνώσκω (Β, K*) certe usque ad annum 325 A. C. in

titulis Atticis scriptum fuisse constat (Meisterhans, p. 178%, ἢ. 1479). ᾿Ιαονίην Richards (Class. Rev. ν 334 a).

alav Naber, sed cf. Kaibel, p. 131.

9 και-

νομένην" ἐν dubitanter Blass (K*) ; κλινομένην " ἐν 7 Wilcken (K-W*, Th.), kA. - ἐπὶ

youvar’>? Blass; καρφομένην Diels; magis quam agnoscit K. 12 φύσει Richards, Wyse, Blass (edd.), cf. c. 18§ 4:

superscr. NIKI-

11 MiAOTIMIAN ῥήσει olim K.

the patron-goddess of Athens. He then dwells on the injustice, the insolence, and the greed of the δήμου ἡγεμόνες ; and insists on the evils caused by bad legislation and the blessings brought about by good. Thus far we have only an attack against one of the two parties in the state. The other topics may have found a place in the lost portions of the poem.

᾿Ιαονίας] ᾿ἸἸαονίην, or rather Iaoviay, is proposed by Mr H. Richards on the ground that Solon is not likely to have used /onia for ‘all lands where Ionians dwell’ (C7. Rev. v 334, vii 212 4). Con- sidering, however, that it was a fixed belief of the Athenians that Ion had been their own πολέμαρχος, and was the father of the four progenitors of the Ionian tribes, Attica may well be called the oldest land in all the Ionian world.

καινομένην] ‘being slain’; the bold- ness of this metaphor has led to the suggestion of alternatives such as ὀλλυ- μένην, φθειρομένην, τρυχομένην, ΟΥ μαινο- μένην (H. Richards, CZ. Rev. vii 212).

πρὸς ἑκατέρους ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρων] The purport of this part of the poem must have been the same as that of the λόγοι of Solon described in Aristides, ii 361, who probably had this passage in view: καίτοι Σόλων τὰ μὲν els Μεγαρέας ἔχοντα doa λέγεται, τοὺς δὲ νόμους οὐκ ἧδε περι- tow οὐδὲ τοὺς λόγους τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν εὐπό- ρων πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, οὐδὲ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν πολλῶν πρὸς τοὺς πλουσίους οὐκ ἦδεν, οὐδ᾽ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐπολιτεύετο, οὐκ ἄδων οὐδ᾽ ἐν μέτροις ἐπολιτεύετο, ἀλλὰ τῷ

τῆς ῥητορικῆς τύπῳ καθαρῶς χρώμενος. τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν φιλονικίαν] 8 3 ad fin., τῆς ἔχθρας ἐνεστώσης, τῇ § 4 ἐνέστη φιλία. § 3. τῇ μὲν φύσει κτλ.) Plut. So/. 1, ἀνδρὸς οὐσίᾳ μέν, ws φασι, καὶ δυνάμει μέσου τῶν πολιτῶν, οἰκίας δὲ πρώτης κατὰ γένος. φύσει] suggestive of an /onzc authority, a usage found in Hdt. iii 68, γένεϊ καὶ χρήμασι, vii 134, φύσι τε γεγονότες εὖ καὶ χρήμασι ἀνήκοντες ἐς τὰ πρῶτα (Wyse). We find, however, A¢téc examples in Gorg. Helen. 3, φύσει καὶ γένει. τὰ πρῶτα τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν γυνή, Isocr, Evag. 9, 12, περὶ τῆς φύσεως τῆς Εὐαγόρου καὶ τίνων ἣν ἀπόγονος, and Plato, Leg. 629 A, ἹΤύρταιον τὸν φύσει μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖον γῶνδε δὲ πολίτην γενόμενον. τῶν μέσων κτλ. -] Ar. Pol. vi (iv) 11, 1296 a 19; σημεῖον δὲ δεῖ νομίζειν καὶ τὸ τοὺς βελτίστους νομοθέτας εἷναι τῶν μέσων πολιτῶν" (δηλοῖ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ποιήσεως). This statement is proved by the verses here quoted. Cf. Phocylides, 26. 1295 34, πολλὰ μέσοισιν ἄριστα" μέσος θέλω ἐν πόλει εἶναι. τῶν μέσων must not be confounded with our ‘middle classes.’ moderately wealthy citizens (see New- man’s Politics of Ar., ip. 500). Cf. Fol. 1295 ὦ, 1296 @ 7, 13, 1289 29 f. ἡσυχάσαντες] The vb is transitive in this tensealone. Plat. Keep. 572 A, ἡσυχά-

σας μὲν τὼ δύο εἴδη, τὸ τρίτον δὲ κινήσας.

These four lines have been hitherto un- known.

ot—és κόρον ἠλάσατε] ye that plunged

into surfeit of many good things.’ Tyrtaeus

>

8 ἐσορῶντ᾽.

Σόλων τε γὰρ ἣν τούτων

It refers rather to {π6.

παι RE Te TE ει δὶ

CH. 5, 1. 7—CH. 6,1, 3. TIOAITEIA 21 5 / / / + \ e ἐν μετρίοισι τίθεσ[θ]ε μέγαν νόον" οὔτε γὰρ ἡμεῖς , es, ay ae eee PR Se ye πεισόμεθ᾽, οὔθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἄρτια *ravT ἔσεται. fol a 4 \ καὶ ὅλως ἀεὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς στάσεως ἀνάπτει τοῖς πλουσίοις" διὸ a A / / καὶ ἐν ἀρχῆ τῆς ἐλεγείας δεδοικέναι φησὶ “τήν τε hi[Aapyup |iav τήν θ᾽ ὑπερηφανίαν, ὡς διὰ ταῦτα τῆς ἔχθρας ἐνεστώσης. 6. κύριος δὲ γενόμενος τῶν πραγμάτων Σόλων τόν τε δῆμον » \ , \ > A / 4 U ἠλευθέρωσε καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ εἰς TO μέλλον, κωλύσας δανείζειν a A , ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν, καὶ νόμους ἔθηκε Kal χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς ἐποίησε

17 €c corr. in €1C (?) B, coll. c. 12 v. 35. ἀάσατε K! sensu intransitivo usur-

patum : correxit Postgate coll. Tyrtaei loco infra allato; idem conicit Naber (edd.). _

18 τίθεσθε] Platt (H-L, B, K-w*), rideo[@]e κ΄, Th: τ[ρέφεσθ]ε olim K (K-w?, 51). 19 ἄρτια : ἄρθμια Tyrrell; ἄρκια Kontos (H-L). . πάϊντ᾽] K-w, quod locis infra laudatis confirmatur; ra[ér’] H-L, Wilcken (Κ8, B, Th); τἄλλ᾽ κ', quod tuetur Ludwich (Berl. Phil. Woch. 1903, p. 700), ‘sed est ante hasta transversa magis litterae T quam A apta’ (K4). ale (K, K-W, B): det (H-L). Formam utramque usurpant decreta publica usque ad annum 361 A.C., ex quo anno ἀεὶ tantum inventum est, quamquam θιασωτῶν in titulis diu duravit αἰεί (Meisterhans, Ρ- 33°); itaque ἀεὶ ubique scripsi; quod autem inter Aristotelis editores nonnulli modo hanc, modo illam formam malunt, velut in Po/. 1276 a@ 36, 38 ubi inter trium versuum spatium καίπεῤ αἰεὶ et καίπερ dei legitur, vix credibile est scriptorem eundem formam utramque usurpasse. 21 τήν τε φιλαργυρίαν K, K-W, H-L,-B4, Th: τήν τε ἀ[χρημ]ατίαν vel φ[ιλοπλου]τίαν olim Blass; τὴν φ[ιλοχρηματΊ]αν Kontos, Bernardakis. τήν τε ὑπερ. K! (K-W) ; τήν θ᾽ ὑπερ. Jos. Mayor, Jackson, H-L; et metrum et τε iteratum poétae versum produnt.

VI1 <6> Σόλων olim K-w. 3 καὶ νόμους ἔθηκε secl. K-w (Kaibel 134), Reinach, Th.

TESTIMONIA. VI 3 Heraclidis epitoma: νομοθετῶν AOnvatos καὶ χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς ἐποίησε, τὴν σεισάχθειαν λεγομένην (Rose, Frag. 611, 33). Hesych: σεισάχθεια: Σόλων χρεῶν ἀποκοπὴν δημοσίων καὶ ἰδιωτικῶν ἐνομοθέτησεν, ἥνπερ σεισάχθειαν ἐκάλεσε παρὰ τὸ ἀποσείσασθαι τὰ βάρη τῶν δανείων. Photius (=Suidas)

(7). το, ἀμφοτέρων δ᾽ εἰς κόρον ἠλάσατε, pew. Mr Poste and Mr H. Richards

eine eee

Hat. ii 124, és τοσοῦτον ἤλασαν (τὸ πρᾶγμα), ‘they drove it thus far’; v 50, és πᾶσαν κακότητα ἐλάσας.

οὔτε γὰρ ἡμεῖς--ἔσεται] ‘neither shall we (who are oppressed) continue to obey you, nor will you (who are wealthy) find all things perfect.’

ἄρτια πάντ᾽] Solon 4 (13) 35, edvoula δ᾽ εὔκοσμα καὶ ἄρτια πάντ᾽ ἀποφαίνει, and 20. 40, ἔστι δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῇ πάντα Kar’ ἀνθρώπους ἄρτια καὶ πινυτά. Theognis 946, εἶμι παρὰ στάθημν ὀρθὴν ὁδόν, οὐδετέ- pwoe | κλινόμενος᾽. χρὴ γάρ μ᾽ ἄρτια πάντα νοεῖν.

τὴν αἰτίαν... ἀνάπτει) ‘ascribes the ori- gin’ (Κ). Rare ἴῃ Aristotle; Jez. 12, 4,

_ 3, ὧν τοὺς λόγους εἰς ἀριθμοὺς ἀνῆπτον, ‘to

ascribe or refer ἰο.᾽ Common in Plu- tarch, ¢.g. Lycurg. 6, τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς πολιτείας els τὸν Πύθιον ἀνῆψε, 13 § 3, τὸ δὲ ὅλον καὶ πάσης νομοθεσίας

ἔργον εἰς τὴν παιδείαν ἀνῆψε, Numa 12 τ, εἰς μιᾶς δύναμιν θεοῦ τὰ περὶ τὰς γενέσεις _ καὶ τὰς τελευτὰς ἀνάπτοντες. Cf. ἀναφέ-

(Class. Rev. ν 466 a) understand it ‘im- putes the blame.’ This might be defend- ed by Od, ii 86 μῶμον ἀνάψαι (Schol. περιποιῆσαι, περιθεῖναι), where Ameis pre- fers ἐκ μῶμον ἀνάψαι. But in Attic Gk we should expect περιάπτει in this sense (Dem. Left. το). τῆς ἐλεγείας,3 2.

δεδοικέναι κτλ.] Plut. So/. 14, δε- δοικὼς τῶν μὲν τὴν φιλοχρηματίαν τῶν δὲ τὴν ὑπερηφανίαν. The double τε is far more common in verse than in prose (Kiihner, § 520).

VI§1. κωλύσας δανείζειν κτλ.7 Plut. Sol. 15, Σόλωνος... .τὴν τῶν χρεῶν ἀποκο- πὴν σεισάχθειαν ὀνομάσαντος. τοῦτο γὰρ ἐποιήσατο πρῶτον πολίτευμα, γράψας τὰ μὲν ὑπάρχοντα τῶν χρεῶν ἀνεῖσθαι, πρὸς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασι μηδένα δανείζειν. Diog. Laert.i45. The phrase χρεῶν ἀποκοπαὶ is found in Dem. 17 15, 24 § 149, Andoc. de Myst. 88, Plut. ii 226 B, Cic. ad Aft. vii 11 § 1, x. ἀποκοπὴ in Plato, Zeg. 736 c.

- tn

22 AOHNAIQN COL. 2, 1, 27— 40. καὶ τῶν ἰδίων καὶ τῶν δημοσίων, ἃς δεισάχϑείαν καλοῦσιν, ὡς ἀποσεισάμενοι τὸ βάρος. ἐν οἷς πειρῶνταί τινες διαβάλλειν αὐτόν: συνέβη γὰρ τῷ Σόλωνι μέλλοντι ποιεῖν τὴν σεισάχθειαν προειπεῖν τισι τῶν [γν]ωρίμω[ν], ἔπειθ᾽, ὡς μὲν οἱ δημοτικοὶ

λέγουσι, παραστρατηγηθῆναι διὰ τῶν φίλων, ὡς δ᾽ οἱ βουλόμενοι

x “Ὁ \ > Ν al . / \ & βλασφημεῖν, καὶ αὐτὸν κοινωνεῖν. ανεισάμενον γὰρ οὗτοι ς " 4 AEICAXOIA: as σεισάχθειαν K (K-W!2, Th, olim B); ds σεισάχθεια Bt;

σεισάχθεια K-W*, coll. Plut. Sol. τό. 5 ATTOCICAM(EN)OI: ἀποσεισάμενοι K, H-L, B (defendit Gomperz) ; -μένων Jos. Mayor, K-w, olim B (51) ; -μενὸν vel -μένου

Hude.

σεισάχθεια (=Apostolius 17, 52) : τικῶν, ἣν εἰσηγήσατο Σόλων.

8 διὰ τοὺς φίλους Papageorgios, sed οἵ. c. 25 ult.

χρεοκοπία (χρεοκοπίαι codex) δημοσίων καὶ ἰδιω- εἴρηται δὲ παρόσον ἔθος ἦν ᾿Αθήνησι τοὺς ὀφείλοντας τῶν

πενήτων σώματι ἐργάζεσθαι τοῖς χρήσταις, ἀποδόντας δὲ οἱονεὶ τὸ ἄχθος ἀποσείσασθαι,

ὡς Φιλόχορος δὲ δοκεῖ (sic), ἀποψηφισθῆναι τὸ ἄχθος.

σεισάχθεια : χρεῶν ἀποκοπαί.

Cyrill. in cod. Vallicelliano

σεισάχθειαν] (1) Most of our ancient authorities understood this to imply a complete remission of debts; this is the view of the text, and of Philochorus, frag. 57, and it is accepted by Schomann, Azz.

. 328 E.T.; Gilbert i 1432; Landwehr, Philol. Suppl. Bd v (1883), 131 ff; and by Busolt, i 525, and Thumser, S¢aatsa/t. p- 375. (2) Others, including Androtion (see note on 10 § 1), held that Solon relieved the debtors, partly by a diminu- tion in the rate of interest, partly by the introduction of a new money-standard ; this is accepted by Boeckh; Hermann, Staatsalt. § 106; E. Curtius; "and (in. the main) by Duncker, Gesch. d. Alt. vi ed. 5, 158. (3) Grote (c. 11, ii 304) assumes a total remission of debts, but-limits it to the case of debts secured on the debtor’s person or his land.

βάρος] the corresponding prose equiva- lent to the poetic ἄχθος.

§ 2. ἐν ols πειρώνται---κοινωνεῖν] The style is here probably influenced by the authority followed by the writer (Kaibel, 29n). The critics are of the same class as those mentioned in Pol. 1274 @ 3, διὸ καὶ μέμφονταί τινες αὐτῷ (for throwing open the law-courts to all the people).

συνέβη---ἐπλούτουν] Plut. So/. 15, πρᾶγμα δ᾽ αὐτῷ συμπεσεῖν λέγεται πάντων ἀνιαρότατον ἀπὸ τῆς πράξεως ἐκείνης. ὡς γὰρ ὥρμησεν ἀνιέναι τὰ χρέα καὶ λόγους ἁρμόττοντας ἐζήτει καὶ πρέπουσαν ἀρχήν, ἐκοινώσατο τῶν φίλων οἷς μάλιστα πισ- τεύων καὶ χρώμενος ἐτύγχανε, τοῖς περὶ Κόνωνα καὶ Κλεινίαν καὶ Ἱππόνικον, ὅτι γῆν μὲν οὐ μέλλει κινεῖν, χρεῶν δὲ ποιεῖν ἀποκοπὰς ἔγνωκεν. οἱ δὲ προλαβόντες

εὐθὺς καὶ φθάσαντες ἐδανείσαντο συχνὸν ἀργύριον παρὰ τῶν πλουσίων καὶ μεγάλας συνεωνήσαντο χώρας. εἶτα τοῦ δόγματος ἐξενεχθέντος τὰ μὲν κτήματα καρπούμενοι, τὰ δὲ χρήματα τοῖς δανείσασιν οὐκ ἀποδι- δόντες, εἰς αἰτίαν τὸν Σόλωνα μεγάλην καὶ διαβολήν, ὥσπερ οὐ συναδικούμενον, ἀλλὰ συναδικοῦντα, κατέστησαν. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἐλύθη τὸ ἔγκλημα τοῖς πέντε ταλάντοις" τοσαῦτα γὰρ εὑρέθη δανείζων, καὶ ταῦτα πρῶτος ἀφῆκε κατὰ τὸν νόμον. ἔνιοι δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα λέγουσιν, ὧν καὶ Πολύζηλος ἹΡόδιός ἐστι. τοὺς μέντοι φίλους αὐτοῦ χρεωκοπίδας καλοῦντες διετέ- λεσαν (the story of the five talents comes from some other source than the text). Praecept. Ger. Retp. 13 § 10 p. 807, τοῦτο yap καὶ Σόλωνα κατήσχυνε καὶ διέβαλε πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας" ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐν νῷ λαβὼν τὰ ὀφλήματα κουφίσαι, καὶ τὴν σεισάχθειαν (τοῦτο 8 ἦν ὑποκόρισμα χρεῶν ἀποκοπῆϑ) εἰσενεγκεῖν, ἐκοινώσατο τοῖς φίλοις" οἱ δ᾽ ἔργον ἀδικώτατον ἔπρᾳξαν' ἐδανείσαντο γὰρ ὑποφθάσαντες ἀργύριον πολύ, καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον χρόνον εἰς φῶς τοῦ νόμου mpoax- θέντος, οἱ μὲν ἐφάνησαν οἰκίας τε λαμπρὰς καὶ γῆν συνεωνημένοι πολλὴν ἐξ ὧν ἐδανεί- σαντο χρημάτων" δὲ Σόλων αἰτίαν ἔσχε συναδικεῖν ἠδικημένος. Plutarch’s ac- count is obviously fuller than that in the text.

διὰ τῶν φίλων] probably preferred to ὑπὸ (as in 25, 1), to avoid hiatus (Kaibel, 14). ot βουλόμενοι βλασφημεῖν] 28 4, οἱ μάλιστα βουλόμενοι θρασύνεσθαι, Isocr.

2

Antid. 32, τῶν βλασφημεῖν καὶ διαβάλλειν

βουλομένων (Kaibel, 135).

CH. 6, 1. 4—CH. 7, 1. 2. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 23 συνεπρίαντο πολλὴν χώραν, καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τῆς τῶν χρεῶν το ἀποκοπῆς γενομένης ἐπλούτουν" ὅθεν φασὶ γενέσθαι τοὺς ὕστερον

3 δοκοῦντας εἶναι παλαιοπλούτους. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πιθ[ ανώ]τερος

id a a f > \ > \ > \ a #

τῶν δημοτικῶν λόγος" οὐ γὰρ εἰ ἰκ]ὸς ἐν μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις οὕτω

ὥστ᾽, ἐξὸν αὐτῷ τοὺς ἑτέρους 7 > ’’ > /

πόλεως, ἀμφοτέροις ἀπεχθέσθαι τὸ καλὸν καὶ τὴν τῆς πόλεως

, μέτριον γενέσθαι καὶ κοινόν,

-

ὑποποιησάμενον τυραννεῖν τῆς 5 Kal περὶ πλείονος ποιήσασθαι ,ὔ x A e a / > \ - \ -“ σωτηρίαν τὴν αὑτοῦ πλεονεξίαν, ἐν οὕτω δὲ μικροῖς καὶ φανεροῖς , , 4 καταρρυπαίνειν ἑαυτόν. ὅτι δὲ ταύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἐξουσίαν, τὰ τε πράγματα νοσοῦντα μαρτυρεῖ, καὶ ἐν τοῖς ποιήμασιν αὐτὸς πολλαχοῦ μέμνηται, καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι συνομολογοῦσι πάντες. ταύτην 20 \ na , μὲν οὖν χρὴ νομίζειν ψευδῆ THY αἰτίαν εἶναι. / \ / \ / BA a \ 7. πολιτείαν δὲ κατέστησε Kal νόμους ἔθηκεν ἄλλους, τοῖς δὲ A \ a

Δράκοντος θεσμοῖς ἐπαύσαντο χρώμενοι πλὴν τῶν φονικῶν. ava-

10 καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ Kontos, Bernardakis (K-w, H-L, K%, 832, Κ.- 5), [kal με]τ᾽ viderunt

in papyro B et Wessely: [μετὰ δ᾽] οὐ olim K. Cf. Magn. Mor. 121161, μετ᾽ οὐ πολύ.

11 [INOMENHC (K}), γιγνομένης B, Th: γενομένης Rutherford, K-w, H-L, K°; γεγε-

ον A AE

SR ee Oe ΩΣΥ μρι

νημένης Bi.

ῥυπαίνειν coni. Β΄. venerat (K-w*, K*, Th). super ov additis. olim kK.

14 wor’ Richards, Jackson, Blass (edd.) : [ἅμα] 7’ olim Κ. Blass (H-L, K-w®, K*) coll. c. 11, 13: [νόμ]ους K, K-w!?. omnino certa, sed vestigiis apta’ K*; ἀναξίοις edd. priores (Th). 19 μαρτυρεῖ Wessely et Blass, quod mihi quoque in mentem

MAPTYPOYCITO litteris σὲ perobscure scriptis, et εἰ μαρτυρεῖ τοῦτο Olim mecum coniecerunt K-W? (51). μετεκρούσατο

ἑτέρους 17 φανεροῖς ‘lectio non 18 καταρρυπαίνειν :

παλαιοπλούτους] Lys. τό 40.

§ 3. εἰκὸς] a mode of argument com- mon in this treatise and not unknown in the Politics; cf. Macan in /. A. S. xii 57 f, and Hicks, p. 679.

καταρρυπαίνειν] To the passages from Isocr. and Plato, quoted in L and 8, may be added Plut. de Cohibenda Ira 6, ili p. 456, καταρρυπαίνει καὶ πίμπλησιν ἀδοξίας, de Profectibus in Virt. 17, ii p. 85 F, οὐ δ᾽ ὁπωσοῦν ἀξιῶν ῥυπαίνεσθαι. The word is not found in Ar.

4. ταύτην τὴν ἐξουσίαν] sc. τοῦ τυρὰν- νεῖν. Plut. Sod. 14 and Solon fragm. 33, οὐκ ἔφυ Σόλων βαθύφρων kri., there quoted: also fragm. 32.

_ 74 TE πράγματα νοσοῦντα μαρτυρεῖ] The suggestion that the sense required is ‘docet et res publica aegrotans et’ (K-W*) admits of being carried out by proposing τά Te πράγματα νοσοῦντα μαρτυρεῖ τοῦτο. The sequence: μαρτυρεῖ... μέμνηται... συνο- μολογοῦσι would in this case find its parallel in c. 5 3, ἔκ τε τῶν ἄλλων ὁμολο- γεῖται καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς ποιήμασιν μαρτυρεῖ, and 12 τ. Cf. Pol. 1334 4 5

ὅτι δὲ δεῖ... μαρτυρεῖ τὰ γιγνόμενα τοῖς.

λόγοις, Metaphysica 282 6 22, λόγος

μαρτυρεῖ, De Anima 410 a 29, ws —, μαρτυρεῖ τὸ viv λεχθέν, Eth. ii 1, 1103 2 μαρτυρεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸ γιγνόμενον ἐν ταῖς πόλε- σιν, &c. After this note had been written, μαρτυρεῖ was conjectured by K-w?, and was printed in my former edition.

νοσοῦντα] c. 13 3, στασιάζοντες fol- lowed by νοσοῦντες metaphorically used in the same sense. Plat. Rep. 470 C, νοσεῖν.. καὶ στασιάζειν, and 556 E, νοσεῖ τε καὶ αὐτὴ αὑτῇ μάχεται (ἣ modus), Leg. 744 Ὁ, νόσημα (of στάσις).

μέμνηται] ‘makes mention of,’ usually c. gen.; here ὅτι is due partly to the influence of συνομολογοῦσι, and still more to μαρτυρεῖ, if that be accepted. Cf. 12 8 1, ὅτι---συμφωνοῦσι--- μέμνηται.

VII § 1. Δράκοντος θεσμοῖς] c. 4 I.

πλὴν τῶν φονικῶν] Plut. So/. 17 init. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν τοὺς Δράκοντος νόμους ἀνεῖλε πλὴν τῶν φονικῶν ἅπαντας διὰ τὴν χαλεπότητα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐπιτι- μίων. Cf. Dem. 23 § 66, Aelian V. 4, vili 10, Josephus, A Aion, i 4, τῶν δημοσίων γραμμάτων ἀρχαιοτάτους τοὺς ὑπὸ Δράκον- τος αὐτοῖς περὶ τῶν. φονικῶν γραφέντας νό- μους. Onthe revision of the laws of Athens, after the restoration of the democracy in

24 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL. 2,1], 40---43.

\ ΄, x a a 3 γράψαντες δὲ τοὺς νόμους εἰς τοὺς κύρβεις ἔστησαν ἐν TH στοᾷ TH

/ \ ες 7 βασιλείῳ καὶ ὥμοσαν χρήσεσθαι πάντες.

te > 7 » οἱ δ᾽ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες

VII 4 βασιλείᾳ Kaibel 135 coll. Harp. κύρβεις, CIA i 61.

TESTIMONIA. VII 3 *Harp. κύρβεις: *Plut. Sol. 25 (οἱ ξύλινοι ἄξονε5) προσηγορεύθησαν, *Schol. Arist. 4v. 1354 (=Lex. Dem. Patm. p. 150 «κατὰ δὲ ἐνίους ἄξονες τρίγωνοι (κατασκευάσματά τινα ξύλινα τρίγωνα Lex. Patm.) ἐν οἷς ἦσαν οἱ τῶν πόλεων νόμοι γεγραμμένοι...

(epitomen exscr. Photius!, Suidas'). ws ᾿Αριστοτέλης φησί, Kv 1p B ELS. Sakkelion) κύρβεις..

** ἀναγράψαντες---ἐν τῇ στοᾷ TH βασιλείᾳ"

«καθάπερ καὶ Αρ. ἐν τῇ AO.

πολ. φησὶ καὶ ᾿Απολλόδωρος (Rose, Frag. 2522, 3005).

the summer of 411 B.C., the laws οἵ Dra- con respecting homicide were once more retained. An inscr. of 409 B.C. records a decree authorizing the γραμματεὺς of the βουλὴ to give the ἀναγραφῆς, or re- corders of the laws, a true copy of Dra- con’s law. Δράκοντος νόμον τὸμ περὶ τοῦ φόνου ἀναγραφσάντων οἱ ἀναγραφῆς τῶν νόμων--- στήλῃ λιθίνῃ καὶ καταθέντων πρόσθεν τῆς στοᾶς τῆς βασιλείας. (Cf. Andoc. i 84, 85)... Then follows a copy of the πρῶτος ἄξων of Solon, containing Dracon’s_ law on_i (CIA i 61; Dittenberger, p. 87; Michel, no. pide Hicks, Gk Hist. [nscr. p. 112). aypdipavres] c. 3 § 4

xb ts | desctesaaalar: wooden tablets painted white and arranged in sets of four, each set forming a pillar’ about the height of a man. This pillar revolved on an upright axis; hence the κύρβεις were called ἄξονες, the axes ligneae of Gellius ii 12. The κύρβεις are mentioned in a fragment of Cratinus, quoted by Plutarch Sol. 25. An inscr. of 409 B.C. cites the πρῶτος ἄξων (see supra on πλὴν τῶν φονι- κῶν). Two ἄξονες are quoted in a Schol. on /iad xxi 282. Luysias, Or. 30, ¢. Nicomachum (B.C. 399), 17, Tas θυσίας τὰς ἐκ τῶν KipBewv. In Dem. Aristocr. Ρ- 629 28, p. 630 § 31, the law of homi- ‘cide is found ἐν τῷ α΄ (7.6. πρώτῳ) ἄξονι (as emended by Cobet).

Aristotle is said to have written a trea- tise in five books περὶ τῶν Σόλωνος ἀξόνων (see list of his works, ascribed to Hesy- chius, in Rose, Fragm. Ar. p. τό, 1. 140). Eratosthenes supposed that the several tablets were triangular in shape. This mistake was corrected by Polemon of Ilium, who, on the strength of his own observation, insists on the quadrangular shape of the tablets (Harpocr. 5. Ὁ. ἄξονι: of Σόλωνος νόμοι ἐν ξυλίνοις ἦσαν ἄξοσι γεγραμμένοι... Noa δέ, ὥς φησι Πολέμων ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ᾿Βρατοσθένην, τε- τράγωνοι τὸ σχῆμα, διασῴζονται δὲ ἐν τῷ Πρυτανείῳ, γεγραμμένοι κατὰ πάντα τὰ μέρη ποιοῦσι δ᾽ ἐνίοτε φαντασίαν τρίγωνον, ὅταν ἐπὶ τὸ στενὸν κλιθῶσι τῆς γωνίας.

Polemo fragm, 48, Miiller, FHG iii 130). A pupil of Eratosthenes, the famous critic Aristophanes of Byzantium, gives a clear account of their shape: Etymolo- gicum Magn. p. 547, ἀμφοτέρων δὲ (sc. τῶν κύρβεων καὶ τῶν ἀξόνων) τὸ κατασκεύασμα τοιοῦτον: πλινθίον τι μέγα ἀνδρόμηκες, ἡρμοσμένα ἔχον ξύλα τετράγωνα, τὰς πλευρὰς πλατείας ἔχοντα καὶ γραμμάτων πλήρεις, ἑκατέρωθεν δὲ κνώδακας (* pivots wore κινεῖσθαι καὶ περιστρέφεσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀναγιγνωσκομένων. The ‘grammarians’ Didymus (Plut. So/. 1) and Seleucus (Suidas, s. wv. ὀργεῶνες) wrote mono- graphs on the ἄξονες. Plutarch, in his life of Solon, refers to the first, the thir- teenth and the sixteenth ἄξων (c. 24, 19, 23), and states that some small fragments of the ἄξονες were still to be seen in his own day in the Prytaneum (c. 25). Some of the Greek lexicographers erro- neously distinguished between the κύρβεις and ἄξονες in respect to shape, material and contents (cf. Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius iv 280). The distinction as- sumes the following form in Tzetzes, Chiliades, xii 349: οἱ ἄξονες τετράγωνοι, τρίγωνοι δὲ αἱ κύρβεις, εἶχον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἄξονες νόμους τοὺς ἰδιώτας, αι κύρβεις εἶχον͵ νόμους δὲ τοὺς περὶ δημοσίων,

καὶ ἔτι οἱ μὲν ἄξονες ὑπῆρχον ἀπὸ ξύλων, αἱ κύρβεις ἦσαν δὲ χαλκαῖ.

But the identity of the ἄξονες and κύρ- Bes has been proved by Hulleman, Miscellanea Philol, (Amsterdam, 1850), and is now generally accepted, e.g. by Gilbert, i 1552. Cf. Preller on Polemon, Ρ- 87; Frohberger’s Zystas, 111 p. 233 Rose, Ar. Pseudepigraphus, 414; and Oncken, die Staatslehre des Ar., 422. In view of the text, it is no longer possible to regard the κύρβεις (placed in the στοὰ) as.later copies of the ἄξονες in the Pry- taneum (so Busolt, i 5307, ii 2917, and in Miiller’s Handbuch, 1v i118). Wilamo- witz, however (i 45 πη), regards the κύρ- Bets as stone copies of the original wooden ἄξονες.

τῇ στοᾷ τῇ βασιλείῳ] called στοὰ βασιλεία in CIA i 61 (quoted in n. on

ee oo oer ser a

SEO. eT D1 ee ae δεν δ᾽

oh ἣν

SEO Te ee ae ene Bh

_ text and in Pollux viii 86. _ ously explained by Bergk (Rhein. Mus.

CH. 7,1. 3—6.

TIOAITEIA 25

a / 3 U a ὀμνύντες πρὸς TO λίθῳ κατεφάτιζον ἀναθήσειν ἀνδριάντα χρυσοῦν, 5 ͵ - » / ἐάν Twa παραβῶσι τῶν νόμων" ὅθεν ἔτι καὶ νῦν οὕτως ὀμνύουσι.

TESTIMONIA. 5 *Harp. λίθος:... ἐοίκασι δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι πρός τινι λίθῳ τοὺς ὅρκους ποιεῖσθαι, ws "Ap. ἐν τῇ AO. πολ. καὶ Φιλόχορος ἐν τῷ γ᾽ ὑποσημαίνουσιν (ex epit. Photius, Suidas?), cf. Plut. So/. 25 infra exscriptum.

πλὴν τῶν φονικῶν). Harpocr. 5. v. βασίλ- εἰος στοά: δύο εἰσὶ στοαὶ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλας, 7 τε τοῦ ᾿Ελευθερίου Διὸς καὶ βασίλειος.

In literature it is known as τοῦ βασιλ- éws στοά (Plat. Huthyphron 2 a, Theaet. 210D) or στοιὰ βασίλειος (Aristoph. Eccl. 684). Cf. Pausan. i 3, 1, καλου- μένη στοὰ βασίλειος ἔνθα καθίζει βασιλεὺς ἐνιαυσίαν ἄρχων ἀρχὴν καλουμένην βασι- λείαν. Pausanias, entering the inner Cerameicus from the north, sees the στοὰ βασίλειος as the first building on his right, 2.6. on the W. side of the Cera- meicus. Apparently he did not go inside, and he tells us nothing of the altar out- side, where the Archons took their oath. (See esp. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 344—351; Curtius, Stadigeschichte von Athen, p. xc 6, and p. 294; Judeich, p- 297f; and cf. Miss Harrison’s J/y- thology &c. of Athens, p. 24.)

The use of this στοὰ as a place for keeping a record of the laws of Athens is attested in Andoc. De Myst. 82, 85, ἀναγράψαι ἐν τῇ στοᾷ, and 84, els τὸν τοῖχον ἵνα περ πρότερον ἀνεγράφησαν.

_. The statement of Anaximenes (in Harpo-

cration, 5. v. κάτωθεν νόμος), that Ephi-

altes transferred τοὺς ἄξονας καὶ τοὺς κύρ-

βεις from the Acropolis to the βουλευτήριον and the ἀγορά, is inconsistent with the text, and is probably a mere flourish of rhe- toric. The κύρβεις were apparently al- ways in the ἀγορά. Cf. Oncken, Staats- lehre, ii 422. Secret meetings of the

_ Areopagus were sometimes held ἐν τῇ

βασιλείῳ στοᾷ, Dem. 25, Aristog. A, § 23.

@porav κτλ. Plut. Solon 25, κοινὸν μὲν οὖν ὥμννεν ὅρκον βουλὴ τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους ἐμπεδώσειν, ἴδιον δ᾽ ἕκαστος τῶν θεσμοθετῶν ἐν ἀγορᾷ πρὸς τῷ λίθῳ, κα- ταφατίζων, εἴ τι παραβαίη τῶν θεσμῶν, ἀνδριάντα χρυσοῦν ἰσομέτρητον ἀναθήσειν ἐν Δελφοῖς. On the oath of the Archons, cf. c. 55 § 5, and Plato Phaedr. 235 Ὁ, καί

go ἐγώ, ὥσπερ οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, ὑπι- ᾿ σχνοῦμαι χρυσῆν εἰκόνα ἰσομέτρητον εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀναθήσειν.

‘The word ἰσομέτρητον is omitted in the It is ingeni-

xili 448) as virtually equivalent to ἰσο-

στάσιον and as implying that the statue in gold was to be equivalent in weight to the amount of silver received as a bribe. This, he urges, is suggested by Deinar- chus i 60, ii 17, where the δεκαπλοῦν τίμημα may be explained with reference to the relative value of gold to silver at Athens in the time of Solon, being ro : 1. According to this view, the archons swore that they would pay a fine equivalent to ten times the value of any bribe they received. Bergk’s opinion is, however, opposed by Busolt, ii 294? n, and by Kaibel, 231, and by Wilamowitz i 47 n. το. In the text we have no reference to receiving bribes and no mention of the bulk of the statue; nor again have we either here, or in the excerpts of Heraclides or in Pollux, any mention of Delphi. Suidas (as observed by Thomp- son on Pl. Phaedr. /. c.) ‘makes the statues three instead of one and represents them as portrait-statues of the delinquent’ (χρυσῆ εἰκών: wuvvov οἱ ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ἄρ- χοντες, ἄν τι παρέλθωσιν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἂν ἄρχω- σιν, χρυσῆν εἰκόνα αὑτῶν ἀναθήσειν ἐν ἄστει, ἐν Πυθοῖ, ἐν ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ). But por- trait-statues were not in use in Solon’s time, and ‘it is very unlikely that the Del- phians would have allowed their sacred peribolus to be defiled by the statue of a detected criminal. And if the penalty was intended to be enforced, the offering must needs have been of much more limited dimensions. [{ is therefore con- ceivable that’ both ἰσομέτρητον and αὐὖ- τοῦ were introduced by late writers into the text of the original oath, in order to make it conformable to the supposed meaning of Plato.’ The text shews that this conjecture is right, and also that the insertion of ἐν Δελῴοῖς has no warrant in the original form of the oath,

Wachsmuth’s suggestion that the λίθος (placed in the ἀγορὰ by Plutarch) was possibly identical with the altar of Ζεὺς ἀγοραῖος (Stadt Athen, ii 352) is rejected by Wilamowitz, i 47 n. 9.

κατεφάτιζον] Only found here (and in Plutarch’s quotation). The word is possibly borrowed from some Ionic source (Wilamowitz, i 47 f).

ο

26 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν COL. 2, |. 43—3, 1. 5;

ἘΣ α Ν κατέκλεισεν δὲ τοὺς νόμους εἰς ἑκατὸν ἔτη καὶ διέταξε τὴν πολι- 2 7 ΡΨ. ΄ προτοῦ , τείαν τόνδε (τὸν) τρόπον. τιμήματι διεῖλεν εἰς τέτταρα τέλη, 3 / , καθάπερ Sinpnto καὶ πρότερον, εἰς πεντακοσιομέδιμνον Kal ἱππέα \ , : \ A \ \ ν 5 > \ “years. καὶ ζευγίτην καὶ θῆτα. καὶ τὰς μὲϊν ἄλλ]ας ἀρχὰς ἀπένειμεν || bY a ἄρχειν ἐκ πεντακοσιομεδίμνων καὶ ἱππέων καὶ ζευγιτῶν, τοὺς [ / ἐννέα ἄρχοντας Kal τοὺς ταμίας Kal τοὺς πωλητὰς Kal τοὺς ἕνδεκα

7 κατέκληισεν Β2 (K-W*): κατέκλεισεν Κ΄ coll. c. 15 4 [κατα]κλείσαντες ; κατεκύ- ρωσεν olim K (s!). 8 τόνδε --τὸν -- τρόπον edd. ; cf. c. 29 5, 37 Ι. τιμήματι recte Wessely (82, K- ὧν K4) : τιμήματα K; <Ta> τιμ. BI, H-L, sl 3 <KaTa> Tim Papageorg., «κατὰ ra> τιμ. Wil. 1 48; cf. Harp. et Phot. <7d πᾶν πλῆθος:- vel «τὴν πολιτείαν -- -«-ἐκ: τιμημάτων διεῖλεν Kaibel 136, Κ- νν in adn., coll. Hesychio et epitome. 9 καθάπερ---πρότερον suspecta K?, del. Dufour, Wilcken, Thalheim. 10 μὲν ἄλλ]ας Diels et Wilcken, ‘in papyro legi possunt’ (K4, Th): μ[ὲν οὔ]ν κ'

was first devised by Solon.

(K-wl?, 51); μὲν B.

TESTIMONIA. 8 *Harp. ἱππάς et πεντακοσιομέδιμνον.

8.2. κατέκλεισεν... τοὺς νόμους] Cf. Andoc. 3 § 7, νόμῳ κατεκλείσαμεν, and Dem. 4 § 33> νόμῳ κατακλείσητε.

εἰς ἑκατὸν ἔτη] Plut. So/. 25 init., ἰσχὺν δὲ τοῖς νόμοις πᾶσιν εἰς ἑκατὸν ἐνι- αυτοὺς ἔδωκε.

8.3. τιμήματι κτλ.] Hitherto it has been universally held that the classifi- cation of citizens according to_property Plut. Sod. 18, δεύτερον δὲ Σόλων Tas μὲν ἀρχὰς ἁπά- σας, ὥσπερ ἦσαν, τοῖς εὐπόροις ἀπολιπεῖν βουλόμενος, τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην μῖξαι πολιτείαν, ἧς δῆμος οὐ μετεῖχεν, ἔλαβε τὰ τιμήματα τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐν ξηροῖς ὁμοῦ καὶ ὑγροῖς μέτρα πεντακόσια ποιοῦντας πρώτους ἔταξε καὶ πεντακοσιομεδίμνους προσηγόρευσε: δευτέρους δὲ τοὺς ἵππον τρέφειν δυναμένους μέτρα ποιεῖν τρια- κόσια" καὶ τούτους ἱππάδα τελοῦντας ἐκά- λουν" ζευγῖται δ᾽ οἱ τοῦ τρίτου τιμήματος ὠνομάσθησαν, οἷς μέτρον ἦν συναμφοτέρων διακοσίων. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ πάντες ἐκαλοῦντο θῆτες, οἷς οὐδεμίαν ἄρχειν ἔδωκεν ἀρχήν, ἀλλὰ LTE συννεκκλησιάζειν καὶ δικάζειν μόνον μετεῖχον τῆς πολιτείας. The quotations in Harpocration are to the same effect. They ignore the Dracontic constitution,’ and they lend no support ‘to the phrase καθάπερ Sinpnro καὶ πρότερον. Those who decline to accept the Dracontic consti- tution’ must necessarily omit the words just quoted. Mr Kenyon suggests that the statements in c. 4 can only be recon- ciled with the general ascription of the classes in question to Solon, by sup- posing that the latter brought them into a new relation to the political constitu-

tion. Solon_ re-

relating te ‘Solon made a clean ‘sweep of all the laws

relating to the constitution, so as to have _

a free hand in reconstructing it according to Own.

the property classes, as well as the Coun- y cil of Four hundred and the Areopagus.’ / and may possibly be right.

Wyse, however, regards it as impos- sible. He suggests the simpler hypothe- sis that we here have a trace of the heterogeneous materials out of which the work is put together, z.e. the writer’s authorities made Solon the author of the property classes, and the clause καθάπερ διήρητο καὶ πρότερον is an attempt to reconcile this view with the different doctrine given in the account of Dracon.

On Solon’s τιμήματα, see Boeckh, Book iv c. v; Grote, c. 11, vol. ii 318; Busolt 12652. τίμημα occurs first in CIA i 31.

ζευγίτην] from ζεῦγος, ‘a team,’ applied to one who kept a pair of mules (Isaeus 5 § 43; 6 § 33), or of working horses, or a yoke of oxen.

τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀπένειμεν ἄρχειν] This does riot mean that the members of all the three highest classes were eligible for the office of archon. The first part of the sentence must be read in the light of the second, which implies that there was a kind of scale of eligibility according to the class in which the citizen was placed. Those in the first class alone would bell eligible for the archonship and the office . of ταμίας. Cf. Plut. Aristides 1, τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἀρχήν, ἣν ἦρχε τῷ κυάμῳ λαχὼν ἐκ τῶν γενῶν τῶν τὰ μέγιστα τιμήματα κεκτημένων, ods πεντακοσιομεδίμνους προσ-

ἠγόρευον. On the ταμίαι, see c. 8 1; ; on the ταμίαι and the πωληταί, c. 47 on the ἕνδεκα, c. 52.

ζευγιτῶν] We are not told until c. 26 § 2 that the fevytrac were only eligible © for the inferior offices. :

ἜΣ νυ νὰν θυστα

ee ee θα κι ϑνν

CH. 7,1. 7—16.

TIOAITEIA

ae

, “Ὁ / a / Kal τοὺς κωλακρέτας, ἑκάστοις ἀνάλογον τῷ μεγέθει TOD τιμήματος

ἀποδιδοὺς τὴν ἀρχήν.

al 4 / τοῖς δὲ τὸ θητικὸν τελοῦσιν ἐκκλησίας Kal

ὔ» Μ / \ Lad “ὃ 4 δικαστηρίων μετέδωκε μόνον. ἔδει δὲ τελεῖν πεντακοσιομέδιμνον a oo A r \ U \ μὲν ὃς ἂν ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας ποιῇ πεντακόσια μέτρα τὰ συνάμφω ξηρὰ

18 ἀνὰ λόγον B.

16 ris: γῆς Bywater; τῆς defendit Kontos (Athena iii 321 f).

16—17 ξηρῶν καὶ ὑγρῶν H (H-L) coll. Plut. SoZ. 18 (ἐν ξηροῖς ὁμοῦ καὶ ὑγροῖς).

TESTIMONIA. ἐκκλησιάζειν μόνον.

14—15 Schol. Arist. Hg. 627, οἷς οὐδὲ ἄρχειν ἐφεῖτο, δικάζειν καὶ

16—19 Pollux viii 130 οἱ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ πεντακόσια μέτρα ξηρὰ καὶ ὑγρὰ ποιεῖν κληθέντες... οἱ δὲ τὴν ἱππάδα τελοῦντες ἐκ μὲν τοῦ δύνασθαι τρέφειν ἵππους κεκλῆσθαι

δοκοῦσιν, ἐποίουν δὲ μέτρα τριακόσια (cf. Schol. in Plat. Rep. 415).

Bekk. Anecd.

298, 20 πεντακοσιομέδιμνοι: οἱ ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας γῆς ποιοῦντες πεντακόσια μέτρα

συνάμφω ξηρὰ καὶ ὑγρά.

Id. 267, 13 ἱππάς:...οἱ ποιοῦντες τριακόσια μέτρα.

κωλακρέτας] The form given by Photius and Suidas: κωλαγρέτης in the Ravenna Ms of Aristoph. and in the lexicon of

Timaeus; lit. ‘collectors of hams,’ so -

called from receiving the prime parts of the victims to aid them in providing the public meals in the Arytaneum. They are said to have had the control of fi- nancial matters in the time of the kings ; in later times they acted as treasurers of the naucrariae. They were left un- touched _b islati in connexion with which they are men- tioned in the text; but in the reforms « Cleisthenes they lost the charge of the finances, which was then transferred to new officers called 4podectae (48). Under Pericles they were assigned the duty of paying the dicasts, and they were con- sidered officials of some importance in the time of Aristophanes (Schol. on. Vesp. 695, 727, Av. 1541). There is no docu- mentary proof of their existence after the Archonship of Euclides (403 B.c.). Cf. Boeckh, ed. Frankel, note 302, and Sché- mann’s Axntiguities, i 327 E. T.; also Mr Wayte’s article in Smith’s Dict. Ant., 5.v., Gilbert, i 1252, Busolt, ii 1g3 ἢ. 42, and Wilamowitz, i 52 n. 19. ἑκάστοις -- τὴν ἀρχήν] Pol. 1291 38,

ἕν μὲν οὖν εἶδος δημοκρατίας τοῦτο, τὸ τὰς

Nye ΜΝ γε δ

Ἐπ ν τοι" ik a ee ee

ἀρχὰς ἀπὸ τιμημάτων εἶναι κτλ.

τοῖς δὲ τὸ θητικὸν τελοῦσιν-- μόνον] Pol. ii 12, 1274 a 15, Σόλων γε ἔοικε τὴν ἀναγκαιοτάτην ἀποδιδόναι τῷ δήμῳ δύναμιν, τὸ τὰς ἀρχὰς αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ εὐ- θύνειν..., τὰς δ᾽ ἀρχὰς éx τῶν γνωρίμων καὶ τῶν εὐπόρων κατέστησε πάσας, ἐκ τῶν “πεντακοσιομεδίμνων καὶ ζευγιτῶν καὶ [τρί- του τέλους] τῆς καλουμένης ἱππάδος" τὸ δὲ τέταρτον τὸ θητικόν, οἷς οὐδεμιᾶς ἀρχῆς μετῆν. Cf. end of this chapter, τοὺς

"δὲ ἄλλους θητικόν, οὐδεμιᾶς μετέχοντας

ἧς. τὸ θητικὸν τελοῦσιν] ‘those who be-

longed to the thetic census.’ It will be

'μετρητὰς ὑπὲρ᾽ ὀκτακοσίους.

observed that they are not here called θῆτες.ς Of those who were placed in the fourth class Grote (ii 321) observes: It is said that they were all called 7hées, but this appellation is not well sustained and cannot be admitted: the fourth com- partment in the descending scale was in- deed termed the Thetic census, because it contained all the 7hétes, and because most of its members were of that humble description, but it is not conceivable that a proprietor whose land yielded to him a clear annual return of 100, 120, 140 or

_of 180 drachms, could ever have been desig-

nated by that name.’ See, however, l. ro.

τελεῖν does not necessarily mean actual payment, but ‘the being included in a class with a certain aggregate of duties and liabilities,—equivalent to censeri, ‘to rank as’; Boeckh, p. 36, Grote, p. 321 n.

ἐκκλησίας.---μόνον] Pol. 1281 30, λείπεται δὴ τοῦ βουλεύεσθαι καὶ κρίνειν μετέχειν αὐτούς κτλ. ;

§ 4. ποιῇ] [Dem.] Phaenipp. 42 § 20, p. 1045, πλουτεῖς εἰκότως ἐπειδὰν ποιῇς σίτου μὲν μεδίμνους πλέον χιλίους, οἴνου δὲ πεντακόσια κτὰ. Hitherto, it has been sometimes supposed that one who obtained from his land a net return of 500 measures of dry produce, such as corn or barley, together with 500 measures of liquid produce, such as oil or wine,ranked in the first class (Bruno Keil in Berl.. Phil. Woch. 1891, p. 521 n). It has also been held that a net return of either 500 dry measures or. 500 liquid measures constituted a claim to that class (Busolt, i 527%). It is now clear that the 500 measures could be made up of dry and liquid produce taken together, and this is also the purport of some of the evidence previously known to us, ¢.g. the article in Bekker’s Aneca. 298, 20, which, it now appears, was taken from the present passage. By μέτρα is meant

--

20

28 AOHNAIQN COL. 3, l. 5—11.

καὶ ὑγρά, ἱππάδα δὲ τοὺς τριακόσια ποιοῦντας, ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοί φασι τοὺς ἱπποτροφεῖν δυναμένους. σημεῖον δὲ φέρουσι τό τε ὄνομα τοῦ τέλους, ὡς ἂν ἀπὸ τοῦ mney iain. Kal τὰ βγναδήμαϊα τῶν ἀρχαίων. ἀνάκειται γὰρ ἐν ἀκροπόλει εἰκὼν [Διφίλου], ἐφ᾽ ἣἧ ἐπι- γέγραπται τάδε"

18 δ᾽ ἐπιφέρουσι H (H-L) coll. c. 3.1. 11. 19 ὡς ἂν κείμενον propter ὡς ἂν delent Η-1,; ἂν delebat olim B; clausulam totam defendit Kaibel, 137. 20 Διφίλου 5601. E S Thompson, Radinger (k-w, B, s!, K*, Th), defendit Murray, Ludwich

. Festschr. O, Hirschfeld 61.

TESTIMONIA. 18 Schol. Arist. 2g. 627...irmeis δὲ αὐτοὺς ὠνόμαζον διὰ τὸ divacOa...immov ἕκαστον αὐτῶν τρέφειν. Etym. cod. Vossianus, Pp. £170, Gaisford, ζευγίσιον :. «δευτέρους δὲ τοὺς ἱπποτροφεῖν δυναμένους καὶ τοὺς τοὺς ἵππους δὲ (leg. καὶ τοὺς ἱππάδα) τελοῦντας ἐκάλουν.

21—24 Pollux viii 1 31 ᾿Ανθεμίων δὲ Διφίλου καλλωπίζεται δι᾽ ἐπιγράμματος ὅτι ἀπὸ τοῦ θητικοῦ τέλους εἰς τὴν ἱππάδα μετέστη, καὶ εἰκὼν ἔστιν ἐν ἀκροπόλει ἵππος ἀνδρὶ παρεστηκώς" καὶ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα | Διφίλου ᾿Ανθεμίων τόνδ᾽ pistinn: θεοῖς | θητικοῦ

ἀντὶ τέλους ἱππάδ᾽ ἀμειψάμενος (Falckenburgii codex).

either μέδιμνος (=six éxreis=six modiz =about 12 imperial gallons, or a bushel and a half) of dry measure, or μετρητής in liquid measure. The latter is the standard ἀμφορεὺς of 12 χόες ΞΞ 6933 pints, or slightly over 84 gallons, and therefore three-fourths of the standard dry measure, the μέδιμνος.

ἱππάδα] (τελεῖν). Isaeus 7 39, ἀπε- γράψατο μὲν τίμημα μικρόν, ὡς ἱππάδα δὲ τελῶν ἄρχειν ἠξίου τὰς ἀρχάς. Fol.1274a 20, τρίτου τέλους, τῆς καλουμένης ἱππάδος. In the Lex. of Photius, the first article on ἱππὰς (followed by Suidas) makes the curious mistake of distinguishing the ἱππεῖς and the ἱππάς and treating the latter as a fifth class; the second article, with the help of Harpocration’s quotation from ll. 8—r1o of this chapter, corrects this mistake, adding τῶν οὖν ἱππέων oi (51) ἱππάδες.

ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοί φασι] There is no real discrepancy between the two views, all whose land produced a net return of 300 μέδιμνοι being deemed to have enough property to enable them to keep a horse for military purposes and to serve in the cavalry. Suidas, s. v. ἱππεῖς, following Schol. on Aristoph. £¢. 627, says: ἱππεῖς δὲ αὐτοὺς ὠνόμαζον διὰ τὸ δύνασθαι, εἴποτε χρεία γένοιτο, ἵππον ἕκαστον αὐτῶν τρέφειν. In addition to the war-horse (ἵππος πολε- μιστήριοΞ), a horse would be required for the servant of the ἱππεύς, and those who belonged to this class would also need a team for agricultural purposes (Boeckh, p- 639 Lamb, p. 579 Frankel).

onpetov.. φέρουσι] σημεῖον φέρειν οΥ ἐπιφέρειν do not appear to be used by earlier writers, while later writers have τεκμήριον φέρειν, ἐπιφέρειν, προσφέρειν ; Aristotle has πίστεις φέρειν or ἐπιφέρειν

_Anthemion son of Diphilus.

(Kaibel, 39).

ὡς dv—kelpevov] ‘as though’ (or ‘im- plying that’) ‘the name was derived from the fact just mentioned.’ For ὡς dy c. part., Kaibel, 137, quotes Hippocr. i 612 L, Strabo, vi 280, x 481. In Ar. Analytica Posteriora,i 3, 72 6 9, ws οὐκ ἂν ἐπισταμένους, ὡς ἂν is not really equiva- lent to ws, but dy has its proper meaning. περὶ ἀκουστῶν 803 5, ἕκαστον τῶν μορίων προσπῖπτον, ὡς ἂν ἀπὸ πληγῆς ἑτέρας ὄν, and 804 4 25, φωνοῦσιν, ws ἂν τὸ πνεῦμα βιαζόμενον. κείμενον, used, as often, for the perf. pass. part. of τίθημι. Isaeus 3 § 32, εἴ τις ἤδει τοῦθ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς κεί- μενον, nomen a patre impositum (Cobet, V. L. 311, WV. LZ. 703), Similarly in the next few lines, ἀναθήματα... ἀνάκειται... ἀνέθηκε.

ἀναθήματα] Polemon, a contemporary of Ptolemy Epiphanes (B.c. 204—181),

devoted four books of his περιήγησις to

the ἀναθήματα on the Acropolis (Strabo, ix 396). If the present passage was inserted at a later date than the time of Aristotle, it may possibly have been borrowed from the work of Polemon ; but the only reason for doubting whether it is by the same hand as the rest of the treatise is the exceptionally frequent occurrence of Azatus, ἀκροπόλει εἰκὼν Διφίλου ἐφ᾽ 7 ἐπιγέγραπται. The passage was known to Pollux (viii 131), but whether his quotations from this treatise are taken at first hand or not, is un- | certain.

Διφίλου] The statue was dedicated by Diphilus himself had apparently belonged to the θητικὸν τέλος and would therefore have had no claim to be represented with a horse beside him. Mr A. S. Murray is

Ss

CH. 7, |. 17—26. TIOAITEIA 29

Aidirov ᾿Ανθεμίων τήνδ᾽ ἀνέθηκε θεοῖς,

θητικοῦ ἀντὶ τέλους ἱππάδ᾽ ἀμειψάμενος. καὶ παρέστηκεν ἵππος ἐκμαρτυρῶν, ὡς τὴν ἱππάδα τοῦτο onpai- οὐ μὴν GAN εὐλογώτερον τοῖς μέτροις διῃρῆσθαι καθά- ζευγίσιον δὲ τελεῖν τοὺς διακόσια

νουσαν. ' / περ TOUS πεντὰκοσιομεδίμνους.

22 καὶ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα Διφίλου ᾿Ανθεμίων ἵππον ᾿ τόνδ᾽ ἀνέθηκε θεοῖς Pollucis codices, ubi viderunt critici aut Διφίλου εἰ ἐπίγραμμα coniungenda esse aut cum Bekkero legendum Διφίλου ᾿Ανθεμίων τόνδ᾽ ἵππον θεοῖς ἀνέθηκεν. Pollucis vero e codicibus unus habet Διφίλου ᾿Ανθεμίων τόνδ᾽ ἀνέθηκε θεοῖς. Nostro autem in loco versum hexametrum nonnulli restituerunt, velut <immrov> Διφίλου ᾿Ανθεμίων ἀνέθηκε θεοῖσι Tyrrell; Διφίλου ᾿Ανθεμίων τήνδ᾽ <elxdv’> ἔθηκε θεοῖσι numerosius Jos. Mayor, ἀνέθηκε ex oveOnxe ortum fuisse arbitratus (Class. Rev. ν 177 a); Διφίλου ᾿Ανθεμίων τήνδ᾽ --εἰκόνα:- θεοῖς ἀνέθηκε Thompson (ib. 225 4). Sed Pollucis codices, non minus quam papyrus nostra, testantur versum priorem pentametrum

fuisse. εἰς μαρτύριον B. Kontos (H-L).

25 METPIOIC.

24 EKMAPTYPWN (K): Τέκμαρτυρῶν K-W, 51: ἐπιμαρτυρῶν Tyrrell (H-L) ; 26 τελεῖν del. Papageorgios.

δ᾽ ἔδει τελεῖν

TESTIMONIA. 27—29 Pollux viii 130 οἱ δὲ τὸ ζευγήσιον (codd., Hesych., Phot.,

therefore probably right in regarding the statue as that of the son, Anthemion (Class. Rev. v 108). Anthemion prob- ably owed his promotion from the lowest to the second class either to a legacy or some.other stroke of fortune which sud- denly made him a wealthy man (Boeckh, p- 641 Lamb).

It is veryimprobable that an inscription of such a date consisted of two penta- meter lines. Vix crediderim inscripti- onem vetustam ex duobus pentametris constitisse. Exempla quidem id genus titulorum quae Kaibel in ind. [Zpigr. Gr.] p. 702 affert, sunt recentissima’ (Preger, /uscr. Gr. Metricae, 1891, no. 74). The lines happen to give a consecu- tive sense but are possibly selected from two successive couplets of the original set of verses, theintermediate hexameter being omitted. ἄνδρα παρεστηκότα in versibus omitti non mirum... In anaglyphis sae- pius equi ad ordinem equestrem signifi- candum additi sunt, cf. Goettling, Opzsc.

Acad. 243’ (Preger, /. ¢.).

τήνδ᾽ ποὶ τὴν εἰκόνα, but τὴν ἀνάθεσιν. Otherwise we should alter τήνδ᾽ into τόνδ᾽ (Kaibel, 138). .

ἐκμαρτυρῶν] éxuaprupS=falam testi-

3 ficor in Aesch. Zum. 461, λουτρῶν ἐξεμαρ-

τύρει φόνον, and Aeschin. p. 15, 19, Or. I § 107, ὧν οὐδένα ἔγὼ παρακαλῶ δεῦρο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ συμφοράν, ἣν εἵλετο σιγᾶν, εἰς πολλοὺς ἐκμαρτυρῆσαι. This sense is just tolerable in the present passage, though the word is perhaps. needlessly strong for the context. It would be clearly out of place to give it the technical sense corre- sponding to that of éxuaprupia (Class. Rev.

Υ 177 @), z.e. a deposition made by a witness who, by reason of illness or absence abroad, was unable to attend in court. The horse in this case may meta- phorically indeed be described as giving evidence; but (so far from being either absent abroad or on the point of leaving the country) it is standing in the very centre of Athens, on the platform of the Acropolis. The technical sense is there- fore out of place.

ὡς---σημαίνουσαν] For the participle used as an accusative absolute after ὡς, cf. c. 29 3, ws οὐ δημοτικὴν ἀλλὰ παρα- πλησίαν οὖσαν τὴν... πολιτείαν, and Fol. V (viii) 4, 1328 13, (οἱ Λάκωνες) θηριώδεις ἀπεργάζονται τοῖς πόνοις, ὡς τοῦτο πρὸς ἀνδρίαν μάλιστα συμφέρον. Kiihner, G. G. § 488 d; Maetzner ad Lycurgum, § go, p- 231; Rehdantz, /zd. Dem. s. v. Par- ticipium. Trans. ‘implying that this was the meaning of the status of Knight.’ Kaibel, 139, makes the clause depend on ἔνιοί φασι τοὺς ἱπποτροφεῖν δυναμένους (εἶναι τὴν ἱππάδα), the rest being paren- thetical.

ζευγίσιον] This form is supported by the Etymologicum Magnum (and Gudi- anum) alone. The codex Sorbonicus of the latter, p. 1170 Gaisford, has ξευγίσιον: τῷ χαρακτῆρι τῶν διὰ τοῦ ισιον, οἷον, ᾿Αφροδίσιον,᾽ Ατρεμίσιον (sic), Προβαλίσιον. οὕτως οὖν καὶ ζευγίσιον. ‘Per scriben- dum docet Choeroboscus in Crameri Anecd. ii p. 215, 10.’ Frinkel (n. 805 to Boeckh) urges that ζευγήσιον is the right form, and is better accredited than ζευγίσιον. , διακόσια] The property qualification

30 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL. 3,1. 11—16.

a 5 ἐς / a Ta συνάμφω ποιοῦντας" τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους θητικόν, οὐδεμιᾶς μετέ-

χοντας ἀρχῆς.

a \ διὸ καὶ νῦν ἐπειδὰν ἔρηται τὸν μέλλοντα κλη-

a / © 4 7 a / a ΣΟ» A » / ροῦσθαί tw’ ἀρχήν, ποῖον τέλος τελεῖ, οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἷς εἴποι θητικόν.. 5 , % , 8. . τὰς δ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐποίησε κληρωτὰς ἐκ προκρίτων, ods ἑκάστη ~™

VIII 1 τ᾿ AapyHe (-ετῆς δ᾽ ἀρχῆς) correxit K.

Schol. Plat., Bekk. An. 260 ult.: ζευγίσιον Etym. Magn.) τελοῦντες ἀπὸ διακοσίων

μέτρων κατελέγοντο...οἱ δὲ τὸ θητικὸν οὐδεμίαν ἀρχὴν ἦρχον.

*Harp. θῆτες :... οὗτοι

δὲ οὐδεμιᾶς μετεῖχον ἀρχῆς, ὡς καὶ ᾽Αρ. δηλοῖ ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. Etym. Mag. p. 452, 15

θητικόν : οὗτοι δὲ οὐδὲ μιᾶς μετεῖχον ἀρχῆς.

of the fevyira: has hitherto been a matter

of dispute. Boeckh, p. 641 Lamb, fixes it at 150 medimni. This he infers from a law quoted in [Dem.] Aacart. 43 54, p- 1067, according to which a mevrako- σιομέδιμνος was to pay the ἐπίκληρος a dowry of 500 drachmae, a ἱππεὺς 300, and a ζευγίτης 150. From the corre-

spondence of the first and second of these

sums to the annual income of members of the first and second class, he infers that the dowry required of a fevyirns is identical in amount with his annual in- come. But he admits that all the positive evidence is in favour of 200 medimni. This view, which is adopted by Grote (iii 320 note), is supported by the autho- rity of the text.

θητικόν] sc. τελεῖν. Cf. c. 7.8 3.

διὸ kal νῦν κτλ.]. A masterly touch of sarcasm (says Wilamowitz, i 55). ‘(As the Thetes are ineligible) hence it is that even now, when one who is about to draw lots for any office is asked to what rank he belongs, no one would say that he belonged to the rank of the Thetes.’ The subject of ἔρηται is the officer super- intending the drawing of lots for an appointment. The same vague use of the verb occurs in c. 55, ἐπερωτῷῶσιν and φησίν. As it was under the superintendence of the Thesmothetae that officials were appointed by lot (Schémann, Axtiguities, Ὁ. 402 E. T.), the subject is probably θεσμο- θέτης.

At first it was only the πεντακοσιο- μέδιμνοι who were eligible to the office of archon; next the ἱππεῖς; the ζευγῖται became eligible in 457 B.c. (see c. 26). The present passage, as observed by Mr Kenyon, is interesting as shewing that the property qualification can never have been entirely abolished by law.

VIII § τ. κληρωτὰς ἐκ προκρίτων] ‘appointed by lot, out of candidates. se- lected by each of the (four) tribes.’ Each of the 4 tribes nominated 1o, and, out of these 40, the g archons were appointed by. lot. The archons had

formerly been elected by the Areopagus; and, whatever may have been the rule under Dracon, it was Solon who, with a view to extending the political power _ of the people, devised the combination of _ selection and sortition described in the text.. It has hitherto been sometimes supposed that appointment by lot was not used in Athens before the time of Cleisthenes. This is the view of Grote, C. F. Hermann, Busolt, Gilbert, Duncker and others. Grote in fact cannot believe

_ it was introduced as early as the time of

Cleisthenes (c. 31, iii 123 ἢ). Curtius (i 478 E. T.) assigns it to this time. Schomann, in his criticisms on Grote. (Const. Hist. of Athens, p. 73 E. T.), shews that an earlier date was not im- probable; while Fustel de Coulanges (Za Cité Antique, p. 212-4, ed. 1883)

claims it as an institution of religious

origin and therefore of great antiquity. The evidence of this treatise is in favour of its having been introduced at an early date.

The text enables us to understand the statement in Isocrates that, ‘in the times of Solon and Cleisthenes,’ they did not apply the lot to filling up offices out of the whole body of citizens, but selected those who were the best and the most suitable candidates for each office: Areop.. § 22, οὐκ ἐξ ἁπάντων τὰς ἀρχὰς κληροῦντες, ἀλλὰ τοὺς βελτίστους καὶ τοὺς ἱκανωτάτους ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν ἔργων προκρίνοντες. Else- where, Panath. 145, he describes the con- stitution that the Athenians maintained ‘for 1000 years’ down to the age of

Solon and the rule of Peisistratus, and says of the Athenians of old time that ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἑώρων τοὺς νόμους avarye- γραμμένους (this can only refer to the legislation of Dracon). He then adds: περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους καθίστασαν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τοὺς προκριθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν φυ- λετῶν καὶ δημοτῶν. [Dem.] Meaer. 59 § 75 says of the ἄρχων βασιλεὺς in the times after the συνοικισμὸς of Theseus: τὸν μὲν βασιλέα...ὁ δῆμος ἡρεῖτο ἐκ mpo-

CH. 7, 1. 27—CH. 8, 1. 4.

προκρίνειε τῶν φυλῶν.

TIOAITEIA 31

\ , bY προύκρινεν δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς ἐννέα ApyovTas 1

» al ἑκάστη δέκα, καὶ (ἐκ) τούτων éxdAnpouv’ ὅθεν ἔτι διαμένει ταῖς

a \ / n e / L fee > , , φυλαῖς τὸ δέκα κληροῦν ἑκάστην, εἶτ᾽ ἐκ τούτων κυαμεῦειν.

2 προκρίνειε Gertz (K-w, B?, κϑ, Th); ττροκρινειὶ (K!); προὔκρινε olim ‘3B (H-L). 3 <ék> τούτων ἐκλήρουν K-w!, Gomperz, B? (‘ dubitanter’ dedit K*), TOY...AHPOYN fortasse των post τοὺ scripto; τούτους ἐκλήρουν K! (H-L); rov[trwy ἐκ͵λήρουν Th; τούϊτους διεκ]λήρουν B°; τούϊτοις] ἐΐ πεκ]λήρουν κ (51) coll. 59 5; τοὺς θ΄ ἐκλήρουν

' Wilcken (Κ-νν8, 84), ‘spatio non sufficit’ K4. ᾿ Ρ

κρίτων κατ᾽ ἀνδραγαθίαν χειροτονῶν, where however we have mention of election by show of hands instead of appointment by lot. The use of the lot in the time of Solon is implied by Dem. Left. go (after mentioning Solon), τοὺς θεσμοθέτας τοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς νόμους κληρουμένους, but too great stress must not be laid on this phrase, as the orators sometimes ascribe to Solon institutions which really belonged to a later date.

The natural interpretation of the pre- sent passage is that Solon introduced a new principle by combining selection with sortition. In this respect it is not per- haps inconsistent with the statement in Pol. ii 12, 1273 41, ἔοικε δὲ Σόλων (1274 @) ἐκεῖνα μὲν ὑπάρχοντα πρότερον οὐ καταλῦσαι, τήν τε βουλὴν (1.6. the Areopagus) καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀρχῶν αἵρεσιν, τὸν δὲ δῆμον καταστῆσαι, τὰ δικαστήρια ποιήσας ἐκ πάντων. Aristotle had just before remarked that some had singled out, as an aristocratic element in Solon’s constitution, τὸ τὰς ἀρχὰς αἱρετάς (εἷναι). He adds that Solon did not abolish

this_principle, for αἵρεσις is not the _

‘manner of electing the magistrates,’ but simply their election. elected, but the details of the method of election were partly new; the new element being apparently the selection by the tribes. Aristotle approves of this method in Po/. viii (v) 5, 1305 28, μετα- βάλλουσι δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς πατρίας δημοκρα- τίας εἰς τὴν νεωτάτην" ὅπου γὰρ αἱρεταὶ μὲν αἱ ἀρχαί, μὴ ἀπὸ τιμημάτων δέ, αἱ- ρεῖται δὲ δῆμος, δημαγωγοῦντες οἱ σπου- δαρχιῶντες εἰς τοῦτο καθιστᾶσιν ὡς κύριον εἶναι τὸν δῆμον καὶ τῶν νόμων. ἄκος δὲ τοῦ μὴ γίνεσθαι τοῦ γίνεσθαι ἧττον τὸ τὰς φυλὰς φέρειν τοὺς ἄρχοντας, ἀλλὰ μὴ πάντα τὸν δῆμον.

In Pol. vi (iv) 14, 1298 9, while dis- cussing oligarchies, he mentions some non-oligarchical elements: ἐὰν δὲ ἐνίων μὲν αἱρετοὶ ἐνίων δὲ κληρωτοί, καὶ κλη- ρωτοὶ ἁπλῶς ἐκ προκρίτων, κοινῇ αἱρετοὶ καὶ κληρωτοί, τὰ μὲν πολιτείας ἀρι- στοκρατικῆς ἐστι τούτων, τὰ δὲ πολιτείας

_that_in_ the times of Solon.

They were still

αὐτῆς. Cf. 1266 a 8; Plat. ‘Rep. 537 Ὁ, Leg. 945 B, 753 and 756 (where we now see that Plato is simply reviving an old characteristic of the Solonian constitution). See also Wilamowitz, i 72; ii 63, 64.

ὅθεν ἔτι διαμένει] This passage and its’ context are among the many in which the author argues from survivals, or infers a fact from a reason.

‘The signals of this method,’ as re- marked by Mr Macan (¥. #. S. xiii 38), ‘are the innocent γὰρ (c. 2 1. 5,6. 31. 6 ef alibz), the more elaborate ὅθεν or ὅθεν καὶ (c. 3 1. 8, c. 8 1. 3), the suspicious διὸ, διὸ καὶ (c. 3 1. 17, c. 8 1.. 16) and above all the term σημεῖον. Wherever these signals occur the critical reader will beware of danger ahead. It may not be necessary in every case to reject the supposed evi- dence and inference, but it will always be expedient carefully to examine before ad- mitting them.’ The writer is herearguing that the method of appointing archons

adopted in his own day is

The inter- vention of the tribes is the point in com- mon between the two methods: but whereas in the earlier method they select, in the later they only appoint by lot. In the former, the lot is resorted to in the second stage only; in the latter, in both.

Kvapeverv] is synonymous with κληροῦν, the κύαμος, or bean, being employed in the process of appointment by lot. The procedure was as follows: Two jars were set up; in one of these was placed a num- ber of white and coloured beans, in the other the small tablets with the names of the candidates. Then a tablet and a bean were drawn simultaneously and the candidate whose name came out along with the white bean was nominated (Schémann, Antiguzties, p. 402 E. T.).

κυαμεύειν occurs in the ὅρκος ἡλιαστῶν in Dem. 24 150, ὅσαι (ἀρχαὶ) μετὰ τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων κυαμεύονται, cf. Xen. Mem. i 2 g (Socrates) λέγων ὡς μῶρον εἴη τοὺς μὲν τῆς πόλεως ἄρχοντας ἀπὸ κυάμου. καθι- στάναι, κυβερνήτῃ δὲ μηδένα ἐθέλειν χρῆσθαι κυαμευτῷ. C. 22 5.

32

AQHNAIQN

COL. 3, 1. 16—25.

a aA 5 σημεῖον δ᾽ ὅτι κληρωτὰς ἐποίησεν ἐκ τῶν τιμημάτων περὶ τῶν ταμιῶν νόμος, χρώμενοι δια[τελ]οῦσιν ἔτι καὶ νῦν" κελεύει

a / yap κληροῦν τοὺς ταμίας ἐκ πεντακοσιομεδίμνων. ͵ bel / > ΄ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἐνομοθέτησεν περὶ τῶν [[ἐννέα]] ἀρχόντων.

[Σόλ]ων

τὸ γὰρ

ἀρχαῖον ἐν ᾿Α[ρείῳ [πάγῳ βουλὴ ἀνακαλεσαμένη καὶ κρίνασα Cus \ > / suse / tad > tad ee > \ 10 καθ᾽ αὑτὴν τὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ τῶν ἀρχῶν ἐπ᾽ [év|taluT lov

[διατάξα]σα ἀπέστελλεν.

τερον καὶ φυλοβασιλεῖς τέτταρες.

5 επτοιησὰν (K!): ἐποίησεν Bury, Hude (edd.). secl. K-w? (Kaibel 140; Wil. i 49 n. 15). yap K, B: δὲ H-L, Wilcken K-Ww’,

Sakellarios.

φυλαὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν τέτταρες καθάπερ πρό-

[ἐκ] δὲ [τῆς] φυ[λῆ]ς ἑκάστης

8 περὶ τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων ΤῊ. περὶ τῶν ἀρχῶν 10 ἑκάστην (Η-1).

ἐννέα secl.

11 [διατάξα]σα K, H-L, Β; ἐπιστήσασα Sakell.; καταστήσασα [dpiov]ra Diels; Wilcken

(K-Ww?). 12 TECCAPEC.

TESTIMONIA.

11—14 *Photius vavxpapia:...vavxpapla μὲν ὁποῖόν τι συμμορία

καὶ δῆμος, ναύκραρος δὲ ὁποῖόν τι δήμαρχος, Σόλωνος οὕτως ὀνομάσαντος, ὡς καὶ "Ap. φησί... ἐκ δὲ τῆς ᾿Αριστοτέλους πολιτείας ὃν τρόπον διέταξε τὴν πόλιν Σόλων

“- φυλαὶ---ἑκάστην (cf. Pollux viii 108; Rose, Frag. 3402, 387°).

Hesych. ναύκλαροι.

σημεῖον δ᾽ ὅτι κτλ.] The law requiring the ταμίαι to be elected from among the πεντακοσιομέδιμνοι is quoted to prove that Solon regulated the allotment of office according to the property classes. The law existed in the writer’s time but was practically unenforced, as appears from c. 47. ol. 1282 a 29, τῆς μὲν ἐκκλησίας μετέχουσι καὶ βουλεύουσι καὶ δικάζουσιν ἀπὸ μικρῶν τιμημάτων καὶ τῆς τυχούσης ἡλικίας, ταμιεύουσι δὲ καὶ στρατηγοῦσε καὶ τὰς μεγίστας ἀρχὰς ἄρχουσιν ἀπὸ μει- ζόνων.

Considering the high position enjoyed by the archons in the time of Solon, Beloch declines to believe that they were appointed by lot (even out of a selected body of candidates). The law of the ταμίαι on which the writer relies proves nothing with regard to the archons (i 361

ἢν 1);

§ 2. ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴ] This passage gives us definite authority for the manner in which the public officials were elected in earlier times at Athens. Here- tofore it could only be conjectured that they were elected by the Areopagus. τὸ ἀρχαῖον is vague, and may either mean up to the time of Solon, or up to that of Dracon. In.c. 4 we have been told that, under Dracon, the officials were elected by οἱ ὅπλα παρεχόμενοι, but the Draconian constitution is much disputed.

ἀνακαλεσαμένη] ‘having summoned,’ without any necessary allusion to the fact that the βουλή of the Areopagus was 7 ἄνω βουλή. Cf. Aeschines, 7. L. 17, ἔπεισε τὴν βουλὴν (the 500) ἀνακαλέσασθαι τὸν ᾿Αριστόδημον.

§ 3. φυλαὶ] The successive names of the four tribes in the early history of Athens are quoted by Pollux viii 109. In the time of Erechtheus they took their names (Γελέοντες, Ὅπλητες, Αἰγικορεῖς, ᾿Αργάδεις) from the sons of Ion. Cf. Hdt. v 66, (of Cleisthenes) τῶν Ἴωνος παίδων Tedéovros καὶ Αἰγικόρεος καὶ ᾿Αργάδεω καὶ Οπλητος ἀπαλλάξας τὰς ἐπωνυμίας. Eur. Ton 1579, Γελέων (Canter: Τελέων vulg.) μὲν ἔσται πρῶτος" εἶτα δεύτερον “Ὅπλητες ᾿Αργαδῆς τ᾽, ἐμῆς δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ αἰγίδος ἕν φῦλον ἕξουσ᾽ Αἰγικορῆς. (SchOmann, Ox Grote, § 2, and Antiquities, p. 317 f. E. T.; Philippi, “422. Biirgerrecht, pp. 233—296; Busolt, ii 98? ; and Wilamowitz, ii 136 f.)

φυλοβασιλεῖς] These officials are iden- tical with those called βασιλεῖς (1) in the 13th Axon of Solon, quoted by Plutarch, Sol. 19, ἐπιτίμους εἶναι πλὴν ὅσοι ἐξ ’Apelov πάγου ὅσοι ἐκ τῶν ᾿Ἔ Πφετῶν ἐκ Πρυτα- νείου καταδικασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων ἐπὶ φόνῳ σφαγαῖσιν ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἔφευγον, and also (2) in the decree οἵ Patro- cleides, Andocides, de Myst. § 78 (founded on the language of the law just quoted), 7) ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου τῶν ᾿Εφετῶν ἐκ Πρυτα- νείου Δελφινίου ἐδικάσθη ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων, ἐπὶ φόνῳ τίς ἐστι φυγή, θάνατος κατεγνώσθη, σφαγεῦσιν τυράν- νοις. In the context of the first passage

Ww)

they are called πρυτάνεις; in that of the © second, they are distinguished from the

Archon-Basileus. βασιλεῖς of Solon with the ¢vdAoBa- σιλεῖς of Pollux (viii 111, 120) is sup- ported by the connexion of both with the IIpuraveiov. Cf. Wilamowitz, ig4. The βασιλεῖς apparently dealt with cases of

The identity of the

7 ae

oh ae Dan ee a ee τν Oe A oe eS re eee

rs po me hie

' the Prytaneum (cf. 57 end).

CH. 8, 1. 5—17.

TOAITEIA

33

ἦσαν νενεμημέναι τριττύες μὲν τρεῖς, vavepapiar δὲ δώδεκα καθ᾽ ἑκάστην. ἦν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν ἀρχὴ καθεστηκυῖα ναύκραροι, τεταγμένη πρός τε τὰς εἰσφορὰς καὶ τὰς δαπάνας τὰς γιγνο- μένας" διὸ καὶ ἐν τοῖς νόμοις τοῖς Σόλωνος οἷς οὐκέτι χρῶνται πολλαχοῦ γέγραπται “τοὺς ναυκράρους εἰσπράττειν᾽ καὶ ἀνα-

18 NAYKPAI|Pal- ἐπὶ δὲ B. ΝὰΥΚΡΔΙΡΟΙ.-

14 ἦν δ᾽ ἐπὶ Wilcken (K-w, H-L), ‘lectio incerta’ K4, Th: 15 [INOMENAC {K-W).

17 πολλαχοῦ Wessely

(K°, B, K-w%, Th, litteris incertis ax) ; πολλαχόθι Paton (H-L) ; πολλ[άκ]ις K-w!?,

persons who aimed at a τυραννίς. They also presided in the court of homicide at They prob- ably represented ‘the priestly functions of the ancientchieftains of the several separate tribes which were ultimately fused into a single community’ (Prof. Ridgeway in Smith, Dict. Ant. 5. v.). The fact that they were four in number was already known from the quotation of the present passage in Photius, s. v. vav- Kpapia. Cf. Pollux viii 111, as emended by Wecklein, of δὲ φ. ἐξ εὐπατριδῶν τέσσαρες for δὲ) ὄντες κτλ. In the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, iii 69, we have an inscr. found on the Acropolis respecting a fund called τὰ φυλοβασιλικὰ, part of which was spent

_ on celebrating a religious festival.

τριττύες ... vavkpaplat] The plupf. shews that these divisions had existed before the time of Solon. Photius, s. v. vauxpapia, carelessly quotes Aristotle as_

his authority for ascribing to Solon the ©

origin of the term ναύκραρος (Σόλωνος

τοῦτως ὀνομάσαντος, ὡς Kal ᾿Αριστοτέλης

φησί). That he had the present passage in view is indicated by his quoting it verbatim at the end of his article.

The existence of the vavxpapia before

_ the time of Solon is proved by Hdt. v 71, where their πρυτάνεις are described as

holding an important position in the

government of Athens at the time of the _ conspiracy of Cylon: οἱ πρυτάνιες τῶν

ναυκράρων (al. vavxpapiéwv) οἵπερ ἔνεμον τότε τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ; but Thuc. i 126 § 5

i corrects this account and substitutes for

them the nine Archons, adding τότε δὲ τὰ πολλὰ τῶν πολιτικῶν οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες

᾿ ἔπρασσον. ϑοποιηδπη (Azz. p. 326 E. T.)

endeavours to reconcile both narratives by assigning to the nine Archons a place on the board of Prytaneis.

__ The Naucrari were the presidents of

the Maucrariae, and the latter were the administrative districts into which the

country was then divided. There were 12 in each tribe or 48 in all. Every four

S. A.

of these districts formed a group called a τριττύς, or third part of a tribe. In Pho- tius p. 196 Porson, and in Bekk. Azec. p. 275, mention is made of a ναυκραρία called Κωλιάς which is thename of a strip of coast and cliffs near Phalerum. The term vav- κραρία has reference to the duty imposed on these districts of equipping a ship of war, in addition to that of providing two horsemen (Pollux viii 108). Grote, c. 10, ii 264 n., thinks ‘the statement that each Naukrary was obliged to furnish one ship can hardly be true of the time before Solon.’ The actual expense proba- bly fell on the wealthier inhabitants of the district, and it would naturally be from their number that the ναύκραροι, or pre- sidents of the vav«papla:, were chosen. There was one president for each vav- kpapia, or 12 for each tribe. Hesychius 5. Ὁ. ναύκλαροι (stc, cf. Wilamowitz, i οὔ π.)...τινὲς δὲ ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς δώδεκα, οἵτινες ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης χώρας τὰς εἰσφορὰς ἐξέλεγον. ὕστερον δὲ δήμαρχοι ἐκλήθησαν (Schomann, Antiquities, p. 326 E. T.; Duncker, H. G. ii 144 E. T.; Gilbert, Gr. St. i 147°; Fahrb. f. cl. Phil. 1875, pp- 9 and 452). ναύκραρος is formed from ναῦς and the root κἂρ (by metathesis kpa) which appears in κραίνω ‘to complete or accomplish’ (G. Meyer in Curtius, Studien, vii 157). See also Busolt, ii 188? and Wilamowitz, ii 53 f.

τὰς elodopds] Pollux viii 108, τὰς δ᾽ εἰσφορὰς τὰς κατὰ δήμους διεχειροτόνουν οὗτοι (sc. οἱ ναύκραροι) καὶ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀναλώματα.

ἐν τοῖς νόμοις κτλ.] Phot. Lex. vav- κραρία: καὶ ἐν τοῖς νόμοις δὲ ““ἄν (ἐὰν Miiller) τις ναυκραρίας ἀμφισβητῇ," καὶ “τοὺς ναυκράρους τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ναυκραρίαν.᾽" Cf. Androtion in Schol. on Arist. Aves, 1541, τοῖς δὲ ἰοῦσι Πυθῶδε θεωροῖς τοὺς κωλακρέτας διδόναι ἐκ τῶν ναυκραρικῶν (codd. ναυκληρικῶν) ἐφόδιον ἀργύρια καὶ εἰς ἄλλο τι ἂν δέῃ ἀναλῶσαι. The passage in the text is probably quoted from Androtion or some other Atthidographer. (Wilamowitz, i 51 f.)

3

20

25

34 AOHNAIQN COL. 3,1. 25—34.

\ ? b) / βουλὴν δ᾽ ἐποίησε e \ > e u a \ \ n > el τετρακοσίους, ἑκατὸν ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς, THY δὲ τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν

, a a λίσκειν ἐκ TOU ναυκραρικοῦ ἀργυρίου.

» > \ \ A ς “Ὁ \ / > ,

ἔταξεν ἐπὶ [τὸ] νομοφυλακεῖν, ὥσπερ ὑπῆρχεν καὶ πρότερον ἐπί-

σκοπος οὖσα τῆς πολιτείας, καὶ τά τε ἄλλα τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὰ , lel

μέγιστα τῶν πολιτ(ικγῶν διετήρει καὶ τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας ηὔθυνεν

, 93 Ν \ U \ \ 7 ἥξτ ἂν ;

κυρία οὖσα καὶ [ζημιοῦν καὶ κολάζειν, καὶ τὰς ἐκτίσεις ἀνέφερεν > > \

εἰς πόλιν, οὐκ ἐπιγράφουσα THY πρόφασιν δι᾽ [τὸ ἐ]κτ[ νἼ]εσθαι, \ \ 5 ~i% ΄ a

καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου συνισταμένους ἔκρινεν, Σόλω-

νος θέντος νόμον εἰσα[γγ)]ελ[ία]ς περὶ αὐτῶν. ὁρῶν δὲ τὴν μὲν |

19 ἑκάστης «τῆς: Bt, Th, cf. Kaibel 189. 21 καὶ τά τε ἄλλα K-W, Wilcken (s!, κά, Th); [ἢ] τά τε ἄλλα B; ἐς

ἔτι olim K. τά τε ἄλλα Olim K; καὶ els τὰ ἄλλα H-L.

20 ἐπὶ τὸ Paton, Gennadios (edd.) :

22 τῶν πολιτ--ικΞ- ὧν Richards, Hude

(edd.), cf. 3, 35 Ta πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει; τῶν <mepl τῶν Ξ- πολιτῶν

coniecit K. ἐκτείσεις B.

23 καὶ ζημιοῦν Blass (H-L, K°, K-w®, Th): τοῦ ζημιοῦν K! (K-W). 24 δι’ τὸ ἐκτίνεσθαι ‘lectio...vestigiis aptior quam ceterae’ K*:

[τοῦ ἐἸκτ[ νἼεσθαι Tyrrell, idem agn. B (Th) ; [rod εὐθύν]εσθαι olim B (H-L, K%); [τοῦ

πράττἼ]εσθαι 51 ; διὰ τὸ [εὐ]θύ[ν]εσθαι Wilcken (secl. K-w’).

26 νόμον εἰσαγγελίας

Wessely (Β, K?~4, κ' νθ, Th) sed delet Wil. 1 53 : μὲν [οὖν ταῦτ᾽ ἔταξε] K! (H-L).

§ 4. βουλὴν δ᾽ ἐποίησε τετρακοσίους] A new council of 400 15 here contrasted with the previously existing council of the Areopagus. There is nothing in the phrase to shew that the writer has made any mention of a previous council under Dracon. Cf. Plut. Sol. 19, συστησάμενος δὲ τὴν ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴν... δευτέραν προσκατένειμε βουλὴν ἀπὸ φυλῆς ἑκάστης, τεττάρων οὐσῶν, ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας ἐπιλεξά- μενος.

᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν] Philippi, <Aveop. u. Epheten, pp. 199—246; Gilbert, i 152”. Duncker, Gesch. d. Alt, (X11 12) vol. vi 187—194.

ἐπίσκοπος οὖσα κτλ.] Plut. Δε., τὴν δ᾽ ἄνω βουλὴν ἐπίσκοπον πάντων καὶ φύλακα τῶν νόμων ἐκάθισεν.

τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὰ μέγιστα κτλ.] Cc. 3 8 6, διῴκει δὲ τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει, καὶ κολάζουσα καὶ ζημιοῦσα πάντας τοὺς ἀκοσμοῦντας κυρίως.

κυρία οὖσα] a notable hiatus (Kaibel, 12), which may, however, be removed by transposing the two words.

ζημιοῦν) obviously refers to pecuniary penalties (Kaibel, 58 n, refuting B. Keil, 102 n).

ἀνέφερεν] Dem. 41 8, τὴν τιμὴν οὔτ᾽ ἐκείνῳ διέλυσεν οὔτε νῦν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ἀνε- νήνοχεν.

εἰς πόλιν] εἰς ἀκρόπολιν (cf. c. 60 3). Thue, ii 15, καλεῖται δὲ ἀκρόπολις μέχρι τοῦδε ἔτι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις. Aristoph. Nub. 69, Lg. 267, 1093, Lys. 245, 487. ‘In inscriptions ἐν ἀκροπόλει is first found in B.C. 387-6, according to Bull. d. Corr.

fell. 1888 p. 149. In fourth century prose the use of πόλις is preserved in certain familiar and unambiguous combinations: [Xen.] De Red. v 12, χρήματα els τὴν πόλιν ἀνενεχθέντα. Schol. Aristoph. Zys. 273, ἔστησαν ἐν πόλει παρὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον νεών (possibly quoted from one of the writers of ᾿Ατθίδες or from Craterus). For other references see Maetzner on Antiph. 6 § 29, ἐν τῇ πόλει. On the other hand, Andoc. 3 § 7, and Aeschin. 2 §175, have ἀναφέρειν els τὴν ἀκρόπολιν᾽ (Wyse). This use of πόλις must have been obsolete in the time of Aristotle. He must therefore be quoting from some writer at least 50 years earlier than his own time (Wilamowitz, i 51).

ἐπὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου συνιστα- μένους] 25 3, συνισταμένους ἐπὶ κατα- λύσει τῆς πολιτείας, [Dem.] 46 § 26.

νόμον εἰσαγγελίας] εἰσαγγέλλειν has already been used in a general sense in 4 § 4. We now find a definite νόμος εἰσαγγελίας ascribed for the first time to Solon. The special case here mentioned corresponds to the first of the three classes of crimes which, according to _ Hyperides, were included in the νόμος εἰσαγγελτικός, pro Lux. § 8, ἐάν τις τὸν δῆμον τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων καταλύῃ συνίῃ ἐπὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου ἐἑταιρικὸν συναγάγῃ (Isocr. de Big. 6; Dinarch. c. Dem. 94). Cf. Theophr. apud Lex. Rhet. Cantab. s.v. εἰσαγγελία: ἐάν res καταλύῃ τὸν δῆμον. The text implies that the definition given by Theophrastus applies to a far earlier date than the time ~

CH. 8,1. 18---ΟΗ. 9,1]. 2. ΄“ΠΟΛΙΤΈΙΑ 35

7 - al » es 5 \ A πόλιν πολλάκις στασιάζουσαν, τῶν δὲ πολιτῶν ἐνίους διὰ τὴν a 4 \ > \ ῥᾳθυμίαν [ἀγαπῶντας τὸ αὐτόματον, νόμον ἔθηκεν πρὸς αὐτοὺς " ¢ a a \ On a tee tf r δὲ ἴδιον, ὃς ἂν στασιαζούσης τῆς πόλεως μὴ θῆται τὰ ὅπλα μηδὲ ΄ = a / \ / " μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων, ἄτιμον εἶναι καὶ τῆς πόλεως μὴ μετέχειν. 30 > a \ / 9. τὰ μὲν οὖν [περὶ tals ἀρχὰς τοῦτον εἶχε τὸν τρόπον. a a a 3 x , δοκεῖ δὲ THs Σόλωνος πολιτείας τρία ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι τὰ δημοτικώτατα"

28 [ἀγαπῶντας Κ- et Kontos; [ἀγαπῶντας K*, Th; ‘certum est ὠντας, π' verisimile magis quam p’ Blass (περιορῶντας coni. olim Blass, Bury). 29 θῆται H-L (κ83, B, K-w®), τιθῆται Richards, Blass (K-w), sed spatium vix sufficit ; αἵρηται olim K.

IX 1 e1ye litteris evanidis (kK, B, K-w3) : ἔταξε K-w!, H-L. 2 τρία ταῦτ᾽ papy- rum secutus K (K-w*3, Th); τρία [ταῦτ] B+; τρία τάδ᾽ H-L, K-w! (app. B*); τρία πάντων Kaibel 144. Ta om. H-L.

TESTIMONIA. 28—30. *Gellius, ii 12: In legibus Solonis illis antiquissimis quae Athenis axibus ligneis incisae sunt quasque latas ab eo Athenienses ut sempiternae manerent poenis et religionibus sanxerunt, legem esse Aristofeles refert scriptam ad hanc sententiam: ‘si ob discordiam dissensionemque seditio atque discessio populi in duas partes fiet et ob eam causam irritatis animis utrimque arma capientur pug- nabiturque, tum qui in eo tempore in eoque casu civilis discordiae non alterutrae parti sese adiunxerit, sed solitarius separatusque a communi malo civitatis secesserit, is domo patria fortunisque omnibus careto, exul extorrisque esto’ (Rose, Frag. 3522,

391°).

after Eucleides, to which it has been as- signed by Frankel, “422. Geschworenenger.,

. 77. 4 There is a vague reference to εἰσαγγε- λίαι in the time of Solon in Pollux viii 53, χίλιοι δὲ κατὰ μὲν Σόλωνα τὰς εἰσαγγελίας ἔκρινον, κατὰ δὲ τὸν Φαληρέα καὶ πρὸς πεντακύσιοι, cf. Philochorus, 155 Miiller, εἰσήγγειλαν, ws μὲν Φιλόχορος, χιλίων καθεζομένων, ὡς δὲ Δημήτριος Φαληρεὺς χιλίων πεντακοσίων (cf. Duncker, G. d. A. vi 179 ἢ). The special case mentioned in the text came before the Areopagus. Wilamowitz, i 53 n. 22, considers the clause Σόλωνος---αὐτῶν to be very questionable Greek.

§5. ἀγαπῶντας] Plut. Rep. 399 C, τὰ ἀποβαίνοντα ἀγαπῶντα.

αὐτόματον]--Ξτὸ ἀπὸ τύχης. In

_ Magna Moralia 1199 9 we find τὰ ἀπὸ

ταὐτομάτου contrasted with λόγος, cf. Aeschin. 3 § 167, ἐὰν αὐτόματόν τι συμβῇ (Kaibel, 143).

νόμον ἔθηκεν κτλ.1] Plut. Sol. 20 znit. τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων αὐτοῦ νόμων ἴδιος μὲν μάλιστα καὶ παράδοξος κελεύων ἄτιμον εἷναι τὸν; ἐν στάσει μηδετέρας μερίδος γενόμενον. βούλεται δ᾽, ὡς ἔοικε, μὴ ἀπαθῶς μηδ᾽ ᾿ ἀναισθήτως ἔχειν πρὸς τὸ κοινόν, ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ θέμενον τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ τῷ μὴ συναλγεῖν μηδὲ συννοσεῖν τῇ πατρίδι καλλωπιζόμενον, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτόθεν τοῖς τὰ βελτίω καὶ δικαιότερα πράττουσι προσθέμενον συγκινδυνεύειν καὶ ᾿ βοηθεῖν μᾶλλον περιμένειν ἀκινδύνως τὰ Τῶν κρατούντων. Praec. Ger. Reip. 32

§ 1, ii 823 F, ἀπορήσει... καὶ θαυμάσει τί παθὼν ἐκεῖνος ἀνὴρ ἔγραψεν ἄτιμον εἷναι τὸν ἐν στάσει πόλεως μηδετέροις προσθέ- μενον, De Sera Numinis Vindicta 4, ii 550 B—C, παραλογώτατον δὲ τὸ τοῦ Σόλωνος, ἄτιμον εἶναι τὸν στάσει μηδετέρᾳ μερίδι προσθέμενον μηδὲ συστασιάσαντα. Cic. ad Atticum x 1, 2, ego vero Solonis... legem neglegam, qui capite sanxit, si quis in seditione non alterius utrius partis fuisset. (Cf. Grote, c. 11, ii 341.) John Mayor (Class. Rev. v 120 ὁ) also refers to Cantacuzen. iv 13, and Nicephorus Gregora ix 6 fin.

θηται τὰ ὅπλα] metaphor from taking up a position in the face of an enemy. Plato, Rep. 440 E, ἐν TH τῆς ψυχῆς στάσει τίθεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς τοῦ λογιστικοῦ. The phrase is frequent in Xenophon’s Anabasis in several military senses, ¢.g. els τάξιν τὰ ὅπλα τίθεσθαι ii 2, 21 and v 4, 11 (Kriiger’s Lexikon, or Vollbrecht’s Worterbuch).

μηδὲ μηθ᾽ ἑτέρων] Also in Thuc. ii 67 § 5, cf. v 48, οὐδ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων. vi 44 4, οὐδὲ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων. vii 59 1, μηδὲ μεθ᾽ ἕτερα.

ΙΧ § τ. τῆς Σόλωνος πολιτείας---τὰ δημοτικώτατα] Isocr. 7 § 16, ἐκείνην τὴν δημοκρατίαν, ἣν Σόλων μὲν δημοτικώ- τατος γενόμενος ἐνομοθέτησε. Dem. 18 § 6, Σόλων, εὔνους ὧν ὑμῖν καὶ δημοτικός. Hyper. ς. Athenog. 21, δημοτικώτατος Σόλων. For Solon’s relations to demo- cracy see Fo/. ii 12, 1273 35. In the

32

36 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

COL. 3,1. 35—40.

fa) \ a πρῶτον μὲν Kal μέγιστον TO μὴ δανείζειν ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν, ἔπειτα \ al a / la) τὸ ἐξεῖναι TO βουλομένῳ τιμωρεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδικουμένων, τρίτον κὺ / fel 5 δέ, (@) μάλιστά φασιν ἰσχυκέναι TO πλῆθος, εἰς TO δικαστή- 4 \ x e el an pov ἔφεσις" κύριος yap ὧν δῆμος THs ψήφου κύριος γίγνεται τῆς

4 τιμωρεῖν Paton, K-w (Κ3, B), cf. 19, 2 ; τιμωρεῖσθαι Wyse, H-L; δικάζεσθαι κὶ;

δίκην λαβεῖν (hiatu vitato) J W Headlam et Lipsius, coll. Plut. So/. 18. Lipsius, H-L (B, κϑ, Th); <@ xal> K-w, Kaibel 144; 7 K!.

δ <g> 6, 9,13 FIN (K-W).

language of Mr Newman’s excellent para- phrase in vol. i p. 373, we are there told that ‘certain persons regarded Solon as the destroyer of an extreme oligarchy, on the ruins of which he constructed.the πάτριος δημοκρατία, a_wisely mixed con- stitution ; they took him to_have founded the Areopagus, to have introduced. the system of filling magistracies by election, and to have created the popular dicastery, thus as it were equipping the State with a complete set of new institutions. ...To this view of Solon’s work Aristotle ob- jects: he says that Solon would seem to have found the council of the Areopagus, and_the system of filling the magistracies by election, already established, and that he...left them as he found them, whereas he did_institute.the popular_element_in the constitution by founding the popular dicasteries. _He appeals in support.of_his contention.to_the opinion.of.a-second set of critics, who made Solon responsible for the_existing extreme democracy. They complained that, so far from being the author of a mixed constitution, he over- powered the oligarchical element by the democratic, inasmuch as he gave supreme power to the popular dicastery. Armed with this judicial authority, the people became masters of the State; one states- man after another had to play into their hands, and so the extreme democracy gradually came into being. * Aristotle, however, holds that these inquirers a- scribed to Solon’s institution of popular dicasteries consequences which would not have resulted from it, if it had not been for accidental circumstances. Solon was

democracy; he gave, in fact, only a modi- cum of power to the people—enough to content them and no more—and reserved office for the better-to-do classes. On the other hand, he was not the contriver of an elaborate mixed constitution, but rather the founder of the-beginnings-of-popular liberty; still less was he the undoer.of the power of the Few. He left office in their hands, and gave the people only just enough power to make the holders of office govern well.’

μὴ δανείζειν κτλ.] 6 τ. τὸ ἐξεῖναι--- ἀδικουμένων] Plut. So/. 18, οἰόμενος δεῖν ἐπαρκεῖν τῇ τῶν πολλῶν ἀσθενείᾳ, παντὶ λαβεῖν δίκην ὑπὲρ τοῦ κακῶς πεπονθότος ἔδωκε" καὶ γὰρ πληγέντος ἑτέρου βλα- βέντος ἐξῆν τῷ δυναμένῳ καὶ βουλομένῳ γράφεσθαι τὸν ἀδικοῦντα καὶ διώκειν, ὀρ- θῶς ἐθίζοντος τοῦ νομοθέτου τοὺς πολίτας ὥσπερ ἑνὸς μέρους συναισθάνεσθαι καὶ συν- αλγεῖν ἀλλήλοις. τούτῳ δὲ τῷ νόμῳ συμ- φωνοῦντα λόγον αὐτοῦ διαμνημονεύουσιν. ἐρωτηθεὶς γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἥτις οἰκεῖται κάλλιστα τῶν πόλεων, “ἐκείνη, εἶπεν, “ἐἐν τῶν ἀδικουμένων οὐχ ἧττον οἱ μὴ ἀδικούμενοι προβάλλονται καὶ κολάζουσι τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας." Plutarch here quotes much more than the text.

πλῆθος] synonymous not with δῆμος, but with of πολλοί. The latter are con- trasted like the poor with the rich (2 § 3, 5 § 1, 24 8 3.) 27 § 4), the majority with the oligarchy (41 § 2, 29 § 1, 36§1). In the description of the constitution of the fourth century, Aristotle never uses πλῆθος, There was no longer any minority to which the πλῆθος could be contrasted ; the δῆμος was now supreme (Kaibel, 53).

els τὸ δικαστήριον ἔφεσις] Theconstr. changes from the substantival use of the infinitive to an ordinary substantive. ~ The eulogists of Solon, referred to in Pol. ii 12, 1273 6 41, recognise the δικαστήριον as the element which is δημοτικὸν in his constitution (τὸν δῆμον καταστῆσαι, τὰ δικαστήρια ποιήσας ἐκ πάντων); while his critics describe him as having subordinated | the oligarchical element, κύριον ποιήσαντα τὸ δικαστήριον πάντων, KAnpwrov ὄν. Aris- totle himself subsequently mentions as one of the two elements in the neces- sary modicum of political power assigned to the people that of εὐθύνειν, z.e. calling © the officials to account in the law-courts, μηδὲ yap τούτου κύριος ὧν δῆμος δοῦ- dos ἂν εἴη καὶ πολέμιος. Plut. Sol. 18 (after saying of the θῆτες that τῷ συνεκ- κλησιάζειν καὶ δικάζειν μόνον μετεῖχον TIS πολιτείας) adds: κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὐδέν," ὕστερον δὲ παμμέγεθες ἐφάνη" τὰ ' πλεῖστα τῶν διαφόρων ἐνέπιπτεν εἰς τοὺς δικαστάς. καὶ γὰρ ὅσα ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἔταξε, κρίνειν, ὁμοίως καὶ περὶ ἐκείνων εἰς τὸ

id , 4

%

CH. 9, |. 3—12.

TIOAITEIA

37

2 πολιτείας. ἔτι δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ γεγράφθαι τοὺς νόμους ἁπλῶς : \ a ἀπ ς τῇ a / Ἂς =: ,

μηδὲ σαφῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ περὶ τῶν κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων, ἀνάγκη πολλὰς ἀμφισβητήσεις γίγνεσθαι καὶ πάντα βραβεύειν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια τὸ δικαστήριον. οἴονται μὲν οὖν τινες

ἐπίτηδες ἀσαφεῖς αὐτὸν ποιῆσαι τοὺς νόμους, ὅπως τῆς κρίσεως [Ὁ] δῆμος κ]ύριος. οὐ μὴν εἰκός, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι καθόλου

9 πολλὰς Paton, Blass, K-w, K*, Th; ἦν τὰς Κ' ; qv πολλὰς H-L sed deest spatium. 10 τὸ δικα[στ]ήρ[ ον] K-w, K*, papyri lectio incerta (B) : τὰ dtxacrhp[ca] K! (H-L), sed propter tot generis neutri pluralia in contextu cumulata praestat numerus singularis.

Cf. Kaibel 144.

11 ὅπως ἢ---κύριος ita recte Papageorg. (B, κϑ, K-w*, Th):

ὅπως---ἶ κύριος H-L; ὅπως τι--- κύριος K-W!; ὅπως τι τῆς κρίσεως [ἔχῃ [ὁ δῆμος κ]ύριος

kK},

/12—13 TrepiAaBeIN etiam ante KABOAOY scriptum et deinde deletum :

πανταχοῦ sine causa legendum suspicantur H-L.

δικαστήριον ἐφέσεις ἔδωκε τοῖς βουλομέ- νοις. Grote (ii 325) holds that the popu- lar dicasteries were not established by Solon, a view which is not in accord- ance with the text. He also points out (p. 326) that, although Solon laid the foundation of the Athenian democracy, his institutions were not democratical (as compared with those of Cleisthenes and Pericles). The dicasteries doubtless be-

came more highly developed. in later

‘times, but of their existence in Solon’s time for certain purposes, such as the control of officials, there can be no rea- sonable doubt. See Duncker, Gesch. d. Alt. vi 179, 180.

8. 2. ἁπλῶς... σαφῶς] Dem. Left. 93, ἁπλᾷ καὶ σαφῆ, Isaeus 11 § 32, ἁπλᾶ καὶ γνώριμα μαθεῖν, Dem. 24 § 68, ἁπλῶς καὶ πᾶσι γνωρίμως γεγράφθαι. In all these passages perspicuity is described as a merit in legislative enactments. Here

the obscurity of some of Solon’s laws is eatin ;

ed the powers of the people as interpreters of the law in [the

ο΄ dicasteries.

ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ] For the ellipse, cf. Rhez. 1355 8 f, ἀλλὰ καθάπερ διαλεκτική (Kaibel, 144).

περὶ τῶν κλήρων] The reference is to the law of intestate succession quoted in Dem. Macart. 43 § 51, p. 1067. Parts of this law are paraphrased or expressly cited in Isaeus ΠῚ §$ 1, 2, and 7 20. The law of the ἔπίκληρος is quoted in Dem. 43 88 τό, 54, and 46 § 22, ending with the words ἀνεπίδικον μὴ ἐξεῖναι ἔχειν μήτε κλῆρον μήτε ἐπίκληρον. This law is referred to in Isaeus 3 88 64, 74 and else- where. Both laws may be fairly ascribed to Solon, and students of Isaeus will

admit the ambiguity of certain clauses in

them. The greater part of Plutarch’s Sol. 20 is devoted to details of the law of

nn - τρόπον τινὰ τῶν νόμων κυρίους ὄντας.

the ἐπίκληρος, but the points there touched upon are curious rather than obscure. In the time of Aristophanes the decision of rival claims to the hand of an ‘heiress’ was one of the most cherished privileges of the Athenian dicast (Ves. 583—587), Cf. zuf. 42 5, περὶ κλήρου καὶ ἐπικλήρου, 50 § 6, ἐπικλήρου κακώσεως, and κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων ἐπιδικασίαι, also 43 § 4; and Plat. Leg. 630 E, τὰ περὶ τῶν κλήρων Kal ἐπικλήρων.

ἀνάγκη] sc. ἦν. Rhet. i τ 8, ἀνάγκη ἐπὶ τοῖς κριταῖς καταλείπειν, Eth. 1137 15, ἀνάγκη μὲν εἰπεῖν καθόλου, μὴ οἷόν τε δὲ ὀρθῶς.

οἴονται κτλ.] Plut. So/. 18, λέγεται δὲ καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀσαφέστερον γράψας καὶ πολλὰς ἀντιλήψεις ἔχοντας αὐξῆσαι τὴν τῶν δικαστηρίων ἰσχύν" μὴ δυναμένους yap ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων διαλυθῆναι περὶ ὧν διεφέ- ροντο συνέβαινεν ἀεὶ δεῖσθαι δικαστῶν καὶ πᾶν ἄγειν ἀμφισβήτημα πρὸς ἐκείνους, ‘It is-hardly just to Plutarch’ (says Grote) ‘to make him responsible for the absurd remark that Solon rendered his laws intentionally obscure... We may well doubt whether it was ever seriously intended even by its author, whoever he may have been’ (Grote, c. 11, ii 330). We now see that Plutarch quotes from the text (or from the authority followed in the text), where the authors of this opinion are not specified. The opinion is only quoted to be rejected. The real cause for the obscurity of some of Solon’s laws is introduced with the words οὐ μὴν εἰκὸς κτλ.

ties] The adherents of the Thirty; cf. 35 § 2 (Wilamowitz, i 63).

διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι (sc. Σόλωνα) καθό- λου ἀφ δὰ τὸ βέλτιστον] ‘owing to his being unable to attain the perfection of legislative expression while drawing

38

AOHNAIQN

COL. 3,1. 41—45.

περιλαβεῖν τὸ βέλτιστον" οὐ yap [δ]κ[ αιον] ἐκ τῶν νῦν γυγνομέ- νων ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης πολιτείας θεωρεῖν τὴν ἐκείνου βούλησιν.

10.

a / ἴω al nw ἐν μὲν οὖν τοῖς νόμοις ταῦτα δοκεῖ θεῖναι δημοτικά,

“Ψ an \ la - πρὸ δὲ τῆς νομοθεσίας ποιῆσαι τὴν τῶν χρεῶν ἀποκοπὴν lal A / al a καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα THY τε τῶν μέτρων καὶ σταθμῶν Kal THY τοῦ

X2 ποιηοὰι! (Κ, H-L) potius quam ττοιησὰο᾽ (Wilcken, K-w?, Th) ‘habere videtur L ; neque καὶ, quod se dispexisse putat Wilcken’ (del. K-w®), videre possum,’

Κ΄; ποιῆσαι retinet sed ἐποίησε mavult B* in appendice.

biguum et falsum’ B* in appendice.

3 μετὰ ταῦτα, ‘et am-

up his laws in general terms.’ It is characteristic of a legislator to deal with τὸ καθόλου, leaving the dicast to deal with the details. het. i 1 § 7, μὲν τοῦ νομοθέτου κρίσις οὐ κατὰ μέρος ἀλλὰ περὶ μελλόντων τε καὶ καθόλου ἐστίν, 13 13, συμβαίνει δὲ τοῦτο (τὸ ἐπιεικὲς) τὰ μὲν ἀκόντων τὰ δὲ ἑκόντων τῶν νομοθετῶν, ἀκόντων μὲν ὅταν λάθῃ, ἑκόντων δ᾽ ὅταν μὴ δύνωνται διορίσαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον μὲν καθόλου εἰπεῖν, μὴ δέ, GAN ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολύ. Eth. Nic. v 14, 1137 15, Pol. iii 11, 1282 2, (those in authority must be) κυρίους περὶ ὅσων ἐξαδυνατοῦσιν οἱ νόμοι λέγειν ἀκριβῶς διὰ τὸ μὴ ῥᾷδιον εἶναι καθόλου δηλῶσαι περὶ πάντων, Pol. 1268 39, 1269 ag, 1282 2, 1286 @ το.

περιλαβεῖν, here το definestrictly, deter- mine in express words, draw up in a legal form’ (1, and 8), Plat. Zeg. 823 B, θήρα yap πάμπολύ τι πρᾶγμά ἐστι, περιειλημ- μένον ὀνόματι νῦν σχεδὸν ἑνί. Ar. ΖΞ 1. Nic. v 4, 1130 3, ἑνὶ ὀνόματι περιλαβεῖν (embrace, include) ταῦτα πάντα, iii 12, 1117 21, τύπῳ περιλαβεῖν. Pol. iii τό, 1287 19, τὰ μὲν ἐνδέχεται τοῖς νόμοις περιληφθῆναι, vi 5, 1320 @ 1, νόμοι ot περιλήψονται τὰ σῴζοντα τὰς πολιτείας.

οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον---βούλησιν] One of the writer’s favourite methods of reconstruc- tion is ‘inference from the present to the past, from existing circumstances to their presumable antecedents, from a given state of institutions to a former condition of the same.’ We here find ‘part of a formula for the critical application of this method,’ or rather for the limitations under which it may be applied (Mr Macan, ¥. δ. S., xii 37 f).

τῶν viv γιγνομένων] ‘the present state of things’ in the law courts, with their conflicting arguments as to the law (e.g. of the ἐπίκληρος), which could only be settled by the verdict of the ‘people’ assembled in the court.

Χ § 1. πρὸ δὲ τῆς νομοθεσίας κτλ. Solon’s general legislation falls between the σεισάχθεια and the altération of the currency. There is thus no direct con-

nexion between the change in the coinage and the famous ‘disburdening’ ordinance. It_was not by a modi ion of the

monetary standard that Solon relieved ἢν

the oppressed debtors; it was by an absolute cancelling of the debt. The opposite view was held by Androtion, whose opinion is quoted by Plutarch only to be rejected: So/. 15, καίτοι τινὲς ἔγραψαν, ὧν ἐστὶν ᾿Ανδροτίων, οὐκ ἀποκοπῇ χρεῶν, ἀλλὰ τόκων μετριότητι κουφισθέντας ἀγαπῆσαι τοὺς πένητας, καὶ σεισάχθειαν ὀνομάσαι τὸ φιλανθρώπευμα τοῦτο καὶ τὴν ἅμα τούτῳ γενομένην τῶν τε μέτρων ἐπαύ- ξησιν καὶ τοῦ νομίσματος τιμήν. ἑκατὸν γὰρ ἐποίησε δραχμῶν τὴν μνᾶν πρότερον ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ τριῶν οὖσαν, ὥστ᾽ ἀριθμῷ μὲν ἴσον, δυνάμει δ᾽ ἔλαττον ἀποδιδόντων, ὠφελεῖσθαι μὲν τοὺς ἐκτίνοντας μεγάλα μηδὲν δὲ βλάπτεσθαι τοὺς κομιζομένους. οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι πάντων ὁμοῦ τῶν συμβολαίων ἀναίρεσιν γενέσθαι τὴν σεισάχθειαν, καὶ τούτοις συνᾷάδει μᾶλλον τὰ ποιήματα. τῶν μέτρων καὶ σταθμῶν καὶ... τοῦ νομίσματος αὔξησιν] ‘the augmentation of the measures and weights and of the currency. Andoc. De Myst. 83 (the decree of Tisamenus), πολιτεύεσθαι ᾿Αθηναίους κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, νόμοις δὲ χρῆσθαι τοῖς Σόλωνος καὶ μέτροις καὶ σταθμοῖς. Plato, Leg. 746 D—E, νομίσματα καὶ μέτρα ξηρά τε καὶ ὑγρὰ καὶ σταθμά. It was held by Boeckh (Metrologie, 1838, xv § 2) that Solon ‘not only_debased the coin but also altered the weights and measures.’ Grote dissented from this opinion on the latter point, giving his reasonsin the Classical Museum, i p. 25: ‘I believe that the statement of Androtion...has no reference to the medimnus and mietretes, and that we cannot even deduce from it the vague inference...that Solon made some new arrangement of the measures.’ He inter- prets the words τῶν μέτρων ἐπαύξησιν (Plut.) of the monetary standard alone, referring them to the ‘increased number of drachmae, which every mina and every talent were now made to contain.’ He

he ͵

Vi

τ

CH. 9, 1. 13—CH. 10, ]. 5.

2 νομίσματος αὔξησιν.

TIOAITEIA 30

> x 9 , » , \ \ / / ἐπ᾿ ἐκείνου yap ἐγένετο καὶ τὰ μέτρα μείζω

a / \ ς “Ὁ / ΝΜ \ « / τῶν Φειδωνείων, καὶ μνᾶ πρότερον ἔχουσα σταθμὸν ἑβδομή-

4 ΔΥΖΗΟΙΝ littera Ζ incerta (K, B, K-w®, Th), non ettayZHCIN (olim K-w) nec

KATACTACIN (H-L).

ME€1ZW) (K, K-W, B, Th), non λλειὼ (H-L).

δ ἔχουσα

Wileken (K-w’, Β2-4, K4, Th); [μὲν ἔχ]ουσα ΚΙ; ἕλκουσα, K-W, H-L, Κϑ; ἄγουσα B},

51 coll. c. 51 § 3 τὸν σταθμὸν ἄγοντας.

[σ]ταθμὸν Diels (B2-4, K-w3, K4): παρα-

[πλήσἤιον Κ (51) ; παρὰ [μικρ]ὸν K-W; τρεῖς kal H-L; τὰς γ΄ καὶ BI.

even adds that ‘we know positively that Solon did not meddle with the weights.’ He holds that it was ‘for the express purpose of affording relief to debtors, that Solon degraded the monetary standard, and maintains that Solon ‘would not choose such a moment for rearranging the liquid and dry measures.’ The present passage conclusively confirms the opinion held by Boeckh.

τὴν τοῦνομίσματος αὔξησιν] apparently refers to the fact that Aeginetan drach w ced_by_1 Attic drachmas, so that the same amount of silver was represented by a larger number of coins. This explanation assumes that the weight of the drachmas was altered, while that of the mina remained the same.

§2. τὰ μέτρα μείζω τῶν Φειδωνείων] Hat. vi 127, Φείδωνος τοῦ ᾿Αργείου τυράν- νου...τοῦ τὰ μέτρα ποιήσαντος τοῖς IleXo- ποννησίοισι. The date of Pheidon is dis- puted. He is sometimes placed in ΟἹ. 8=B.c. 748 (Pausan. vi 22, 2, followed by Unger, Duncker, and Busolt, i 140", 6117); sometimes (by altering the text of Pau- sanias) in Ol. 28=B.c. 668 (Weissenborn, followed by Curtius). Hdt. /.c. mentions a son of Pheidon among the suitors of the daughter of Cleisthenes, despot of Sicyon, which would make Pheidon’s date short- ly before 600 B.c. The first of these dates is half a century before the begin- ning of Greek coinage, which may be placed about B.c. 7oo (Busolt, i 6217). The earliest authority for the statement that silver cozws were first struck by Pheidon at Aegina is Ephorus, quoted by Strabo p. 376, "Eqopos δ᾽ ἐν Αὐγίνῃ dp- Ὕυρον πρῶτον κοπῆναί φησιν ὑπὸ Φείδωνος, and p. 358, μέτρα ἐξεῦρε τὰ Φειδώνια καλούμενα καὶ σταθμοὺς καὶ νόμισμα κεχαραγμένον τό τε ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυροῦν (cf. Busolt, i 620? n). This last is the only passage which describes Pheidon as an inventor of weights; and even here the epithet ‘Pheidonian’ is applied to the μέτρα alone. The Marmor Parium, ep. 30, connects him with silver coinage as well as with a reform in the measures of capacity: Φείδων ᾿Αργεῖος ἐδήμευσε τὰ

μέτρα...καὶ ἀνεσκεύασε (‘reformed them’) καὶ νόμισμα ἀργυροῦν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ἐποίησεν. The Etymologicum Magnum, 5. v. ὀβελί- σκος, mentions his coinage, but implies that he made no change in standards of weight. The text mentions him solely in connexion with μέτρα, or ‘measures of capacity,’ and not in connexion with coinage or weights, the present section dealing in order with three topics (1) measures, (2) coinage, (3) weights, which must not be confounded with one another. Similarly, in another of the πολιτεῖαι, that of Argos (Rose, Frag. 480, 3, Pollux ro, 179), μέτρα alone are mentioned in con- nexion with Pheidon: εἴη δ᾽ ἂν καὶ φείδων τι ἀγγεῖον ἐλαιηρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν Φειδωνίων μέτρων ὠνομασμένον, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐν ᾿Αργείᾳ πολιτείᾳ ᾿Αριστοτέλης λέγει.

The present passage tells us for the first time that the Pheidonian measures of capacity were smaller than the cor- responding Attic measures. The Phei- donian scale of measures may be identified with the Babylonian, and the ratio of the Pheidonian to the Solonian measures may accordingly be 12: 13. Thus, in liquid measure, the Solonian μετρητής is already known to have contained about 39 res, or 84 gallons: the Pheidonian μετρητής would therefore contain about 36 /étres, or rather less than 8 gallons, and be identical with the Babylonian esha and the old Egyptian arvtade. Similarly, in dry measure, the Solonian pédiuvos con- tained about 52 /z¢res, or about 12 gallons ; and the Pheidonian, 48 /tves, or about 11 gallons (Hultsch, Meue Jahrb. fir Philologie, 1891, pp. 263-4). For the opinion held hitherto, that the Phei- donian measures were larger than the Solonian, cf. Duncker, Hist. Gr. Bk 11, c. li, vol. ii 26 E. T.

μνᾶ -- ἑκατόν] According to the statement of Androtion in Plut. So/. 15, Solon, in introducing a new standard for silver coin, lowered the standard to the extent of 27 per cent.

silver than 73 of the old. Thus the new mina was equivalent in weight to 73 un- reduced drachmas. As 73 : 100:: 100:

Too drachmas of AE

the new standard contained no more=——

40

᾿ > , »“Ἅ e κοντα δραχμὰς ἀνεπληρώθη ταῖς ἑκατόν. / ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ σταθμὰ πρὸς TO νόμισμα

7 χαρακτὴρ δίδραχμον.

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL. 3, l. 45---4, Ἰ. 3.

|| av δ᾽ ἀρχαῖος [i

6 ταῖς : τότ᾽ eis H-L; els (hiatu admisso) coniecerat Mahaffy (Athenaeum, 1891

(1) 344), sed numerum omnibus notum indicat articulus.

‘eis quae ad summam centum dr. deerant.

coll. Poll. ix 60; χαρακτὴρ <Bois καὶ τὸ νόμισμα:- δίδραχμον Jos. Mayor. σταθμὸν ΚΙ; πρὸς τὸν σταθμὸν τὸ vépioua? H-L.

Κ-νν, Κϑ, B, Th; τὰ σταθμὰ Keil;

' EKATON : τριάκοντα B4, 7 χαρακτὴρ διδράχμου <Bots> Wyse, σταθμὰ

137; hence, roo drachmas of the old standard would be equivalent in weight to 137 of the new. 73 to 100 is pre- cisely the proportion between the Attic drachmas of 67°5 grs. and average Ae- ginetan drachmas of rather over go 27%. (73 : 100 :: 67°5 : 92°4), the Attic mina being to the Aeginetan as I00 : 137 (Head’s Aitstoria Numorum, p. 309"). If, however, instead of taking Aeginetan coins of average weight, we take those of actual maximum weight, the stater of two drachmae weighs 194 975. The cor- responding Attic coin weighs 135 g7s. Then as 194 : 135 :: 100: 693%. Hence the number of drachmas of the Aeginetan standard, which would be equivalent in weight to too Attic drachmas, would be about 694. Thus, the average weights confirm the figure given by Androtion (73), while the maximum weights confirm that in the text (70).

I append the explanation given in Head’s 2nd ed., p. 367:—In the time of Solon ‘the Euboic drachm in its heavy form (commonly known as the didrachm) weighed about 133 grs....The drachm of the old Pheidonian or Aeginetic standard hitherto current...weighed, on the other hand, about 93°1 grs. These two drachms (of 93 and 133 grs.) and their corresponding minae, each containing τοὺ drachms of their respective standards, stood therefore in relation to one another as follows: Pheidonian= Aeginetic dr., 931 grs.; mina, 9310 grs.=70 Euboic drs. LZudoic dr., 133 grs.; mina, 13300 grs.=100 Euboic drs.’

The new standard introduced by Solon in place of the Aeginetan has been con- vincingly proved by Mommsen (om. Miinzwesen, Ρ- 43 sg. Mon. Rom. ed. Blacas, i 29 sgy-, 73 sg.) to have been the

Euboic, and henceforth Euboe 5 νἉ rould vinculatefrecbrin-Atticn cide by side with the new Attic money (Head, ed. I, 310, cf. 302 and xxxvuili—xlii). Thus Solon’s reform of the currency was not necessarily due to economic reasons con- nected with the debts of the poorer citizens. ial object and was intended to facilitate trade with the

neighbouring island of Euboea (especially with Chalcis and—f€retria), with us numerous —Euboean colonies; both ir

Chalcidice-and-in~ the” West, ana-with other Greek cities (for example, Cyrene), where the Euboic standard prevailed. It

‘would also promote trade with Corinth,

where a similar standard was in use (Busolt, i 262? f), and with the Greek colonies in Chalcidice and Sicily (Kohler, in Mitthetl. αἰ, α΄. arch. Inst. 1885, x 151 =-157). It has further been suggested by Mr R. S. Poole (Dict. of the Bible, art. ‘Weights and Measures’) that the new Solonian standard was borrowed from Egypt. The Egyptian unit of weight was 140 grains, and the Solonian didrachm weighed 135 grains. Thus, whether the standard was actually borrowed from Egypt or Euboea, the Solonian coinage would facilitate intercourse with Egypt as well as with the countries where the Euboic standard was in use.

In this connexion it is interesting to notice that, after reforming the currency, and thus facilitating trade with countries employing either the Euboic or the Egyptian standard, Solon set out for Egypt, where he stayed for ten years, one of his avowed objects being the pursuit of commerce.

ἀνεπληρώθη] ‘was raised to the full number of a hundred drachmas.’

ἦν-- δίδραχμον] ‘the primitive type of coin was the two-drachma piece.’ χαρακ- Thp means (1), as here, τὸ κεχαραγμένον, that which has a stamp impressed upon it, cf. Plato, Poltticus, 289 B, τοῦ voulc- ματος ἰδέα καὶ σφραγίδων καὶ παντὸς χαρακτῆρος: (2) the stamp itself, as in Ar. Pol, i 9, 1257 @ 40 χαρακτῆρα ἐπι- βαλόντων, ἵν᾽ ἀπολύσῃ τῆς μετρήσεως

αὐτούς" γὰρ χαρακτὴρ ἐτέθη τοῦ πόσου σημεῖον. Oecon. ii 5 (of Hippias), τὸ δὲ

νόμισμα τὸ ὃν ᾿Αθηναίοις ἀδόκιμον ἐποί- σεν" τάξας δὲ τιμὴν ἐκέλευσε πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀνακομίζειν " συνελθόντων δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ κόψαι ἕτερον χαρακτῆρα ἐξέδωκε τὸ αὐτὸ ἀρ- γύριον.

Before. the time of Solon, the only money current in Attica, as well as in Boeotia and Peloponnesus, seems to have

CH. 10, 1]. 6—9.

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

41

t[pleis καὶ ἑξήκοντα μνᾶς τὸ τάλαντον ἀγούσας, καὶ ἐπιδιενε- μήθησαν [αἱ τ]ρεῖς μναῖ τῷ στατῆρι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις σταθμοῖς.

8 τρεῖς καὶ olim seclusit Κι; ante ἑβδομήκοντα (ν. 5) posuerunt H-L, alii; retinue-

runt K-W, Β, 51, κέ, Th. Herwerden, Papabasileios.

E€ZHKONTA: ὀγδοήκοντα Gertz, Kohler. 9 ai τρεῖς Lehmann, Diels, Wilcken (K-w*, κα, Th) ; αἱ 7 proposuerat B?; [ai] μναῖ K}, BI (51).

ἀγούσας : ἄγον

been the Aeginetan didrachm of about 194 grains; but there are no Athenian coins extant of Aeginetan weight. Thus, apart from mere tradition (Plut. 7hes. 25 ἔκοψε δὲ καὶ νόμισμα βοῦν éyxapdéas), there is no proof of any coins having been struck at Athens before Solon (Head, p- xlii). The text must therefore refer to the old Aeginetan didrachms in circula- tion in Attica before the time of Solon. These coins had on the obverse a tortoise

. with a plain shell and a row of dots down

the middle of its back; and, on the reverse, an incuse square divided into eight triangular compartments, of which four or more are deeply hollowed out (Head, 7.¢., p. 332', fig. 220),

From the time of Solon the standard coin of Athens was the tetradrachm of the

common type is a head of Athena of rude archaic style with large prominent eye, wearing a round earring and close-fitting crested helmet: on the obverse is an owl with head facing and wings closed; also an olive-spray and the letters A Θ E (2d. p.

310°, fig. 209). After the time of Solon, coins of Eretria, stamped with the head of a bull, together with other Euboean

coins, may have circulated in Attica, side

by side with the Solonian ‘owls.’ Philo- chorus, who was an ἱεροσκόπος in 306 B.C.,

_ and ‘therefore not unlikely to have seen _ old coins among the Temple treasures,’

states that the early didrachms, which preceded the Solonian ‘owls,’ were im- pressed with the figure of an ox (Head, lc. p. 3662). Cf. Schol. on Arist. Av. 1106, γλαῦξ ἐπὶ χαράγματος ἦν τετραδράχμου, ὡς Φιλόχορος" ἐκλήθη δὲ τὸ νόμισμα τὸ τετράδραχμον τότε [ἡ] γλαῦξ. ἦν γὰρ γλαῦξ ἐπίσημον καὶ πρόσωπον ᾿Αθηνᾶς, τῶν πρότερον διδράχμων ὄντων ἐπίσημον δὲ βοῦν ἐχόντων. Pollux, ix 60, δίδραχμον" τὸ παλαιὸν δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἦν ᾿Αθη- ναίοις νόμισμα, καὶ ἐκαλεῖτο βοῦς, ὅτι βοῦν εἶχεν ἐντετυπωμένον. We cannot, how- ever, ignore the fact that archaic coins of Euboea, bearing the bull’s head, have repeatedly been found in Attica (cf. Koehler, Mitthetlungen, ix 357-9).

ἐποίησε--ἀγούσας] ‘He also instituted standard weights. corresponding to the coinage, 63 minae weighing the talent,’ ζ.6. ‘at the rate of 63 minae to the weight of a talent.’ Cf. c. 51, τὸν σταθμὸν ἄγοντας ὅσον ἂν οὗτοι τάξωσιν.

Needless difficulty has been felt respect- ing these 63 minae, on the ground that, in every standard, a talent invariably consists of 60 minae. But the text simply states the weight of the trade- talent in terms of the coinage-mina.

Solon made his new talent consist of 63 old minae of the average Euboic weight; and this talent was, like all other talents, divided into 60 minae. ‘A talent weighing 63 of the Solonian coin-minae would weigh between 54558 and 53802 grammes, or (if we calculate from the normal weight of the Solonian mina of 873 2 grammes) 55011 ‘6grammes.’ The weights of the corresponding trade- minae in the new σταθμὰ would be go09°3, 896°7, and g16°86. These results are confirmed by a series of extant Attic weights varying from 924 ὍἹ to 883 Ὁ2 grammes (G. F. Hill, Solon’s Reform of the Attic Standard, in Numismatic Chron, Xvii (1907) 6).

ἐπιδιενεμήθησαν σταθμοῖς] ‘The pro- portional parts of the three minae were ᾿ added to (or ‘distributed over’) the stater and the other weights.’ ἐπιδιανέμω, ‘‘ ‘to distribute besides,’ Philo 2, 651; τινί τι Josephus, 2. Δ 2, 6, 3” (1, and 8):

στατὴρ is the general term for a stand-

42 11.

AOHNAIQN

COL. 4, |. 4—16.

/ διατάξας δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν ὅνπερ εἴρηται τρόπον, ἐπειδὴ

“Ὁ “4 > 4 \ a προσιόντες αὐτῷ περὶ τῶν νόμων ἠνώχλουν, TA μὲν ἐπιτιμῶντες

\ \ ? , / ! an a ie > τὰ δὲ ἀνακρίνοντες, βουλόμενος μὴητε ταῦτα κινεῖν μὴτ ἀπε-

΄ , > / > / Ἄτην ΟΝ / \ χθάνεσθαι παρών, ἀποδημίαν ἐποιήσατο κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν ἅμα καὶ 5 θεωρίαν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ε[ἐπ͵]ὼν ὡς οὐχ [ἥ]ξει δέκα ἐτῶν" οὐ yap

a , > οἴεσθαι δίκαιον εἶναι τοὺς νόμους ἐξηγεῖσθαι παρών, ἀλλ᾽ ἕκαστον

τὰ γεγραμμένα ποιεῖν.

v4 \ \ / > a a ἅμα δὲ Kai συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ τῶν τε

γνωρίμων. διαφόρους γεγενῆσθαι πολλοὺς διὰ τὰς τῶν χρεῶν

XI 2 ενωχλουὺν (K!, K-w, B, K*): ἠνώχλουν. Jos. Mayor (H-L, K%, Th).

3 KEINEIN.

cerat van Leeuwen; [περὶ Κα]νώπου [πόλ]ει olim K.

δ εἰπὼν ws οὐχ ἥξει Wessely, Blass (K°, K-w%, Th); λέγων κτλ. conie-

6 δίκαιος Jackson (H-L).

7 ποιεῖν K-W, B, K*, Th: ποιῆσαι K!, H-L, 51.

TESTIMONIA. 2—5 Heraclidis Epitoma, Rose, Frag. 611, 3°, ws δὲ διώχλουν (codd. ; δ᾽ ἐνώχλουν K-W) αὐτῷ τινὲς περὶ τῶν νόμων, ἀπεδήμησεν els Αἴγυπτον.

ard unit of weight or (more frequently) of money. It here denotes the trade- weight of a fiftieth part of a mina. The whole sentence implies that the trade- weights were the coin-weights increased by five per cent. (Hill, Zc. 7).

XI τ. διατάξα-.---ποιεῖν] Plut. So/. 25, ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν νόμων εἰσενεχθέντων ἔνιοι τῷ Σόλωνι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην προσήεσαν ἡμέραν ἐπαινοῦντες ψέγοντες συμβουλεύοντες ἐμβάλλειν τοῖς γεγραμμένοις τι τύχοιεν ἀφαιρεῖν, πλεῖστοι δ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ πυνθανόμενοι καὶ ἀνακρίνοντες καὶ κελεύοντες αὐτὸν ὅπως ἕκαστον ἔχει καὶ πρὸς ἣν κεῖται διάνοιαν ἐπεκδιδάσκειν καὶ σαφηνίζειν, ὁρῶν, ὅτι ταῦτα καὶ τὸ πράττειν ἄτοπον καὶ τὸ μὴ πράττειν ἐπίφθονον, ὅλως δὲ ταῖς ἀπορίαις ὑπεκστῆναι βουλόμενος καὶ διαφυγεῖν τὸ δυσάρεστον καὶ φιλαίτιον τῶν πολιτῶν (ἔργμασι γὰρ ἐν μεγάλοις πᾶσιν ἁδεῖν χαλεπόν, ὡς αὐτὸς εἴρηκε), πρόσχημα τῆς πλάνης τὴν ναυκληρίαν ποιησάμενος ἐξέ- πλευσε SexaeTH παρὰ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπο- δημίαν αἰτησάμενος. ἤλπιζε γὰρ ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ καὶ τοῖς νόμοις αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι συνήθεις. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀφίκετο καὶ διέτριψεν, ὡς αὐτός φησι, Νείλου ἐπὶ προχοῇσι Κανωβίδος ἐγγύθεν

ἀκτῆς.

ἠνώχλουν] This form is found in Xen. Cyr. v 3, 56, Isocr. 5 53, Aeschin. 1 8 58, Dem. Lacr. τό, Olymp. 19. In Lacr. 30 the Mss vary between ἐνωχλοῦ- μὲ (2 and other Mss), ἐνοχλοῦμεν (Aug. 1), ἠνωχλοῦμεν (vulgo). The Rhet. ad Alex. 1445 2 has ἠνώχλησαν. In Aeschin. 3 § 44 the Mss vary between ἠνωχλεῖτο (Bekker, Franke, Schultz), and ἐνωχλεῖτο. Voemel, Proleg. Dem. 67, quotes Photius: ἠνείχετο καὶ ἠνώχλει...

κοινὸν τῶν ᾿Αττικῶν ἰδίωμα. See also Lobeck’s Phrynichus, p. 154.

παρών] placed immediately before ἀποδημίαν, to form a contrast with it (Kaibel, 96).

ἀποδημίαν ἐποιήσατο] c. 13 inzt. It is suggested by Wilamowitz, i 15, that the substance of lines 4—10 comes from two of the lost poems of Solon.

οὐχ ἥξει] ‘will not return.’ ἥκειν Ξξ ἐπανελθεῖν, cf. Dem. 73, ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ οὐχ ἧκον, and Xen. Anad. ii g, 1, ἐγὼ δ᾽ αὐτίκα ἥξω (Kaibel, 146).

δέκα ἐτῶν] For the fact cf. Hdt. i 29, ἀπεδήμησε ἔτεα δέκα. For the construc- tion, cf. 2b. vi 58, ἐπεὰν θάψωσι, ἀγορὴ δέκα ἡμερέων οὐκ ἵσταταί σφι. Xen. Anad. i 7, 18, οὐ μαχεῖται δέκα ἡμερῶν. Plat. Gorg. 516 Ὁ, ἵνα αὐτοῦ δέκα ἐτῶν μὴ ἀκούσειαν τῆς φωνῆς (of Cimon’s exile).

οὐ γὰρ οἴεσθαι δίκαιον εἶναι---παρών] The nom. c. inf. after δίκαιον εἶναι ma perhaps be defended (1) by Dem. 15 § 16, ὧν οὐδενὸς αὐτοὶ δοῦναι δίκην δίκαιον ἂν εἶναι (where, however, several editors prefer δίκαιοι dv, which involves a Azatus) ; (2) by Dem. Prooem. p. 1439, 14, ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ δίκαιον ὑπείληφα πρῶτον ἁπάντων αὐτὸς εἰπεῖν : (3) Dem. Zp. 3 35, τὴν αὐτὴν εὔνοιαν ἣν πρὸς ζῶντα Λυκοῦργον εἶχον, δίκαιον εἶναι νομίζω καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ φαίνεσθαι ἔχων. In the text the construction after δίκαιον εἶναι is apparently

identical with that often found after δεῖν.

(Rehdantz, Jud. Dem. 5, v. οἴεσθαι).

§ 2. ἅμα δὲ καὶ κτλ.] Plut. Sol. 16 init., ἤρεσε δ᾽ οὐδετέροις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλύπησε Kal τοὺς πλουσίους ἀνελὼν τὰ συμβόλαια καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι τοὺς πένητας, ὅτι γῆς ἀναδασμὸν οὐκ ἐποίησεν ἐλπίσασιν αὐτοῖς.

RY

ae a ee ee iti tl

a : + 2

CH. 11, 1. 1—CH. 12,]. 5. TITOAITEIA

43

> 4 \ \ / > / θέ \ \ / ἀποκοπάς, καὶ Tas στάσεις ἀμφοτέρας μεταθέσθαι διὰ τὸ παρά- μὲν γὰρ δῆμος ᾧετο / > / / > / e \ / 4 > \

πάντ᾽ avadacta ποιήσειν αὐτόν, οἱ δὲ γνώριμοι πάλιν [lets] τὴν αὐτὴν τάξιν ἀποδώσειν μ[ικ]ρ[ὸ]ν παραλλάξ[ειν]. (ὁ δὲ) Σόλων / > , \ ΩΝ > Lal > «ς > 4

ἀμφοτέροις ἠναντιώθη, καὶ ἐξὸν αὐτῷ μεθ᾽ ὁποτέρων ἐβούλετο συστάντα τυραννεῖν εἵλετο πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθέσθαι, σώσας

a / \ S0fov αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι τὴν κατάστασιν.

τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὰ βέλτιστα νομοθετήσας.

12.

a a \ ταῦτα δ᾽ ὅτι τοῦτον (Tov) τρόπον ἔσχεν οἵ τ᾽ ἄλλοι

n Ul \ 3 Ν > lal 7 συμφωνοῦσι πάντες καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ ποιήσει μέμνηται περὶ

> A 3 -“ αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖσδε"

δήμῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκα τόσον γέρας ὅσσον ἀπαρκεῖ,

τιμῆς οὔτ᾽ ἀφελὼν οὔτ᾽ ἐπορεξάμενος"

K...CTACIN

10 THNIC ANTAZIN: τὴν οὖσαν κατάστασιν K!; τὴν κατάστασιν Wilcken (K-w,

B, K*); τὴν οὖσαν τάξιν H-L, τὴν νέαν τάξιν Diels.

κ-νν 18, Β1.2: κ-νν2, sl, B24,

11 e€1c (K, H-L, Th); secl.

12 σμικρὸν] παραλλάξ[ειν" δὲ] Blass (H-L, K3);

[μικρὸν] κτλ. (K-W, Β2, K4); μικρὸν παραλλάξαντα " Σόλων δὲ B?; μ. π. δὲ BY; μ. παραλ-

λάξ[ειν] Σόλων Wilcken; μ. παραλλάξ[ειν] <6 δὲ:- Σόλων K4, Th.

13 HBOYAETO

(K-W, B), quod in titulis Atticis ante annum 300 A.C. non apparet, Meisterhans p. 169%.

14 σύστα[ντ]α K-w?, Β2, κέ, Th; σύσταϊντι] olim Κ (51).

Wyse etc.; ἀπεχθάνεσθαι Aristides.

XII 1 <rov> propter homoeoteleuton exciderat ; addidit kK.

B, Th): εἶχεν K-W. 4 AHMOI.

κράτος Plut.

ex Plutarcho correctum.

TESTIMONIA. XI12 Aristides infra exscriptus.

ATTEXSECOHNAI Corr.

ECXEN (K, H-L, γέρας (quod cum τιμῆς quadrat aptius) :

ἀπαρκεῖ : ἐπαρκεῖ Plut. (B!), ubi ἀπαρκεῖ coniecerat Coraés ; ἐπαρκεῖν Brunck, ἀπαρκεῖν H-L (nisi forte ἀπήρκει legendum).

5—6 ATTOpeEZAMENOCOCO!

XII 4—9 Plut. So/. 18.

μεταθέσθαι] ‘changed their opinion with regard to him,’ 2.6. were alienated from him.’ Hdt. vii 18, τὴν γνώμην μετατίθεμαι.

μὲν γὰρ δῆμος κτλ.] Plut. So/. 14, Φανίας Λέσβιος αὐτὸν ἱστορεῖ τὸν Σόλωνα χρησάμενον ἀπάτῃ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς πόλεως ὑποσχέσθαι κρύφα τοῖς μὲν ἀπόροις τὴν νέμησιν, τοῖς δὲ χρηματι- κοῖς βεβαίωσιν τῶν συμβολαίων.

ἀνάδαστα] Thuc. v 4, 2 τὴν γῆν ἀναδάσασθαι, Dem. 24 149, γῆς dvadac- μόν, Plat. Leg. 684.

ἐξὸν αὐτῷ κτλ.] Paraphrased by Aristides, li 360 Dind., παρὸν αὐτῷ στασιαζούσης τῆς πόλεως ὁποτέρων βούλοιτο προστάντι

τυραννεῖν, ἀπεχθάνεσθαι μᾶλλον ἀμφοτέροις

εἵλετο ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαίου KTH.

XII τ. δήμῳ.-- ἀδίκως] These six lines are quoted in Plut. So/. 18=frag. 5 Bergk. We have apparently a prose paraphrase of the first four lines in Pod. 1274 @ 15—19, Σολών ye ἔοικε τὴν ἀναγ- καιοτάτην ἀποδίδοναι τῷ δήμῳ δύναμιν, τὸ τὰς ἀρχὰς αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ εὐθύνειν... τὰς δ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐκ τῶν γνωρίμων καὶ τῶν εὐπόρων

κατέστησε πάσας (Wilamowitz i 71 ἢ. 433 Hicks, Pol. p. 681).

]. 4.. ἀπαρκεῖ] ‘is sufficient,’ as in Aesch. Pers. 474, Soph. O. C. 1769, Eur. frag. 892, 4 Nauck?, ὧν οὐκ ἀπαρκεῖ πλη- σμονή, Arist. frag. 395 οὐκ ἀπήρκει, ‘it was not enough’ (1, and 5). Grote (ii 326), who had before him Plutarch’s reading ἐπαρκεῖ, translates: I gave to the people as much strength as sufficed for their needs’; but ἐπαρκεῖν must mean either (a) ‘to supply’ or (4) ‘to be strong enough’ (whether to help or to hinder). Plutarch’s ἐπαρκεῖ is the only instance of the absolute use of the verb given in L and S, except Soph. Azz. 612, ἐπαρκέσει νόμος ὅδ᾽, ‘this law shall prevail’ or ‘hold good,’=dtapxéoex. Such is the satisfactory explanation given by Professor Jebb, who adds that in the only other instance, z.¢. in Plutarch’s quotation from Solon, ‘we must surely read ἀπαρκεῖ with Coraés.’ This opinion is conclusively confirmed by the reading given us by the

papyrus.

15

44 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL. 4, 1. 16----20.

“Δ > s 4 \ / 3 ᾿᾽ ,

οἱ δ᾽ εἶχον δύναμιν καὶ χρήμασιν ἦσαν ἀγητοί, καὶ τοῖς ἐφρασάμην μηδὲν ἀεικὲς ἔχειν.

ἔστην δ᾽ ἀμφιβαλὼν κρατερὸν σάκος ἀμφοτέροισι,

lal > > ΡΜ ° > / 350. νικᾶν δ᾽ οὐκ εἴασ᾽ οὐδετέρους ἀδίκως.

το πάλιν δ᾽ ἀποφαινόμενος περὶ τοῦ πλήθους, ὡς αὐτῷ δεῖ χρῆσθαι"

δῆμος δ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἂν ἄριστα σὺν ἡγεμόνεσσιν ἕποιτο, 7 / 3 \ / ΄ μήτε λίαν ἀνεθεὶς μήτε βιαζόμενος.

τίκτει γὰρ κόρος ὕβριν, ὅταν πολὺς ὄλβος ἕπηται ἀνθρώποισιν ὅσοις μὴ νόος ἄρτιος %.

\ ay $Y rom θί λέ \ a 7, θ \ 5" 15 Kab TAALV ETEPWOUL ποὺυ λέγει πέρι τῶν οιανειμασσαν Τὴν YD ᾿

βουλομένων"

οἱ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγαῖσιν ἦλθον, ἐλπίδ᾽ εἶχον ἀφνεὰν

/ Ψ > v ε / 4 κἀδόκουν ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ὄλβον εὑρήσειν πολύν,

, / / \ > al / καί με κωτίλλοντα λείως τραχὺν ἐκφανεῖν νόον"

7 Toto’ H-L.

12 λίην et πιεζόμενος Plut.

13 πτολγο : κακῷ Theognis 153.

14 ἀνθρώπῳ καὶ ὅτῳ Theognis 154; ἀνθρώποισιν ὅτῳ Hartung ap. Bergk ad Theogn,

(ὅτοις Hude). 15 καὶ secl. K-w.

δ᾽ secludere malebat Β (Th).

δ᾽ ἑτέρωθί

που R D Hicks, Wyse, A Sidgwick, idem ego quoque conieceram (K-W, Κϑ, B, Th) ; δ᾽ ἄλλοθί που Jos. Mayor, Bywater; ἀλλαχόθι ποῦ Naber (H-L); διαγνῶθι ποῦ K!.

διανέμεσθαι H-L. 148. v 4, 13, ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγῇ.

17 οἱ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγαῖσιν ἐλπίδ᾽ ἤλιθ᾽ εἶχον coni. K-W?, cf. Kaibel ἁρπαγαῖς συνῆλθον Sakell., ἁρπαγῇ συνῆλθον Richards, coll. Solon fragm. 18 ‘fortasse αὐτός Richards.

19 κἀμὲ K-w*.

TESTIMONIA, 11—14 Plut. Comp. Sol. εὐ Popl. 2.

2. δηῆμος--βιαζόμενος] quoted in Plut. Solonzs et Poplicolae comparatio, c. 2; frag. 6 Bergk.

τίκτει--ἔπηται] quoted as Solon’s by Clemens Alexandrinus (Stromateus, vi 740): Σόλωνος δὲ ποιήσαντος " τίκτει yap (υ. 4. τοι) κτλ. ἄντικρυς Θέογνις γράφει" τίκτει τοι κόρος ὕβριν ὅταν κακῷ ὄλβος ἕπηται (Theognis 153, followed by the line ἀνθρώπῳ, καὶ ὅτῳ μὴ νόος ἄρτιος 7). The Schol. on Pindar O/. xiii 12 cites the first line as’ ‘Homers.’ In the Proverbs of Diogenianus, viii 22, it appears in the form τίκτει τοι---κακῷ ἀνδρὶ παρείη.

Diog. Laert. i 59 quotes, among the apophthegms of Solon ; καὶ τὸν μὲν κόρον

ὑπὸ τοῦ πλούτου γεννᾶσθαι, τὴν δὲ ὕβριν ᾿

ὑπὸ τοῦ κόρου.

§ 3. καὶ πάλιν δ᾽ καὶ---δὲ is common in Ar.; ¢.g. Pol. 1252 @ 13, 12546 24, 1287@ 7, 12976 16; and especially in Ethics iv, vili, 1x, x; ‘adjungit autem καὶ----δὲ rem novam, saepe tam leni modo, ut idem fere valeat atque τέ. Etiam saepius quam Aristoteles Theophrastus iis particulis utitur’ (in the Astoria Plantarum there are about too instances;

¥

in the Characters more than 7o)—Eucken, De Ar. dicendi ratione, i 32.

ἑτέρωθί που λέγει] Ar. de Anima i 2, 4046 2, (’Avatarydpas) πολλαχοῦ μὲν γὰρ τὸ αἴτιον τοῦ κἀλῶς καὶ ὀρθῶς τὸν νοῦν λέγει, ἑτέρωθι δὲ τοῦτον εἷναι τὴν ψυχήν, De Partibus Animalium, iii 2, 663 4 3, ἑτέρωθί που τοῦ σώματος. Plut. Sol. 2, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρωθι λέγει (of Solon),

ll. 17-25. ot δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγαῖσιν --ἔχειν] Lines 17-19, 24 and 25 are entirely new ; 20 and 21 are quoted by Plutarch So/. 16; part of 22, 23 by Aristides, ii 536 Dind., δὲ δὴ Σόλων καὶ βιβλίον ἐξεπίτηδες πεποί- nkev...els αὑτὸν καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πολιτείαν, ἐν ἄλλα τε δὴ λέγει καὶ ταῦτα᾽ μὲν---- ἔρδον. Two other fragments in the same metre are assigned by Bergk to the same poem. The first of these is described in Plut. Sol. 14 as addressed πρὸς Φῶκον ; the second is quoted by Plutarch imme- diately afterwards, beginning with οὐκ, ἔφυ Σόλων βαθύφρων.

1. 19. καί με κωτίλλοντα---νόον] ‘and that I, though smoothly glozing, would reveal my rude intent.’ ἐκῴφανεῖν cannot be translated as though it were synonym- ous with κρύψαι. For κωτίλλοντα λείως,

= ΒδθΝΝΝΝΝΝ.

" 5 ᾿ = 4 τ

ΟΗ. 12, |. 6----20. TIOAITEIA 45

\ δ΄ 5 7 lal / 4 χαῦνα μὲν τότ᾽ ἐφράσαντο, viv δέ μοι χολούμενοι λοξὸν ὀφθαλμοῖσ᾽ ὁρῶσι πάντες ὥστε δήιον. οὐ χρεών: μὲν γὰρ εἶπα σὺν θεοῖσιν ἤνυσα, ἄξλλ]α δ᾽ ο[ὑ] μάτην ἔερδον, οὐδέ μοι τυραννίδος ἁνδάνει βίᾳ τι [ῥέζ]ειν, οὐδὲ πιείρας χθονὸς πατρίδος κακοῖσιν ἐσθλοὺς ἰσομοιρίαν ἔχειν. [πάλιν] δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀπ[ οκ]οπῆς τῶν χ[ρε]ῶν καὶ τῶν δουλευόν- \ / \ \ \ , των μὲν πρότερον, ἐχλευθερωθέντων δὲ διὰ τὴν σεισάχθειαν" ἐγὼ δὲ τῶν μὲν οὕνεκα ξυνήγαγον δῆμον, τί τούτων πρὶν τυχεῖν ἐπαυσάμην ;

21 ὀφθαλμοῖσ᾽ Β, Κα, ΤῊ. ΔΗΙΟΝ Plut. (K-w, κϑ,Β, Th) : δήιοι in Plutarcho Reiskium secutus Bergk (Κὶ', H-L). 22 μὲν yap. ἄελπτα Aristidis (ii 536) codices TO; ἅμα yap ἄελπτα Stephanus, S Jebb; μὲν ἄελπτα coniecit Gaisford, recepit Bergk, versus initium arbitrati. 23 ἅμα (ἄλλα Gaisford) δ᾽ οὐ μάτην Aristides, ubi αὖ μάτην Bergk, unde [ἀλλὰ δ᾽ αἹὖ μ[άτην xk}, ἀλλὰ δ᾽ οὐ μάτην Bury, H-L, K-w, K%, Β, Th. 24 ἥνδανεν Richards. 26 [πάλιν] B, K-wh?3.,.€ Wilcken (K-w*) ; λέγει Kontos. ἀποκοπῆς τῶν χρεῶν Wessely (K°, B, K-w?, Th): ἀπο[ρί]ας τῆς τῶν [πενήτ]ων K! (H-L) ; ἀπ[ορίας] τῆς τῶν [ὑπόχρεων K-W?. <tepl> τῶν δουλ. Kaibel. 26—52 δουλευόντων---ἐχηρώθη πόλις in fragmenti Berolinensis pagina prima continetur. 27 <rére> διὰ H-L. 28 οὕνεκα, in poetis Atticis a criticis suspectum, saeculi quinti et sexti in titulis legitur, CIA iv 491, 8 ἀρετῆς οὕνεκα καὶ φιλίας (saec. v), CIA i 487, 1 οὕνεκα πιστὸς ἔφυς (saec. vi—v), Meisterhans, p- 2163. οὕνεκα ξ. νήγαγον H-L. οὕνεκα ξυνήγαγον (B, S!, Κ- νν, κι, Th). εἵνεκα ξυνήγαγον Platt. Equidem ΟΥΝΕΚΔΖΥΝΗΓΑΓΟΝ in papyro cerni posse puto, recte tamen animadvertit K supra litteram 2 scriptum esse 0, et litteras far litteris AaT aut CAT prorsus esse similes. οὕνεκ᾽ ἀξονήλατον K!; εἵνεκ᾽ ἀξονήλατον K-W!, ἀξονη- λατῶν K-w?, οὕνεκα ξενήλατον Jackson et Tyrrell (cf. Plut. So/. 13 ἐπὶ τὴν ξένην πιπρασκόμενοι, 20. 15 ἀνήγαγεν ἀπὸ ξένης, et inf. vv. 36—39). οὕνεκ᾽ ἐξανήγαγον van Leeuwen. odunv; RC Jebb, cuius interpretationem unice veram esse patet (B!, B?, K-w, Th). 29 δῆμον τι τούτων πρὶν τυχῶν ἐπαυσάμην, ΚΙ. δῆμόν τι τούτων πρὶν τυχί εἴ]ν ἐπαυσάμην, K-W, alii; τοιούτων Sidgwick, τοιούτων πρὶν τυχὼν van Leeuwen. τί τού- τῶν πρὶν τυχεῖν ἐπαυσάμην ; recte Jebb et Blass, qui tamen in 88 maluit δῆμον, τί; τούτων πρὶν τυχεῖν ἐπαυσάμην ; coll. Dem. 20, 60. τέλους δὲ πρὶν. τυχεῖν ἐπαυσάμην

τῶν μὲν οὕνεκα ξυνήγαγον δῆμον, τί τούτων πρὶν τυχεῖν ἐπαυ-͵

Platt. TESTIMONIA,

20, 21 Plut. So/. 16.

22—23 Aristid. ii 536.

cf. Theognis 852, ὃς τὸν ἑταῖρον μαλθακὰ κωτίλλων ἐξαπατᾶν ἐθέλει, and similarly ἡδέα and αἱμύλα κωτίλλειν.

8 4. ἐγὼ δὲ-- ἐπαυσάμην ;] In the first line I accept ξυνήγαγον. For the second, I adopt a suggestion due to Professor Jebb, who makes the sentence interrogative. He adds that the rhetorical emphasis obtained by placing the relative clause (τῶν μὲν) before the antecedent (τούτων) seems to confirm the view that this is a question. ‘But, as to the ends for which 1 formed the popular party, or (less probably) gathered the people into one (by healing the divisions which separated the various orders in the state), why did

I desist before I had attained those

ends?’

~

(With ἐπαυσάμην, cf. 1. 63 in

fragment at the end of this chapter: ‘anyone else would of have restrained the people’ οὐδ᾽ ἐπαύσατο κτλ.) Solon

is here quoting the question addressed to

him by some of his opponents who held that he had not carried his reforms far enough. He is in fact putting in his own words the complaint which elsewhere he gives in the words of the malcontents, περιβαλὼν δ᾽ ἄγραν ἀγασθεὶς οὐκ ἐπέσπασεν μέγα | δίκτυον (frag. 33 Bergk4, 1. 3). In the triumphant συμμαρτυροίη xrr., he seems to say, in Prof. Jebb’s view, ‘Earth is the best witness whether I had cause enough τοῦ τὸν δῆμον συναγαγεῖν, without going on to do those things which I am blamed for not doing.’ Prof. Jebb further points out thatit is probable that the

20

25

30

46

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

COL. 4, l. 29—34.

συμμαρτυροίη ταῦτ᾽ ἂν ἐν δίκῃ χρόνου μήτηρ μεγίστη δαιμόνων ᾿Ολυμπίων ἄριστα, Τῇ μέλαινα, τῆς ἐγώ ποτε ὅρους ἀνεῖλον πολλαχῇ πεπηγότας,

33 πολλαχῇ : πολλαχοῦ Plut. codices nonnulli, quod etiam v. 39 fortasse praestat;

cf. Platt, Journ. of Phil. xxiv 251 f.

TESTIMONIA. 30—54 Aristid. ii 536-8.

33, 34 Plut. Sol. 15.

first two lines formed a separate sentence, as Aristides does not quote them, and it is unlikely that he would have begun his quotation with thethird line, συμμαρτυροίη, κτλ., if it had been in the middle of a sentence. I may add that the sense thus gained is confirmed by a subsequent line, 1. 44, in which Solon protests that he has performed all that he has promised : διῆλθον ws ὑπεσχόμην. Cf. 1. 22, a μὲν yap εἶπα σὺν θεοῖσιν ἤνυσα.

This last consideration is also in favour of an interpretation suggested to me by Professor Diels, who (like H. N. Fowler and _Hude) takes τί as the object of τυχεῖν, and understands the sentence as meaning: ‘is there any one of these (aims) that I left unfulfilled?’ In Attic verse Tvyxdvew governs the acc. as well as the gen.

Mr Arthur Platt (Journal of Philology, xxiv 250) declines to take τῶν as equiva- lent to ὧν, and objects to the absence of an antithesis to μὲν ; he therefore takes τῶν οὕνεκα as in 1. 53, and proposes in the second line τέλους δὲ πρὶν τυχεῖν ἐπαυ- σάμην.

ll. 30—54. συμμαρτυροίη -- AiKos] Quoted by Aristides, ii 536-8, in two portions, (a) ll. 30—49 ending οὐκ ἂν κατέσχε δῆμον, and (6) εἰ yap ἤθελον to the end. (4) is introduced with the words: εἶτα τί φησὶν Σόλων ;

1. 3ο. ἐν δίκῃ χρόνου] possibly (1) be- fore the tribunal of time,’ a bold expres- sion, but less bold than that in Eur. Bacch. 889, δαρὸν χρόνου πόδα. Or, less probably, (2) ‘in the justice of time,’ z.e. ‘justice which time eventually brings.’ συμμαρ- τυρεῖν is combined with χρόνος in Xen. ffeil. ili 3 § 2, συνεμαρτύρησε δὲ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ἀληθέστατος λεγόμενος χρόνος εἶναι. Solon appeals to Earth to bear witness before the tribunal of Time that he had attained the ends he had in view.

1, 31. μήτηρ--Τἢ] Even the Attic land set free from its encumbrances is boldly personified as Mother Earth. Cf. Plato, Leg. 740A, δεῖ τὸν λαχόντα τὴν λῆξιν ταύτην νομίζειν μὲν κοινὴν αὐτὴν τῆς πόλεως ξυμπάσης, πατρίδος δὲ οὔσης τῆς χώρας θε-

ραπεύειν αὐτὴν δεῖ μειζόνως μητέρα παῖδας, τῷ καὶ δέσποιναν θεὸν αὐτὴν οὖσαν θνητῶν ὄντων γεγονέναι, and 741, τῆς γῆς ἱερᾶς οὔσης τῶν πάντων θεῶν.

ll. 33, 34. ὅρους---ἐλευθέρα] These lines, and part of ll. 38—41, are quoted in Plut. Sol. 15, σεμνύνεται yap Σόλων ἐν τούτοις, ὅτι τῆς τε προὐποκειμένης γῆς

ὅρους ἀνεῖλε---νῦν ἐλευθέρα" καὶ τῶν ἀγωγίμων πρὸς ἀργύριον γεγονότων πολιτῶν τοὺς μὲν ἀνήγαγεν ἀπὸ ξένης γλῶσσαν οὐκέτ᾽ ᾿Αττικὴν---ἔχοντας.

1. 33. ὅρους] Sir George Cox, Hist. of Greece, i 201, has suggested that this means boundaries, and similarly in the Edinburgh Review, 1891, p. 493, ‘These boundary stones were the marks of the religious ownership of the Eupatrids.’ This view is refuted in Mr Evelyn Ab- bott’s History of Greece, i 407.

As regards the meaning of ὅρος and cognate words in early Greek literature, the ambiguity in //. xii 421, ἀμφ᾽ οὔροισι δύ᾽ dvépe δηριάασθον, is made clear by other passages, which prove that the ovpa are ‘stones (xxii 405) marking off the allot- ments, and are easily moveable by a frau- dulent neighbour (xxi 489),’ Leaf ad doc. In Hdt. i 93 οὖροι is used of stones bear- ing inscriptions. In the present passage we have the earliest instance of ὅροι in the sense of ‘mortgage pillars,’ stone- slabs or tablets set up on mortgaged pro- perty, to serve as a bond or register of the debt’ (Land 5). This use iscommon in the time of Demosthenes, e.g. Or. 31 § 1, τίθησιν ὅρους ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν οἰκίαν δισχι- λίων, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ χωρίον ταλάντου, 42 8 5, οὐδεὶς ὅρος ἔπεστιν ἐπὶ τῇ ἐσχατιᾷ, and 8 28, ἐκέλευον δεῖξαι ὅρον εἴπου ἔπεστι, 49 8 13, τοὺς ὅρους ἀνέσπακε, ‘has (illicitly) removed the tablets,’ and § 11, οὐσία ὑπόχρεως ἦν ἅπασα καὶ ὅροι αὐτῆς ἕστα- σαν, 2b. § 61, ὅσοις αὐτοῦ οὐσία ἀφωρισ- μένη ἦν, 25 § 609, οἱ τεθέντες ὅροι ἑστη- κότες, 41 § 6, ὅρους ἐπιστῆσαι χιλίων δραχμῶν ἐμοὶ τῆς προικὸς ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν. Isaeus 6 § 56, ὅπως... ὅροι τεθεῖεν. In Theophrastus (Char. 1o=24 Jebb) it is characteristic of the penurious person

CH. 12, 1]. 3ο---38.

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

. 47

πρόσθεν δὲ δουλεύουσα, νῦν ἐλευθέρα. πολλοὺς δ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας, πατρίδ᾽ εἰς θεόκτιτον, > / / A > /

ἀνήγαγον πραθέντας, ἄλλον ἐκδίκως,

ἄλλον δικαίως, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ

χρειοῦς φυγόντας, γλῶσσαν οὐκέτ᾽ ᾿Αττικὴν

84 δὲ : γε Jos. Mayor (H-L). Aristidis codices prope omnes.

TESTIMONIA.

νῦν δ᾽ H-L. 38 χρησμὸν λέγοντας (quod intelligi nequit) Aristides.

88—41 γλῶσσαν ἔχοντας Plut. So/. 15.

35 BEOKTICTON : idem habent

38—41, 43 Plut. So/. 15.

to inspect the ὅροι day by day to see if they remain thesame. Harpocr. s.v. ὅρος" οὕτως ἐκάλουν οἱ ᾿Αττικοὶ τὰ ἐπόντα ταῖς ὑποκειμέναις οἰκίαις καὶ χωρίοις γράμματα, δηλοῦντα ὅτι ὑποκεῖνται δανειστῇ.

Originally the ὅρος was doubtless a boundary-stone or land-mark. In the absence of other means of registration, it became customary to inscribe on these boundary-stones a notice of the charges on the property. Solon, by his σεισάχ- Gea, released the poorer classes from the burden of their debts, and set the land, which was security for these debts, free from encumbrances. No sooner was the debt itself abolished, than the stones in- inscribed with the record of the security were removed, and the land set free. (Cf. Blass in Hermes, xv 286 ff.)

Many exx. of these inscribed ὅροι have been found. Those of Attica are published in CIA ii, the ordinary boundary-stones forming nos. 1062—1102 and the ¢ermini Jundorum pigneratorum nos. 1103—1153: A specimen is figured in Duruy’s Azstozre des Grecs,i 385; and all the extant Greek inscriptions of this kind are collected and

classified in the /mscriptions Furidigues .

Grecques by MM. Dareste, Haussoullier and Th. Reinach, 1891, i p. 107—142. Classes A and B are securities (ἀποτιμή- para) for money belonging either to minors (t—g) or married women (10— 24). Class C (25—59), records of sale with right of redemption, ‘ostensibly a

_ purchase, but really a loan of money se-

cured by the conveyance of property.’ *The debtor continues to occupy it, paying interest on the purchase-money and possessing the power of redemption within a certain time’ (Hager in Smith’s Dict. Ant.s. v. HORI). Class (60, 61), records of ordinary sales. The following are some of the more interesting dated examples: A 5 (CIA ii 1138) ἐπὶ Νικο- κλέους ἄρχοντος (B.C. 302/1)* ὅρος χωρίων καὶ οἰκίας καὶ τοῦ ὕδατος τοῦ προσόντος τοῖς χωρίοις κλήρων δυεῖν ἀποτετιμημένων παισὶν ὀρφανοῖς τοῖς Χαρίου ἰσοτελοῦς

Χαιρίππῳ καὶ Χαρίᾳ. B 17 ((ΙΑ ii 1137)

ἐπὶ Evéevirmou ἄρχοντος (B.C. 305/4)* ὅρος χωρίων καὶ οἰκιῶν ἀποτιμημάτων προικὸς Ξιεναρίστει Πυθοδώρου Tapynrriov θυγα- τρί, τὸ κατὰ τὸ ἥμισυ καὶ τὸ ἐκ τούτου γιγνόμενον αἰτεῖ εἰς Λεώστρατον ἄρχοντα XXPHH... C 49 (CIA ii 1133) ἐπὶ Πραξι- βούλου ἄρχοντος (B.C. 315/4)* ὅρος οἰκίας πεπραμένης ἐπὶ λύσει. D 61 (CIA ii 1134) ἐπὶ Θεοφράστου ἄρχοντος (B.C. 3132} ὅρος χωρίου τιμῆς ἐνοφειλομένης Φανοστράτῳ Παιανεῖ XX= 2000 dr.

All these inscriptions belong to the latter part of the fourth century. It can- not be supposed, however, that lending money on mortgage was unknown in the previous century. Under the Second Athenian Federation (CIA ii 17), the Athenians were forbidden to purchase lands or houses in the territory of their allies or to lend money on mortgage. This implies that, under the First Confedera- tion, lending money on these terms was not forbidden. But it would appear that for some centuries the Athenians, while still employing boundary-stones for their public or sacred domains, gave up using them as records of mortgages. It has been suggested that ‘in the early times, which followed the reforms of Solon, no one had recourse to recording his claims on the detested tablets of stone whose removal from the land had been cele- brated with such enthusiasm by the legis- lator himself’ (/mscr. Furidigues, i 122). —For a similar reform among the Jews in the latter part of the fifth century, see Wehemiah v, 1—13.

πεπηγότας]} Lycurg. Leocr. 73, ὅρους τοῖς βαρβάροις πήξαντες. Thuc. iv 92, 4, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις οἱ πλησιόχωροι περὶ γῆς ὅρων τὰς μάχας ποιοῦνται, ἡμῖν δὲ ἐς πᾶσαν, ἢν νικηθῶμεν, εἷς ὅρος οὐκ ἀντίλεκτος πα γή- σεται. ;

1. 36. mpaGévras] Solon ap. Dem. 2. 2. Ρ- 421, τῶν δὲ πενιχρῶν | ἱκνοῦνται πολλοὶ γαῖαν ἐς ἀλλοδαπὴν | πραθέντες κτλ. Cf. Grote, c. I1, ii 210 ἢ.

1. 37. ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ xpeots] Cf. 71. viii 57, χρειοῖ ἀναγκαίῃ.

38

40

45

50

48 AOHNAIQN COL. 4, 1. 34—46.

ἱέντας, ὡς ἂν πολλαχῇ πλανωμένους, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ αὐτοῦ δουλίην ἀεικέα ἔχοντας, ἤθη δεσποτῶν τρομευμένους, ἐλευθέρους ἔθηκα. ταῦτα μὲν κράτει νόμου, βίαν τε καὶ δίκην συναρμόσας, », Ν al e ¢ / ἔρεξα, καὶ διῆλθον ὡς ὑπεσχόμην. \ >? ees - A > πὶ θεσμοὺς δ᾽ ὁμοίως τῷ κακῷ τε κἀγαθῷ, “Ὁ εὐθεῖαν εἰς ἕκαστον ἁρμόσας δίκην, ἔγραψα. κακοφραδής τε καὶ φιλοκτήμων ἀνήρ, 3 x / fol > \ » οὐκ ἂν κατέσχε δῆμον" εἰ γὰρ ἤθελον

κέντρον δ᾽ ἄλλος ὡς ἐγὼ λαβών,

e\ a > , 6 , τοῖς ἐναντίοισιν ἥνδανεν τότε,

9) > ww “Ὁ / αὖθις δ᾽ τοῖσιν οὕτεροι φρασαίατο, πολλῶν ἂν ἀνδρῶν ἥδ᾽ ἐχηρώθη πόλις.

39 ὡς ἂν suspicatur Platt, qui mavult ὥστε (ν. 21). 41 ἤδη Aristides, correxit Bergk. 42 KpaTee!l NOMOY Lond., KpaiTHOMOY Berol. κράτει (al. -η), ὁμοῦ Aristides, Plut. (K-w, B, Th), κράτει νόμου Κ, H-L,S!. 44 διῆλθον : διήνυσ᾽ Bergk, ? Herwerden. 45 τε, ut videtur, correctum in θ᾽ (K): δ᾽ Aristides (Wyse, K-wW, H-L, B, Th). ὁμοίους Bergk, Aristidis codices duos secutus. 49 AHMON: idem habent Aristides et Plut. So/. 16: θυμὸν hic et infra v. 63 legendum suspicantur H-L; idem olim Cantero et Reiskio placuerat. 50 τοῖς Berol. et Aristides (edd.): ayToic. τότε: ποεῖν A Sidgwick (Η-1). 51 AYTOICINOYTEPpOl(vel allppacalato. τοῖσιν arépos δρᾶσαι, διὰ (κακὰ Valckenaer, βίᾳ Schaefer, δίχα O Schneider et Ahrens, δρᾶσαι δίχα Bergk) Aristides. τοῖσιν οὕτεροι dpacaiaro Platt, K-w, K%, B, Th; τοῖσδ᾽ ἂν ἅτεροι pp. Tyrrell. 52 ἐχειρώθη Aristides, correxit Valckenaer.

1. 40. δουλίην] Ionic forms are charac- teristic of Solon’s verses: cf. 1. 41, Tpo- μευμένους, and in Plut. So/. 14, αἰδεῦμαι and δοκέω.

1. 41. ἤθη--τρομευμένους] ‘trembling at each mood of their masters.’

l. 45. θεσμοὺς] One of the earliest examples of the use of this word in literature. In Plut. So/. 19 end, θεσμὸς ἐφάνη ὅδε is quoted from one of Solon’s laws. Cf. note onc. 4 §1.

l. 47. κέντρον] the ‘goad’ is here the symbol of strong control, as in Soph. Frag. 606 (of sovereignty), λαβὼν δὲ χερσὶ κέντρα κηδεύει πόλιν.

49. οὐκ dv κατέσχε δῆμον] With these words the first quotation in Aristides ends. Plutarch, however (.So/. 16), cites two lines with the following introduction : καίτοι φησίν, ws, εἴ Tis ἄλλος ἔσχε THY αὐ- τὴν δύναμιν,

οὔτ᾽ ἂν κατέσχε δῆμον οὔτ᾽ ἐπαύσατο

πρὶν ἂν ταράξας πῖαρ ἐξέλῃ γάλα. Hence in Bergk’s ed. of frag. 36 these two lines are added to the passage quoted by Aristides; and the passage εἰ γὰρ ἤθελον---λύκος, quoted subsequently by

Aristides, is treated as a separate frag- ment (37). But the text makes it clear that this last passage followed imme- diately after his first quotation, while the couplet in Plutarch comes from a subsequent portion of the same poem quoted near the end of this chapter.

εἰ γὰρ ἤθελον κτλ. ‘for had I chosen to please both parties.’

1.51. τοῖσιν οὕτεροι φρασαίατο] ‘what their foes devised within their hearts’ (K.). This does not explain the construction ; τοῖσι cannot go with οὕτεροι, for ‘their foes’ would be τῶν οὕτεροι, ‘those dif- ferent from these.’ τοῖσι must be dative after gpacalaro. The sense seems to be ‘whatever at any time the other party would devise for their opponents,’ or perhaps, ‘urge their opponents (τοῖσιΞε évoytiot) to do.’ With φρασαίατο cf. moolaro at end of next quotation. Hude refers ἐναντίοισιν to the opponents of the popular party, and οὕτεροι to the supporters of that party.

1. 52. ἀνδρῶν---ἐχηρώθη] Hat. vi 83, “Apyos ἀνδρῶν ἐχηρώθη.

CH. 12, 1. 39—64.

ποόλιτει. 49

A 3 \ / ’, τῶν οὕνεκ᾽ ἀλκὴν πάντοθεν ποιούμενος

ὡς ἐν κυσὶν πολλαῖσιν ἐστράφην λύκος. 7 \ / 3 / \ Ε] Lal / > Kal πάλιν ὀνειδίζων πρὸς τὰς ὕστερον αὐτῶν μεμψιμοιρίας ἀμ- zs

φοτέρων"

δήμῳ μὲν εἰ χρὴ διαφάδην ὀνειδίσαι, « A 4 ΘῈ ἝΝ - A a viv ἔχουσιν οὔποτ᾽ ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἂν

εὕδοντες εἶδον.

ὅσοι δὲ μείζους καὶ βίαν ἀμείνονες ? a \ / αἰνοῖεν av με Kat φίλον ποιοίατο" > 4 + / / n a » εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλος, φησί, ταύτης τῆς τιμῆς ἔτυχεν, οὐκ ἂν κατέσχε δῆμον οὐδ᾽ ἐπαύσατο, πρὶν ἀνταράξας πῖαρ ἐξεῖλεν γάλα. ||

53 OYNEK (Κ, H-L, Β, K-W’): ὀργὴν Bergk. K, s!; κυκεύμενος Arist. Wilcken, K-w?®, B?-4, Th.

εἵνεκ᾽ olim Κ- (cf. v. 28). TTOIOYMENOC (K"4, B, K-w’, Th) : ποιεύμενος Platt, Κ- 1:2, H-L, ‘ita L, ut credo’ K, K-wl-2, 51: ἐστράφην Aristides (edd.): ETPADHN vel ETPADHN.

δά πολλαῖσιν

ἀλκήν : ἀρχὴν Arist.,

πολλῇσιν

55 αὐτῶν Blass (K-w, K%); αὐτοῦ H N Fowler, Harvard Studies vii 1725 αὐτῷ

Thalheim.

olim Platt (H-L). 68 od«—ovd’:

57 AlA@padHN: διαφάδην Kontos et K-w (K3, B, Th): μ᾽ ἀμφάδην οὔτ᾽ ---οὔτ᾽ Plutarch.

64 τρινὰντὰἀρὰξδοττγὰρ-

ΕζΖειλεν : πρὶν ἂν ταράξας πῖαρ ἐξέλῃ γάλα Plut. (et K-w!), unde Adam ad Plat. (721. 44 coniecerat πρὶν ἀνταράξα----ἐξεῖλεν, etiam Gildersleeve ἀνταράξας legendum esse

olim viderat ; eadem postea protulerunt Sidgwick, Blass, H-L (K°, 51, Th).

ταράξας πῖαρ ἐξεῖλεν γάλα K-w2-%, TESTIMONIA.

πρὶν

63, 64 Plut. Sol. τό.

1. 53. ποιούμενος] On ποιεύμενος cf. note on |. 40, δουλίην. In Soph. O. ς. 459, ἀλκὴν ποιεῖσθαι means to succour.’

1. 54. ὡς ἐν κυσὶν---ἐστράφην λύκος] A reminiscence of Homer, //. 12, 42, ἔν τε κύνεσσι...κάπριος ἠὲ λέων στρέφεται. Cf. Solon 15, 23, ταῦτα μὲν ἐν δήμῳ στρέφεται κακά.

55. αὐτῶν... .ἀμφοτέρωνἹ͵] As the text stands, ἀμφοτέρων must be meant as a closer definition of αὐτῶν, a word which is unessential (Kaibel, 152), and may be a mistake for αὐτῷ (Thalheim), the object of μεμψιμοιρίας.

§ 5. διαφάδην] διαφράδην is unknown. διαφραδέως means distinctly’ (of sound) in Hippocrates 408. διαφάδην, openly,’ _ ishere accepted. This is found in Pollux ᾿ς 11129, ἀρρήδην διαρρήδην, διαφάδην. 1.59. εὕδοντες] even in their dreams.’ Dem. 7. 2. 275, μηδ᾽ ὄναρ ἤλπισαν πώποτε.

1. 60. ὅσοι] sc. εἰσί. The last two ® lines refer to the rich, the first three to ΕΒ the poor. The whole of this passage © (57—61) is new. βίαν ἀμείνονες, 71. i 404 βίην.. ἀμείνων (Aristarchus).

iL. ό2. εἰ γάρ τις κτλ.] Plut. So/. 16, _ quoted in note on ]. 49. 1.64. πρὶν---γάλα] πρὶν c. subj. aor. (or

S. A.

πρὶν ἂν in Attic Gk) is properly only used after negative clauses, to denote a point in future time before which something else must happen; or (as. Goodwin puts it, Moods and Tenses, § 638), ‘when a clause with πρὶν, until, refers to the fu- ture, and depends on a wegative clause of future time (of containing an optative), πρίν takes the subjunctive.’ Such a con- struction is out of place here, where we require πρὶν c. indic. With the text, as emended, cf. Piat. Meno 86D, οὐκ ἂν ἐπεσκεψάμεθα πρότερον εἴτε διδακτὸν εἴτε οὐ διδακτὸν ἀρετή, πρὶν τι ἔστι πρῶτον ἐζητήσαμεν (26. 84 α and Theaet. τό Ὁ: Goodwin, § 637). ἀνταράξας] In Ionic (as well as Doric

poetry) ἀν- and ἀμ- stand for dva-. Od. 1 440, ἀγκρεμάσασα, and elsewhere ἀν- στήσων, ἀνστήτην, ἀνστήμεναι; 2]. xxiv 756, ἀνστήσεις ; Od. v 320, ἀνσχεθέειν ; ἀνσχήσεσθαι, ἄνσχεο, ἀνσχετός.

πῖαρ] (πίων) lit. “αἴ, an Epic and Ionic word; 2771. xi 550, xvii 659, βοῶν ἐκ πῖαρ ἑλέσθαι, of cream in Solon; also used metaphorically of ‘the cream’ of a thing, the choicest and best (1, and 8). Hesychius, πῖαρ: τὸ κράτιστον. This suits the context better than miap, which is ‘the first milk after calving,’ beestings,’

4

50 AOHNAIQN

COL. 5, l. I—5.

> ae \ / 3 ’ὔ ey@ δὲ τουτῶν WOTTEP εν μεταύχμιῳ

/ ὅρος κατέστην.

13.

\ \ 9 > / > / \ 7 \ > τὴν μεν OV ἀποδημίαν ἐποιήσατο διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας.

/ 3΄...9 7 4 a / δέον \ Σόλωνος δ᾽ ἀποδημήσαντος, ἔτι τῆς πόλεως τεταραγμένης, ἐπὶ μὲν ἔτη τέτταρα διῆγον ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ" τῷ δὲ πέμπτῳ μετὰ τὴν Σόλωνος

TESTIMONIA.

65—66 Aristides infra laudatus.

or the rennet made from it. Before he had stirred up the beestings and got out all the milk’ is Mr Platt’s rendering (see Journ. Phil, xxiv 256). But the sense requires not a particular kind of milk, such as beestings’; but the best part of the milk, the ‘cream.’ The constr. is either πρὶν ἀνταράξας γάλα ἐξεῖλεν πῖαρ, or else γάλα is acc. after the complex verb πῖαρ ἐξεῖλεν.

1. 65. ἐγὠώ---κατέστην] ‘I set myself as a landmark between two armed hosts.’ Hdt. viii 140, 2 (of debateable land), δειμαίνω ὑπὲρ ὑμέων ἐν τρίβῳ τε μάλιστα οἰκημένων τῶν συμμάχων πάντων αἰεί τε φθειρομένων μούνων, ἐξαίρετον μεταίχμιόν τε τὴν γῆν ἐκτημένων. ὅρος, ‘landmark,’ or ‘wall,’ seems a harsh metaphor, ex- cept perhaps in one who, like Solon, had the ὅροι, the boundaries as well as the mort- gage-tablets, of Attica much in his mind. The passage is paraphrased in Aristides, ii 360 (of Solon), ἔστη δ᾽ ἐν μεθορίῳ πάν- των ἀνδρειότατα καὶ δικαιότατα, ὥσπερ τι- νὰς ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐκ γεωμετρίας περιγραπτοὺς φυλάττων ὅρους.

XIII § 1. ἀποδημίαν ἐποιήσατο] c. ee ae

Σόλωνος--τεταραγμένης κτλ.] ‘When S. had gone abroad, although the State was still disturbed by divisions, yet for four years they lived in peace, but in the fifth year’ &c. ἀποδημεῖν hastwomeanings (1) to be abroad, and (2) to go abroad. (1) is found in Pol. 1303 23, and Poet. 17, 1455 17, ἀποδημοῦντος: (2) in the present passage.

Wilamowitz (i 15) suggests that for part of the four undisturbed years (593— 590) Solon remained at Athens. It is on the authority of Aristotle ἐν τῇ τῶν Πυθιονικῶν ἀναγραφῇ that Plutarch states that at Solon’s promptingthe Amphictyons attacked the Kirrhaeans in defence of Delphi. It was not until 590 that Krisa was conquered.

τῷ St πέμπτῳ μετὰ τὴν Σόλωνος ἀρχὴν] The archonship of Solon is usually placed in B.c. 594/3=Ol. 46, 3. This is the date given by Diog. Laert. i 62 on the authority of Sosicrates of Rhodes, the author of a work on the History of Crete and on the Succession of Philosophers,

who flourished between 200 and 128 B.c. The archons about this time are given by Clinton as follows:

01. 8 0g

46, 2=595 Philombrotus 3=594 Solon 4=593 Dropides

47, 1=592 Eucrates? 2=591 Simon 3=590 [Simon, in Marmor

Parium|

Jerome places Solon in 592: and the Armenian version of Eusebius in 590. 592 is already occupied by Eucrates, and 590 (in the Warmor Parium, see 2 n) possibly by Simon. The text of c.14§1 appears to place Solon 31 years before the archonship of Comeas (B.C. 560), z.¢. in 59t. But if Solon is placed in 591, Philombrotus and Dropides must be placed in 592 and 590, which are already assigned to other archons. Again, if Comeas is (by another method of reckon- ing) assigned to 561, Solon falls in 592, the year assigned to Eucrates. Evucrates, however, may really belong to a later date. Sosicrates (af. Diog. Laert. i 101) places him in Ol. 47 (592—589) and makes Anacharsis visit Solon during the archonship of Eucrates. But Solon left Athens for ten years when his own archonship was over, so that, if Sosicrates (our only authority for Eucrates) is right about the date of the visit of Anacharsis, Eucrates cannot be earlier than 583. On the year of Solon’s archonship, cf. Clinton, astz, ii 298; Fischer’s Gn Zetttafeln, p. 114; and Busolt, i 524%.

If Solon was archon in 594, and if ‘in the fifth year’ means four years after Solon, then the first year of anarchy falls in 590, and the second in 586. Then, if διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν χρόνων is retained in the sense, ‘after the same interval of time,’ z.e. four years later, the archonship οἷ᾽ Damasias begins in 582. This is Mr- Kenyon’s view. In this calculation the first period of four years of peace must include either the year of Solon’s archon- ship or the first year of anarchy; the second period must include one of the years of anarchy. gy

On the other hand, if the first ‘four

906 Fees

CH. 12, 1. 65—CH. 13, 1.6. TTOAITEIA

51

> \ > 7 "ἢ \ \ 7 \ + 4 ἀρχὴν OU KATEOTHOAV apKXovTa ta THV στασίν, και πάλιν ETEL

4 / 2 πέμπτῳ διὰ THY αὐτὴν αἰτίαν ἀναρχίαν ἐποίησαν.

μετὰ δὲ

a \ a > cal / / ε A ταῦτα διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν χρόνων Aapacias αἱρεθεὶς ἄρχων ἔτη

XIII 4 OYKATECTHCAN (K-W, B, κϑ, Th), οὐκ ἐπέστησαν K! (H-L). —18 διώκειν continentur fragmenti Berolinensis in pagina secunda. AITIANAPXAIAN : αἰτίαν ἀναρχίαν Burnet, Campbell, Jackson (edd.).

papyro Berol.

4 ἄρχοντα δ διὰ 6

6 διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν χρόνων secl. K-w; διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρόνου Herwerden.

years’ extend from B.C. 593 to 590, then the first year of anarchy is 589; again, if ἔτει πέμπτῳ is taken as meaning ‘five years afterwards,’ the second year of anarchy is 584. Further, if διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν χρόνων is regarded as an inter- polation, the beginning of the rule of Damasias follows at once in 583. This is the view of Bauer, and of Kaibel and Wilamowitz. But the first year of Damasias coincides with that in which the Pythian festival was transformed into an ἀγὼν στεφανίτης, and the festival was held in the third year of each Olympiad, whereas 583 15 the second year. The opinion that it fell in the second year of the Olympiad, which has been inferred from Thuc. iv 117 and v 1, is refuted in Clinton’s Faszz, ii p.

195 = 2453.

Again, if the archonship of Solon is placed in 591, the years of anarchy may be put at intervals of four years in 587

and 583. Then, if διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν χρόνων be omitted, we get 582 as the first year of Damasias. This is the view of T. Reinach and of Poland. It has the advantage of leaving the text in c. 14 § 1x untouched, and it gives a date for Damasias which is consistent with Pau- sanias x 7, 5, where the first Pythian ἀγὼν στεφανίτης, which coincided with the first year of Damasias, is placed in 582. If so, the archonship of Simon which, according to the Scholiasts on Pin- dar, was five years before Damasias, may provisionally be placed in 587, instead of 590, the year assigned to it by the Parian Marble; but 587 was on this view a year of anarchy; hence it is not improbable that Simon was really archon in 586.

All the above views agree in placing the beginning of the archonship of Dama- sias later than 586 B.C., in or about 582. The following is a conspectus of the views above mentioned.

Mr Kenyon «| Mauer Busolt | Poland Solon, archon ............. ΞΡ 504 504 50Ι First period of 4 years...... ed 593-590 591-588 First year of anarchy ...... 590 589 587 Second period of 4 years... eed 588-585 586-583 Second year of anarchy ... 586 584 583 Third period of 4 years ... Hea nil nil _ Damasias, archon............ 582 583 582

years (and four years over). But these

_ can only be obtained by altering τέτταρα into τρία and πέμπτῳ twice into τετάρτῳ.

_ This, however, would perhaps be going - too far.

᾿ς τὴν στάσιν] The article is due to the - fact that the state of faction has already

A space of 13 years, 594 to 582 in- _ clusive, does not allow of three periods ᾿ of four years, and four years besides. It _ only admits of three periods of three

been implied in the participle rerapay- μένης. ἀναρχίαν ἐποίησαν] The text shows that the term ἀναρχία was applied to the two years 589 and 584. Cf. Dion Chrys. 21, 2 ἀρ᾽ οὖν, ὅπερ ᾿Αθηναῖοι πολλάκις, καὶ ἡμᾶς χρὴ ἀναρχίαν ἀναγράφειν τὸν παρόντα καιρόν (Wilamowitz, i 6; cf. ii 64).

§ 2. Aapactas] On the discovery of the Berlin fragments, much controversy arose respecting the Damasias there men-

4--2

σι

52 AOHNAIQN

δύο καὶ δύο μῆνας ἦρξεν, ἕως ἐξηλάθη Bia τῆς ἀρχῆς.

COL. 5,1]. 5—12.

99 €lT

7 €ZHAACOH : corr. Richards etc. (K® etc.).

tioned. It was at first proposed to identify him with Damasias I, the archon of 639 B.c. This opinion was conclusively refuted by Landwehr (Phzlologus, Suppl. v) and Diels (Berlin Acad. 1885, p. 12); and, now that we have the context of the fragment before us, it is obvious that Damasias II can alone be meant.

Hitherto the determination of the date of Damasias II has depended on a mu- tilated passage in the Parian Marble. (This important chronological document was bought in Smyrna by an agent of Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, 1585—1646, and sent to Arundel House in 1627. It was first edited by Selden, 1628. In 1667, at the instance of John Evelyn, Letters, Aug. 4, 1667, Diary, Sept. 19, Oct. 8, 17, 25, it was presented by the Earl’s grandson to the University of Oxford, and in 1676 it was edited once more by Prideaux. After being preserved for many years in the Ashmolean Museum, it was removed to the University Galleries in 1889. It has been edited by Boeckh, Οἷα ii 2374, and C. Miiller, FHG i 535—590. The authority for the chronology recorded in this Marble is probably Phanias of Eresos, a pupil of Aristotle. The dates are reckoned by the number of years that had elapsed before the archonship of Diognetus, B.C. 264-3.)

The passage, with which we are con- cerned, is restored as follows: ll. 53— 54, [ἀφ᾽ οὗ ᾿Αμφικτύονες ἐνίκησαν ἑλ]όντες Κύρραν, καὶ ἀγὼν γυμνικὸς ἐτέθη χρηματίτης ἀπὸ τῶν λαφύρων, ἔτη HH[H] AATIL (327), ἄρχοντος ᾿Αθήνησι Σίμωνος. ad’ οὗ [ἐν Δελφοῖς στεφ]ανίτης ἀγὼν πάλιν ἐτέθη, ἔτη ἨΗΗΔ..11, ἄρχοντος ᾿Αθήνησι Δαμασίου τοῦ devrépov. The interval be- tween the year of Diognetus and that of Damasias is here denoted by the symbols HHHA..II (312). (a) Boeckh and (Ὁ. Miller insert ΠῚ (6), thus making the number 318; (4) Chandler and Clinton, A (10), making it 322; while Dopp (Quaestiones de Marmore Pario, 1883) proposes AI (11), making it 323. The corresponding dates B.c. are: (a) 582/1 or 581/0, according as we reckon exclusively or inclusively; or (ὁ) 586/5, according as we reckon inclusively with 323 or ex- clusively with 322. But the archonship of Damasias coincides with a Pythian festival; this excludes 581 and leaves us the choice between 586 and 582.

It has been urged in favour of 586/s5 that, on the authority of the ἀρχόντων ἀναγραφὴή of Demetrius Phalereus, Diog. Laert. I i 22 describes Thales and the other Wise Men of Greece as flourishing in the archonship of Damasias; and that 586/5 would be an appropriate year to mark their epoch, because the eclipse predicted by Thales took place on May 28, 585 B.c. (Cf. Busolt, i 493%.)

On the other hand, 582/1 is supported by Pausanias (x 7, 4—5), who implies that the first ἀγὼν στεφανίτης was in 582/1, and the last ἀγὼν χρηματίτης in 586/5.

It may here be suggested, that probably the first year of Damasias coincided with the first celebration of the Pythian games after their transformation into an. ἀγὼν στεφανίτης, 1.6. with 582. In the intro- duction to the Scholia on Pindar’s Pythian odes, the last ἀγὼν xpnuarirns is assigned to the archonship of Simon (590) and the first ἀγὼν στεφανίτης to that of Damasias (582). Subsequently, a confusion may have arisen between the year of that celebration and the actual year in which the change was made (586). The archon- ship of Damasias was thus put four years too early. If the archonship of Simon coincided with the last ἀγὼν χρηματίτης and if that ὠγὼν was four years earlier than the change in the Pythian games (586), it follows that the archonship of Simon must be put in 590. Simon is placed in that year in the Parian Marble; and the evidence of the text, which gives at least τὸ years between the year of Solon and that of Damasias, points to 582 as the year of Damasias.

If Damasias was archon in 582, Solon would by that date have returned to Athens after his absence of ten years (593—584 inclusive). This may be held to favour the conjecture of Diels (Beri. Acad. 1885, p. 13 f) that Solon refers to the usurpation of Damasias in fragm. 32 and 33, quoted in Plut. Sod 14, εἰ δὲ γῆς ἐφεισάμην κτλ., and οὐκ ἔφυ Dohov βαθύφρων. The trochaic passage quoted above in c. 12 has been ascribed to the same poem, πρὸς Φῶκον. me |

ἐξηλάθη] The form ἐξηλάσθη is given in the papyrus and in the restoration the Berlin fragment by Blass ἐξηλά[σ] For ἠλάσθην Veitch, s.v. ἐλαύνω, quot Diod. Sic. 20, 51, συν- Plut. Caes. τῇ: Gaisford, however, edits ἀπ- and

4 στ" τῶ oe

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

CH. 13, l. 7—16. 53

a A / / / ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς διὰ TO στασιάζειν ἄρχοντας ἑλέσθαι δέκα, πέντε an a / \ a \ Φ μὲν εὐπατριδῶν, τρεῖς δὲ ἀγροίκων, δύο δὲ δημιουργῶν, καὶ οὗτοι Δ lav ἦρξαν ) καὶ δῆλον ὅτι ίστην τὸν μετὰ Δαμασίαν ἦρξαν ἐνιαυτόν. καὶ δῆ μεγίστη ὌΠΙΝ 4 \ εἶχεν δύναμιν ἄρχων' φαίνονται γὰρ ἀεὶ στασιάζοντες περὶ a a a A \ e / 3 ταύτης τῆς ἀρχῆς. ὅλως δὲ διετέλουν νοσοῦντες τὰ πρὸς ἑαυτούς, \ “Ὁ a > / oi μὲν ἀρχὴν καὶ πρόφασιν ἔχοντες THY τῶν χρεῶν ἀποκοπήν ta] / e \ a / (συνεβεβήκει yap αὐτοῖς γεγονέναι πένησιν), οἱ δὲ TH πολιτείᾳ / » \ δυσχεραίνοντες διὰ TO μεγάλην γεγονέναι μεταβολήν, ἔνιοι δὲ

4 διὰ [τὴν] πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλονικίαν. 8 (pro δέκα, πέντε) [τετταρ]ας Berol., cf. Meyer Forschungen ii 537 5646.

3 ς , al ἦσαν δ᾽ αἱ στάσεις τρεῖς" 9 ἀγ-

ρ]οίκων K, qui litterae p partem inferiorem cerni posse putat: ATTOIKWN Berol., quod

correxit L Cohn (D. Z. Z. 1885, 264), tuebatur Wright. aé! Berol. (H-L, B4): aiei (K, K-w, B!~3, Th).

Berol.

TESTIMONIA. πρὸς τοὺς Εὐπατρίδας.

9 Hes. ἀγροιῶται: ἄγροικοι. qv δὲ τὸ τῶν γεωργῶν καὶ τρίτον τὸ τῶν δημιουργῶν.

11 AYNaMIN [εἰχεν]

καὶ γένος ᾿Αθήνησιν, of ἀντιδιέστελλον

16—20 Schol. Arist. Κε2. 1223...κατὰ γὰρ τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους τρεῖς ἦσαν αἱ

ἡλάσθην in Hdt. iii 54, vii 6 ἄς. [Hdt. vii 6 ἐξηλάσθη ὑπὸ Irmdpxov...€& Αθηνέων. ἐξηλάσθη cod. Florentinus, ἐξηλάθη αἱ. ; ili 51 and i 173, ἐξελασθείς, in the latter passage the cod. Parisinus has ἐξελαθείς].

ἄρχοντας---δέκα] Owing toa lacuna in the Berlin fragment, which only mentions the three archons elected by the second class and the two by the third, it was supposed that the first class elected four, making nine archons in all. It now ap- pears that in this particular year the number was ten. This election was a reactionary measure. It implied an abandonment of the classification by assessment which was the cardinal point of Solon’s constitution.

ἀγροίκων] The Berlin fragment has ἀποίκων. There is a similar confusion in 1. 2 of the poems of Herondas, where

ATTOIKIHC was first written and then corrected into ATPOIKIHC. The usual

name for this class is γεωμόροι (Plut. Thes. 25; Bekker’s Anecd. Gr. 257, 73 Etym. Mag. p. 395, 50, &c.), or γεωργοί (Schol. on Plat. Axioch. p. 253, Moeris, 5.v. yevynral), But ἄγροικοι is the term used in Dion. Halic. ii 8 (after men- tioning the εὐπατρίδαι), ἀγροίκους δὲ (éxd- Novy) τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας of τῶν κοινῶν οὐδενὸς ἦσαν κύριοι" σὺν χρόνῳ δὲ καὶ οὗτοι προσελήφθησαν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχάς. Cf. Hesych. 5.0. αἀγροιῶται" ἄγροικοι, quoted in Test. (Landwehr in Phz/ologus, Suppl. Vv, 1889, p. 139—155, Die dret Stinde in Attzka.)

§ 3. νοσοῦντες] of faction, c. 6 near end.

οἱ μὲν... οἱ δὲ.. ἔνιοι δὲὶ The first two are different sections of the Eupatridae, some of whom resented the loss of money involvedin Solon’scewwdx Gera, while others lamented the loss of political influence; besides these, a few were actuated by the mere spirit of factious rivalry.

τῇ πολιτείᾳ] The existing constitution. Freeman (Szcz/y, iii 649) is hardly right in suggesting that ‘it is just possible that πολιτεία in c. 13 (followed directly after by 7 μέση πολιτεία) may be meant in the special Aristotelian sense.’

§ 4. στάσεις τρεῖς... τῶν παραλίων TOV πεδιακῶν.. τῶν διακρίων] Hat. i 59, (Peisistratus) στασιαζόντων τῶν πα- ράλων καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου ᾿Αθη- ναίων, καὶ τῶν μὲν προεστεῶτος Μεγακλέος τοῦ ᾿Αλκμέωνος τῶν δὲ ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου Λυ- κούργου ᾿Αριστολαΐδεω, καταφρονήσας τὴν τυραννίδα ἤγειρε τρίτην στάσιν, συλλέξας δὲ στασιώτας καὶ τῷ λόγῳ τῶν ὑπέρα- κρίων, προστὰς μηχανᾶται τοιάδε. (Dion. Hal. i 13, ὡς ὑπερακρίους τινὰς καὶ παρα- λίους ᾿Αθήνῃσιν.) Plut. Sol. 29, οἱ δὲ ἐν ἄστει ἐστασίαζον ἀποδημοῦντος τοῦ Σόλωνος " καὶ προειστήκει τῶν μὲν Πεδιέων Λυ- κοῦργος, τῶν δὲ Παράλων Μεγακλῆς ᾿Αλκμαίωνος, Πεισίστρατος δὲ τῶν Δια- κρίων, ἐν οἷς ἣν θητικὸς ὄχλος καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς πλουσίοις ἀχθόμενος. 27. 13 (of the στάσεις just before the legislation of Solon), τὴν παλαιὰν αὖθις στάσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς πολιτείας ἐστασίαζον, ὅσας χώρα διαφορὰς εἶχεν, εἰς τοσαῦτα μέρη τῆς πόλεως διαστάσης" ἣν γὰρ τὸ μὲν τῶν Διακρίων γένος δημοκρατικώτατον, ὀλι- γαρχικώτατον δὲ τὸ τῶν Πεδιέων " τρίτοι δ᾽ οἱ Πάραλοι μέσον τινὰ καὶ μεμιγμένον

_

μι

ο

5

20

54 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 5, 1. 12---10.

/ n @ / A μία μὲν τῶν παραλίων, ὧν προειστήκει Μεγακλῆς ᾿Αλκμέωνος, \ / οἵπερ ἐδόκουν μάλιστα διώκειν THY μέσην πολιτείαν" ἄλλη δὲ A aA A \ ᾿] / > / ε a > > A τῶν πεδιακών, οἱ THY ὀλυγαρχίαν ἐζήτουν, ἡγεῖτο δ᾽ αὐτῶν Av- an a / + Te κοῦργος" τρίτη δ᾽ τῶν διακρίων, ἐφ᾽ 7 τεταγμένος ἦν Πεισίστρα- τος, δημοτικώτατος εἶναι δοκῶν. προσεκεκόσμηντο δὲ τούτοις. , \ , \ 5) / \ ε A ͵ τ οἵ τε ἀφῃρημένοι τὰ χρέα διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ οἱ τῷ γένει μὴ Ν \ \ / a > “Ψ \ \ an καθαροὶ διὰ τὸν φόβον" σημεῖον δ᾽, ὅτε μετὰ τὴν [τῶν] τυράννων

18 οἵπερ : οἱ δὲ (ut videtur) Berol. (H-L). 20 AH=6 ἡ: δὲ BA. προσενενέμηντο Butcher. Rutherford, Blass, Gennadios (edd.).

19 ἐζήλουν hic et c. 34 § 3 coniecit Bury

21 προσεκεκόλληντο H-L, Kontos, Gennadios ; 22 xpéa hic desinit Berol.

23 τῶν add.

τάξεις (sic), μία μὲν τῶν παραλίων, ὧν προειστήκει Μεγακλῆς, ἑτέρα δὲ τῶν πεδιέων, ὧν προειστήκει Λυκοῦργος, τρίτη δὲ τῶν διακρίων, ὧν προειστήκει

Πεισίστρατος.

αἱρούμενοι πολιτείας τρόπον ἐμποδὼν ἦσαν καὶ διεκώλυον τοὺς ἑτέρους κρατῆσαι (77ὁο- valia 805 D τῶν Διακρίων.. τῶν Ἰ]Πεδιέων ...T@v Παραλίων, 763 Παράλων, Ἔπα- κρίων, Πεδιέων). Ἰ1Πεδιεῖς is the form found in Diog. Laert. i 58, and Schol. on Arist. Vesp. 1223, a confused account (founded on this passage, see Zestimonia), in which the τάξεις, as they are there called, are apparently regarded as the result of So- lon’s legislation. Suidas s. νυ. Πάραλοι mentions the Πεδιάσιοι and Διάκριοι.

On these three parties, cf. Sch6mann, Ant. p. 327f, E. T.; Gilbert, i 157? f (=142 E. T.); Duncker, 6, 447 f; Busolt, ii 2022.

διώκειν] Pol. 1279 a τό, ἐδίωκον τὰς ἀρχάς, 1284 @ 19, (αἱ δημοκρατούμεναι πόλεις) δοκοῦσι διώκειν τὴν ἰσότητα. The metaphor is as old as Homer 771. xvii 75, ἀκίχητα διώκειν. Cp. Thuc. ii 63, τιμὰς διώκειν,

τὴν μέσην πολιτείαν] Pol. 12906 a 7,

dre δ᾽ μέση (πολιτεία) βελτίστη, φανερόν"

μόνη γὰρ ἀστασίαστος.

For the form πεδιακῶν, cf. Pol. viii (v) 1305 21—24, πάντες δὲ τοῦτο ἔδρων ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου πιστευθέντες, δὲ πίστις ἦν ἀπέχθεια πρὸς τοὺς πλουσίους, οἷον ᾿Αθή- νησί τε ἸΠεισίστρατος στασιάσας πρὸς τοὺς πεδιακούς.

δημοτικώτατος] 14 1; ιό 88; 2283.

§ 5. προσεκεκόσμηντο] ‘had joined their ranks’; the compound verb is not found elsewhere in this sense. κοσμεῖν in the sense of τάττειν is not a strictly Attic usage. Wyse conjectures that the word may be derived from some Ionic source. This conjecture is supported by Herodotus’ use of éxexoouéaro (ix 31, ἐπὶ τάξεις πλεῦνας ἐκεκοσμέατο). The sentence from

this point down to προσῆκον is paren- thetical.

οἵ τε--φόβον] The faction of Peisis- tratus was joined by those whom Solon’s legislation had deprived of the debts due to them. The allegiance of these was prompted by their losses. Peisistratus was also joined by those who were not of pure descent. The latter were afraid of the oligarchical faction gaining the as- cendancy and depriving them of the privileges of citizenship in consequence of their inferior birth. Landwehr, who doubts whether the parties really existed before the time of Solon (PAz/o/. Suppl. V 155), suggests that of ἀφῃρημένοι τὰ xpéa are the capitalists belonging to the παράλιοι who had lost their money, where- as the πεδιακοί still had their land. |

σημεῖον δ᾽ -προσῆκον] The writer in- fers that the party of Peisistratus included persons of dubious origin from the fact that, after the rule of the Peisistratidae was brought to an end, there was a revi- sion of the list of citizens. Cf. note on 8 § 1, ὅθεν ἔτι διαμένει.

While the text describes a revision of the list as following the fall of the tyrants, Aristotle, fol, 1275 36 f, says of Cleisthenes μετὰ τὴν τῶν τύραννων ἐκβολήν, that he enrolled in the tribes many aliens. Beloch (i 334 n) regards this as a flat contradiction of the text. But it is better to suppose that the text refers to a date (509 or 508) shortly after the fall of the tyrants, and that this revi- sion of the roll of citizens was due to the oligarchical party of Isagoras who, according to Hdt. v 73, expelled 700 families on the charge of sacrilege. This was followed by the democratic reforms

a

CH. 13, 1. 17—CH. 14, 1. I.

TIOAITEIA ss

κατάλυσιν ἐποίησαν διαψηφισμόν, ὡς πολλῶν κοινωνούντων τῆς

πολιτείας οὐ προσῆκον. τόπων ἐν οἷς ἐγεώργουν.

Φ \ @ \ 2 ’ὔ > \ a” elyov δὲ EKAGCTOL TAS ἐπ ωνυμιαᾶας ATO τῶν

14. δημοτικώτατος δ᾽ εἶναι δοκῶν Πεισίστρατος καὶ σφόδρ᾽

24 AIAPHMICMON : διαψηφισμὸν scripsi, idem scripserunt Kontos, Blass (edd.).

of his opponent Cleisthenes (cf. Wilamo- witz, i 31 f). See, however, Busolt, ii 310 nN 25:

διαψηφισμόν] The word occurs in Athenaeus, 218 A, διαψηφισμὸς γενό- μενος κατὰ τῶν ᾿Ἐρασινίδην στρατηγῶν. The verb is used in c. 42 § 1, 1. 4, διαψηφί- fovrat. The admission of citizens took place at the age of eighteen, when, if their title to citizenship was sufficiently proved, they were entered on the register called ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον and (probably two years afterwards) in the πίναξ ἐκκλησιαστι- kés. The lists of citizens were revised on special occasions, particularly when there was reason for suspecting that a number of persons had been improperly regis- tered. The names were then read one by one from the register, and, as each was read, it was asked whether any objections were to be made to it. Such objections were discussed and evidence brought forward, so that the matter could not be despatched in one assembly, but required several meetings of the members of the deme (Dem. Zubulides g seq.). If, finally, a vote was taken, and the result was unfavourable, the name was struck out (Sch6mann, “4712. 368 f, E. T.). See esp. Dem. Zuéu/. (an appeal against the vote of the δημόται, who had struck the speaker off their list) § 7, ἐν τοῖς δημό- ταις--τὴν διαψήφισιν γενέσθαι, 15, περὶ ἁπάντων τῶν δημοτῶν διαψηφίσασθαι, § 62 τῇ προτέρᾳ διαψηφίσει. Hitherto, the ear- liest known revision of the roll of citizens

___ has been that in the archonship of Lysi- _ machides B.c. 445/4 (Philochorus in Schol.

on Ar. Vesp. 718; Plut. Pericles 37. Phi- lippi, however, contends that the pro- cedure of διαψήφισις was not resorted to on this occasion, Birgerrecht, pp. 34 —49). The next was in the archonship of Archias, 346 B.c. Cf. Harpocr. s.v. δια- Ψήφισις : ἰδίως λέγεται ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς δήμοις ἐξετασέων, αἵ γίγνονται περὶ ἑκάστου τῶν δημοτευομένων, εἰ τῷ ὄντι πολίτης καὶ δημότης ἐστὶν παρεγγέγραπται ἕένος ὧν " Αἰσχίνης κατὰ Τιμάρχου (8 77, γεγόνασι διαψηφίσεις ἐν τοῖς δήμοις, καὶ ἕκαστος ὑμῶν ψῆφον δέδωκε περὶ τοῦ σώματος, ὅστις ᾿Αθηναῖος ὄντως ἐστὶ καὶ ὅστις μή).

ἐντελέστατα δὲ διείλεκται περὶ τῶν διαψη- φίσεων, ὡς γεγόνασιν ἐπὶ ᾿Αρχίου ἄρχοντος, ᾿Ανδροτίων ἐν. τῇ ᾿Ατθίδι καὶ Φιλόχορος ἐν ς΄ τῆς ᾿Ατθίδος. Cf. Schol. Aeschin. 1 88. 77, 114; Thumser, ζααίσαζέ. p. 463, 3, and Meier and Schémann, p. 989 Lips.

εἶχον δ᾽ ἕκαστοι---ἐγεώργουν] ‘These parties derived their respective designa- tions from the districts in which they held their lands,’ the Plain, the Shore and the Mountain (or Highlands). The men of the Mountain led a hard life in the uplands of Parnes which afforded pasturage for sheep and goats, and were scantily supplied with the fruits of the field or of trees. (2) The men of the Shore enjoyed more abundant means of support in the building of boats, in ferry- ing and fishing, and in the manufacture of salt. (3) The men of the Plain formed the wealthiest class, with their groves of olives in the valley of the Cephisus and their fields of corn stretching inland from Eleusis. (Cf. Curtius, H. G., i311 E. T.)

‘Grote, c. 11, ii p. 300 n, observes that Plu-

tarch’s description of the men of the Plain, as representing the oligarchical tendency, and the men of the Mountain, the demo-

cratical, is ‘not quite accurate when ap- | Democratical pretensions, as such, can hardly be said /

plied to the days of Solon.

to have existed.” Plutarch (or the authoz rity he follows in c. 13) possibly make these parties come into existence {0 early; elsewhere, c. 29, he places t

after Solon’s time, probably on the aytho- ;“~—

rity of the text, which distinctly destribes the men of the Plain as oligarchical in spirit. The latter view is correct. Plu- tarch’s premature introduction of these local divisions is due to his desire for ἀντ vividness (cf. Wilamowitz, i 58 n. 28).

XIV §1. εὐδοκιμηκὼς---πολέμῳ] Hat. i 59, πρότερον εὐδοκιμήσας ἐν τῇ πρὸς Me- γαρέας γενομένῃ στρατηγίῃ, Νίσαιάν τε ἑλὼν καὶ ἄλλα ἀποδεξάμενος μεγάλα ἔργα. Plut., So/. 8, mentions the long and dis- tressing war with Megara for the pos- session of Salamis, and describes Peisistra- tus as taking the lead in supporting Solon in his endeavour to rouse the people to

ee

56

AOQHNAIQN

COL. 5, l. 19---20.

> \ > a \ / /

εὐδοκιμηκὼς ἐν τῷ πρὸς Μεγαρέας πολέμῳ, κατατραυματίσας

e \ \ n a n =

ἑαυτὸν συνέπεισε TOV δῆμον, ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν ταῦτα \ e al ἴω a

πεπονθώς, φυλακὴν ἑαυτῷ δοῦναι τοῦ σώματος, ᾿Αριστίωνος

5 γράψαντος τὴν γνώμην.

λαβὼν δὲ τοὺς κορυνηφόρους καλου-

, \ \ / A \

μένους, ἐπαναστὰς μετὰ τούτων TO δήμῳ κατέσχε τὴν ἀκρόπολιν By 4 / \ a A A a , , ἔτει fdcvtépw t+ καὶ τριακοστῷ μετὰ τὴν τῶν νόμων θέσιν

XIV 2 ηὐδοκιμηκὼς H-L adversante Kaibelio 154.

παρὰ ΚΙ. 4 ἑαυτῷ : αὑτῷ Bt.

᾿Αρίστωνος Plutarchum secutus B¢. K, Th: 6’ (=rerdprw) Κ- et Bauer (B!~3; δευτέρῳ obelo notavit B*).

3 ὑπὸ K-w (Κ8, B, Th): 7 δευτέρῳ

fight once more for the recovery of the island. At the end of c. g he says of Solon, ἐνίκησε τοὺς Μεγαρέας. He im- plies that the war for the possession of Salamis was the origin of Solon’s in- fluence in Athens; if so, it can hardly be put later than 600 B.c. But Daimachus of Plataea (third century B.C., quoted in Plut. Sol. οὐ Popl. comp. 4) denied that Solon acted as general in the war against Megara. That Peisistratus took any prominent part in a war as early as 600 B.C. is improbable, as he lived to 527 B.c. ' (Abbott, 27. G., i 400 n). Solon, who was some 30 years older than Peisistratus, took a leading part in the conquest of Salamis before he was archon, 2z.é. pos- sibly about 600 B.c.; Peisistratus in the capture of Nisaea, probably about 570 B.c. (Busolt, i 521 n). Curtius (i 672, note 135) places the capture of Nisaea in 565, and Holm (i 481) shortly before the tyranny. In c. 17 we are told that the relative ages of Solon and Peisistratus make it impossible to accept the story at the latter was στρατηγὸς in the war ith Megara for the possession of Salamis % the first Megarian war), in which τ jon was concerned. Salamis and Ni- as were, however, recaptured by the rians (Plut. So/. 12); and Peisistra- tus“: say have distinguished himself in a subsequent war with the Megarians for the recovery of the island. κατατραυματίσας κτλ. Hdt. i 59, τρωματίσας ἑωυτόν τε καὶ ἡμιόνους ἤλασε ἐς τὴν ἀγορὴν τὸ ζεῦγος ὡς ἐκπεφευγὼς τοὺς ἐχθρούς, οἵ μιν ἐλαύνοντα ἐς ἀγρὸν ἠθέλησαν ἀπολέσαι δῆθεν, ἐδέετό τε τοῦ δήμου φυλακῆς τινὸς πρὸς αὐτοῦ κυρῆσαι... δὲ δῆμος τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐξαπατηθείς, ἔδωκέ οἱ τῶν ἀστῶν καταλέξας ἄνδρας τού- Tous of δορυφόροι μὲν οὐκ ἐγένοντο Ile- σιστράτου κορυνηφόροι δέ" ξύλων γὰρ κορύ- νας ἔχοντες εἵποντό οἱ ὄπισθε" συνεπανα- στάντες δὲ οὗτοι ἅμα Πεισιστράτῳ ἔσχον

“ΜῈΝ

τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. Plut. Sol. 30 1, κατατρώ- σας αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν Πεισίστρατος. Polyaen. i 21 § 3 and Diogen. Laert. i 60 have κατατρώσας, or κατέτρωσεν, ib. § 66 ἑαυτῷ τραύματα ποιήσας. Diod. Sic. xiii 95 end, (of P.) ἑαυτὸ κατατραυματίσαντα προελθεῖν. κατατραυματίζω is also found in Hdt. vii 212, Polyb. xv 13 1, Dion. Halic. and Dio Cass.

᾿Αριστίωνος κτλ.] Plut. So/. 30 § 2, ᾿Αρίστωνος (sic) δὲ γράψαντος, ὅπως δοθῶσι πεντήκοντα κορυνηφόροι τῷ Πεισι- στράτῳ φυλακὴ τοῦ σώματος. Beloch infers from the text that the decree was still in existence (i 328 n); but it seems better to assume, with Wilamowitz (i 14 n. 20), that the name had been handed down by tradition.

κορυνηφόρους] Plat. Rep. 566 B, τὸ δὴ τυραννικὸν αἴτημα τὸ πολυθρύλητον... αἰτεῖν τὸν δῆμον φύλακάς τινας τοῦ σώματος. Ar. Rhet. i 2, 19, Πεισίστρατος ἐπι- βουλεύων Aree φυλακὴν καὶ λαβὼν ἐτυράν- νευσε. ol. vill (Vv) 9, 1310 15, σχεδὸν γὰρ οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν τυράννων γεγόνασιν ἐκ δημαγωγῶν ὡς εἰπεῖν, πιστευθέντες ἐκ τοῦ διαβάλλειν τοὺς γνωρίμους, and 7d. 30, οἷον οὐ Πεισίστρατος ᾿Αθήνησι... ἐκ δημαγωγίας τύραννος κατέστη.

κατέσχε τὴν ἀκρόπολιν] Plut. Sol. 30 § 4, τὴν ἀκρόπολιν κατέσχε. Phaedrus i 2, 5, arcem tyrannus occupat Pisistratus. The political importance of the citadel in revolutions is exemplified in Juv. x 307 n, Lucan viii 490, Diod. Sic. xvi 70 § 4, Plut. Zzmol. 20 τ (Mayor).

ἔτει--τριακοστῷ,] As Comeas was archon in 560 B.C., it would follow from the manuscript text that Solon was archon in 591. But, as Solon was more probably archon in 594, δευτέρῳ should be altered into τετάρτῳ, the former being possibly a corruption of 6. We thus get an interval of 33 years and keep the usual date for Solon’s archonship (Bauer, p. 45 ἢ. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 22.

r

2

WwW

TIOAITEIA

CH. 14, 1. 2—I5. 57

U A ἐπὶ Κωμέου ἄρχοντος. λέγεται δὲ Σόλωνα, Πεισιστράτου τὴν “Ὁ \ φυλακὴν αἰτοῦντος, ἀντιλέξαι καὶ εἰπεῖν ὅτι τῶν μὲν εἴη a \ ? a / σοφώτερος, τῶν δ᾽ ἀνδρειότερος" ὅσοι μὲν yap ἀγνοοῦσι Ἰ]εισί- > στρατον ἐπιτιθέμενον τυραννίδι, σοφώτερος εἶναι τούτων, ὅσοι 50. " A > U > \ δὲ / > » θ εἰδότες κατασιωπῶσιν, ἀνδρειότερος. ἐπεὶ δὲ λέγων [οὐκ ἔ]πειθεν, ἐξαράμενος τὰ ὅπλα πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν αὐτὸς μὲν ἔφη βεβοηθηκέναι a 4 3 τῇ πατρίδι καθ᾽ ὅσον ἦν δυνατός (ἤδη yap σφόδρα πρεσβύτης ἦν),

ὧν A U \ 4 ἀξιοῦν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ταὐτὸ τοῦτο ποιεῖν. Σόλων μὲν [οὖν

8 TTICICTpaTOY ut saepe: Πεισ. ubique etc. οὐκ ἔπειθεν R D Hicks (edd.): [πράττει οὐ]θέν ΚΙ.

correxit Κ. ἐξαράμενος K (edd.).

TESTIMONIA.

12 KATACIWTTWNTEC : 13 €ZAIPAMENOC:

8—15 Verbis fere isdem rem narrat Aelianus, Var. Azst. viii 16:

...(ZdrAwv) ἔφη ὅτι τῶν μέν ἐστι σοφώτερος, τῶν δὲ ἀνδρειότερος" ὁπόσοι μὲν μὴ γινώ- σκουσιν ὅτι φυλακὴν λαβὼν περὶ τὸ σῶμα τύραννος ἔσται, ἀλλὰ τούτων μέν ἐστι σοφώ-

τερος ὁπόσοι δὲ γινώσκοντες ὑποσιωπῶσι, τούτων ἀνδρειότερός ἐστιν. καθεζόμενος δὲ Σόλων πρὸ τῆς οἰκίας, τὴν ἀσπίδα καὶ τὸ δόρυ

, , Ls δύναμιν τύραννος ἣν.

δὲ λαβὼν τὴν

παραθέμενος ἔλεγεν ὅτι ἐξώπλισται καὶ βοηθεῖ τῇ πατρίδι δύναται.

ἐπὶ Kopéov] Plut. So/. 32, ἐπεβίωσε δ᾽ οὖν Σόλων ἀρξαμένου τοῦ Πεισιστράτου τυραννεῖν, ὡς μὲν Ἡρακλείδης Ποντικὸς ἱστορεῖ, συχνὸν χρόνον, ὡς δὲ Φανίας ᾿Ερέ- σιος ἐλάττονα δυοῖν ἐτῶν. ἐπὶ Kwuiov ἄρ- χοντος μὲν γὰρ ἤρξατο τυραννεῖν Πει- σίστρατος, ἐφ’ ‘Hyeorpdrov δὲ Σόλωνά φησιν Φανίας ἀποθανεῖν τοῦ μετὰ Κωμίαν ἄρξαντος. (Plutarch is possibly quoting from the work of Phanias, on τυράννων ἀναίρεσις ἐκτιμωρίας. Oncken, Staatslehre, ii 445 n.) As alternative forms of proper names in -éas or -las, we have Λυσέας, Αἰσχρέας, Ilarpéas (Kaibel, 154).

The present treatise and the olttics, v 5, 23, agree in stating that Peisistratus lived for 33 years after usurping the government of Athens; the Peisistratidae ruled for 18 years (Pol. /.c.), and the interval between their expulsion and the battle of Marathon was 19 years (Thuc. vi 59). Thus the rule of Peisistratus be- gan 70 years before B.C. 490, Ζ.6. in 560. The year given by the Parian Marble

(297+ 264/3=) 561/0 (as well as by

Jerome and the Armenian version of Eusebius) must be corrected to 560 (Clinton’s Fastz, sub anno). While the rule of Peisistratus begins in 561 (or 560), the death of Hipparchus is placed in 518, and between these two dates Piszstratus apud Athenienses tyrannidem exercuit 542 or 541. This date can only refer to the battle of Pallene, c. 15 § 3 (Wilamo- witz, i 24).

$2. εἰπεῖν ὅτι τῶν---ἀνδρειότερος] Plut. Sol. 30, ὁρῶν δὲ τοὺς μὲν πένητας ὡρμημέ-

vous χαρίζεσθαι τῷ Πεισιστράτῳ καὶ θορυ-

βοῦντας, τοὺς δὲ πλουσίους ἀποδιδράσκοντας καὶ ἀποδειλιῶντας, ἀπῆλθεν εἰπών, ὅτι τῶν μέν ἐστι σοφώτερος, τῶν δὲ ἀνδρειότερος " σοφώτερος μὲν τῶν μὴ συνιέντων τὸ πραττό- μενον, ἀνδρειότερος δὲ τῶν συνιέντων μέν, ἐναντιοῦσθαι δὲ τῇ τυραννίδι φοβουμένων. Cf. Diog. Laert. i 49—50, 65; Aelian Var. Hist. viii 16 (who tells the story in almost the same words as the text); and Aristid. i 765 Dind. The story is also told in Diodorus, ix 20, 1, Plutarch, Mor. 7 58, and in Valer. Max. v 3 E 3, viii 9 E 1; see also Wilamowitz, i 262-6, and 7Zéstimonia in Kenyon’s Berlin ed.

ἐξαράμενος τὰ ὅπλα] Plut. So/. 30, οὐδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος αὐτῷ διὰ τὸν φόβον ἀπῆλθεν eis τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ λαβὼν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν θέμενος εἰς τὸν στενωπόν, ““ ἐμοὶ μὲν" εἶπεν ““ ὡς δυνατὸν ἦν, βεβοήθηκα τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς νόμοις." Moralia 794 E, δὲ Σόλων, τῆς Πεισιστράτου δημαγωγίας ὅτι τυραννικὸν ἣν μηχάνημα φανερᾶς γενομένης, μηδενὸς ἀμύνεσθαι μηδὲ κωλύειν τολμῶντος, αὐτὸς ἐξενεγκάμενος τὰ ὅπλα καὶ πρὸ τῆς οἰκίας θέμενος, ἠξίου βοηθεῖν τοὺς πολίτας. Diod. Sic. ix 29 Bekker, οὐδενὸς δὲ αὐτῷ προσέ- χοντος ἀναλαβὼν τὴν πανοπλίαν προῆλθεν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν γεγηρακώς, καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἐπιμαρτυρόμενος ἔφησε καὶ λόγῳ καὶ ἔργῳ τῇ πατρίδι κινδυνευούσῃ βεβοηθηκέναι τὸ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν μέρος. Grote, ii 352, says of this incident, as related by Plutarch: ‘As a last appeal, he put on his armour and planted himself in military posture before the door of his house.’ θέμενος, however, is not used absolutely, but must be construed with ὅπλα.

|

5

58 AOHNAIQN

COL. 5,1. 29—37.

οἹὐδὲν ἤνυσεν τότε παρακαλῶν: Πεισίστρατος δὲ λαβὼν τὴν

ἀργὴν διώκει τὰ κοινὰ πολιτικῶς μᾶλλον τ ικῶ ρχὴν διῴκει τ ν ς μᾶλλον τυραννικῶς.

οὔπω δὲ

a 3 a > / ¢* / e \ \ / τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐρριζωμένης ὁμοφρονήσαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Μεγακλέα

\ \ fal 5». " τος [τὰ 7” \ \ 4 καὶ τὸν Λυκοῦργον ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν ἕκτῳ ἔτει μετὰ THY πρώτην

16 ἤνυσε H-L.

§ 3. πολιτικῶς μᾶλλον τυραννικῶς] Cf. ἐη7. ο. τό 88. Hdt.i 59, οὔτε τιμὰς τὰς ἐούσας συνταράξας οὔτε θέσμια μεταλλάξας, ἐπί τε τοῖσι κατεστεῶσι ἔνεμε τὴν πόλιν κοσμέων καλῶς τε καὶ εὖ. Thuc. vi 54. For πολιτικῶς, cf. (with Mr Wyse) Isocr. iv 79, 151; ix 46, £f.ii 3. This favour- able opinion of the rule of Peisistratus is characteristic of the generation pre- ceding that of Aristotle (Wilamowitz, i 120, 272).

οὔπω δὲ---ἐξέβαλον αὐτόν] Hat. i 60, μετὰ δὲ οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον τὠυτὸ φρονή- σαντες οἵ τε τοῦ Μεγακλέος στασιῶται καὶ οἱ τοῦ Λυκούργου, ἐξελαύνουσί μιν. οὕτω μὲν Πεισίστρατος ἔσχε τὸ πρῶτον ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα οὔκω κάρτα ἐρριζωμέ- νὴν ἔχων ἀπέβαλε.

ἕκτῳ ἔτει)]͵ The sixth year from 560/59 would be 555/4.

The following: are the notes of time given in the manuscript text for the chronology of Peisistratus:

148 1. Beginning ofrule. ἐπὶ Κωμέου.

14§ 3. First exile. ἕκτῳ ἔτει.

14§4. First return. ἔτει δωδεκάτῳ μετὰ ταῦτα.

15§1. Second exile. ἔτει μάλιστα ἑβδόμῳ.

15§2. Second return. ἐνδεκάτῳ... ἔτει.

1781. Total duration of rule. (ἔτη)

ἑνὸς δέοντα εἴκοσι.

26. Death, 33 years from beginning of rule. ἐπὶ Φιλονέω ἄρχοντος... ἔτη τρι- άκοντα καὶ τρία.

The above data alone account for a total of at least (5+11+6+10=) 32 years; and, as Peisistratus lived for 33 years after usurping the government, they leave only one year for the third period of rule. But c. 17 § 1 tells us that he ruled for rg years in all; if so, his third period of rule must have lasted (19-—5-6=) 8 years. On the other hand, the passage in Pol. v g 23, p. 1315 32, gives 17 years for the total duration of his rule, thus leaving 6 years for the third period. The chronology has been much discussed both before and after the discovery of this treatise. The following table gives a conspectus of some of the arrangements proposed. As typical in-

stances, before the discovery of this treat- ise, I have selected Clinton (Fast#i, vol. ii, Appendix 11) and Busolt (i 5517, cf. ii 317? n. 4). To these I have added the years as arranged by Bauer (forschungen zu Ar. °A@. πολ.), and Poland (in the notes to his German transl.). Thus far the chronology proposed accords, in the total number of years of rule and exile, with the data in the Polztics. The other two estimates, those of Mr Kenyon and M. Th. Reinach, adhere more closely to the data of the present treatise.

gh ets - 5]

=| 5 ψ

δι ΔΙ 1Μ] κα τϑί τυραννίς .....] 6) δ δ, δ᾽) δ 188 exile............| 6] 6] 6 3 2nd τυραννΐς ....... 1; 1 2} 6| 6 6 end exile ......... to | 11 το | ro | το] 10 3rd τυραννίς ...... 1011111] δ᾽ 8|c9 years of τυραννίς 17 | 17} 17} 17 19 ο. 20 years of exile ...| 16} 16 16 | 16 | 14 | c, 13

It will be observed that there is a general consensus as to the duration of the first τυραννίς and the second exile. The greatest discrepancies are in the duration of the second and third τυραννίς. In the first exile, Bauer and Poland assume that ἔτει δωδεκάτῳ (14 4) is reckoned from the beginning of the usur- pation and that μετὰ ταῦτα is to be either omitted or altered into μετὰ ταύτην ; while Mr Kenyon and M. Reinach alter δωδεκάτῳ into τετάρτῳ. In the second τυραννίς, Bauer alters ἔτει.. ἑβδόμῳ (15 § 1) into μηνὶ... ἑβδόμῳ. For the length of the third τυραννὶς we have no data except those gained by subtracting the two earlier periods of rule from the total © duration of actual rule. Of the above arrangements, Mr Kenyon’s alone strictly adheres to the total of 19 years. The 1g years of this treatise do not seem to admit of being reconciled with the 17

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

CH. 14, |. 16---28. 59

4xkatactacw ἐφ᾽ Ἡγησίου ἄρχοντος. ἔτει δὲ Ῥδωδεκάτῳ μετὰ 20 δ ‘A 4 n ταῦτα περιελαυνόμενος Μεγακλῆς τῇ στάσει, πάλιν ἐπικηρυκευ- : > / an σάμενος πρὸς τὸν ΠΕεἰσίστρατον ἐφ᾽ τε τὴν θυγατέρα αὐτοῦ , a ,ὔ \ , ς κ᾿ λήψεται, κατήγαγεν αὑτὸν ἀρχαίως καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς. προ- διασπείρας γὰρ λόγον ὡς τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καταγούσης Πεισίστρατον, \ -“ 4 \ \ 2 / ς \ ¢ / καὶ γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλὴν ἐξευρών, ὡς μὲν Hpodotos φησιν, 25 > nr ΄ rn , ς > » / > fal na ἐκ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ἰ]Παιανιέων, ws δ᾽ ἔνιοι λέγουσιν ἐκ τοῦ ΚΚολλυτοῦ 4 a ca 4 \ \ > / στεφανόπωλιν Θρᾷτταν, 7 ὄνομα Φύη, τὴν θεὸν ἀπομιμησάμενος A ¢ τῷ κόσμῳ συνεισήγαγεν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ" καὶ μὲν Πεισίστρατος

20 δωδεκάτῳ(Κ, H-L, κϑ, Β1 ὃ, Th): τετάρτῳ ES Thompson, Poste (K-w!); πέμπτῳ

K-w23 ; ἑνδεκάτῳ Bt.

21 ταῦτα : ταύτην Bauer (B‘).

ως 23 APXAIKWC, ἀρχαϊκῶς

(K, H-L, olim B, s!), cf. A/et. 1089 a 2 Bonitz ἀρχαϊκῶς ἀπορῆσαι: ἀρχαίως K-w, Bt,

κ΄, Th, cf. Pol. 1330 33 λίαν ἀρχαίως ὑπολαμβάνουσι. Kaibel, 155: γυναῖκα καὶ ob numeros B2~4. KOAYTOY, etiam altera T, et fortasse altera A, suprascripta. 28 ovv(per comp.)eonyayer (H-L, B, κϑ, K-w%, Th)

Papageorg. coll. c. 17 § 4.

25 [kal] γυναῖκα K-w?, cf. 26 Παιανιῶν H-L. 27 ὄνομα «-- ἦν -

u(CIN).

potius quam κατήγαγεν (K!, K-w!) ; εἰσήγαγεν Richards; συγκατήγαγεν Kaibel 155.

TESTIMONIA.

23 Plut. Sol. 3 5 (de alia re) ἁπλοῦς ἐστι λίαν καὶ ἀρχαῖος, unde

apparet hanc narrationem Plutarcho fuisse notam.

years of the Politics. It is suggested by Bauer that the difference may be obtained by supposing that the fractions of the years in the three periods of rule were excluded in one reckoning and included in the other. This would imply that each of the three periods of rule, as estimated in the present treatise, extended to an average of two-thirds of a year beyond the duration stated in the Polztics. This is possible, but not probable. It may be added that the genuineness of the passage in the Politics is not certain. Susemihl, in his 2nd and 3rd editions, brackets the whole of the paragraph in which it occurs; and, even if both passages are equally due to Aristotle, the present treatise may possibly represent his latest views.

§4. ἔτει δωδεκάτῳ μετὰ ταῦτα! This would naturally mean ‘eleven years after the first exile.’ But the sum of the two periods of exile was (according to 17 § τ) 33-19, Or [4 years; and the second exile lasted 10 years (15 § 2), leaving Only four years for the first exile. Such a number of years may perhaps be obtained by altering δωδεκάτῳ into τετάρ- Tw (see JV. C.), and by assuming that the symbol 6 followed by the erroneous ex- planation δεκάτῳ led to the reading dw- δεκάτῳ. Another alternative (adopted in Kaibel and Kiessling’s transl.) is to count

the eleven years from the beginning of the rule of Peisistratus. This involves either omitting μετὰ ταῦτα or altering it into μετὰ ταύτην (τὴν πρώτην κατάστασιν). See Bauer, p. 50f.

περιελαυνόμενος---τῇ στάσει κτλ.] Hat. i 60, περιελαυνόμενος δὲ τῇ στάσι Μεγακλῆς ἐπεκηρυκεύετο Πεισιστράτῳ, εἰ βούλοιτό οἱ τὴν θυγατέρα ἔχειν γυναῖκα ἐπὶ τῇ τυραννίδι, where Stein interprets στάσι as referring to the partisans of Megacles; but, in the present text, στάσει more naturally refers to the opposing faction of Lycurgus.

θυγατέρα] Κοισύραν, Schol. Arist. Vad. 49, 800, and Suidas, s.v., a statement doubted by Téppfer, Azz. geneal. 243, and rejected by Wilamowitz, i 111 n. 20.

ἁπλῶς] Hdt. i 60 calls it a πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον.

Ἡρόδοτος] i 60 ad fin., ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τῷ Παιανιέι. This is the only passage in which any writer of prose is named in this treatise. The only poet quoted by name is Solon.

ἔνιοι] partly refers to some unknown Atthidographer other than Kleidemus (Athen. 609 c, cf. Wilamowitz i 29 n).

Koddvrot] Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 262 f.

ὄνομα Pin] Hdt. i 60, τῇ ὄνομα ἦν Φύη. The Schol. on Arist. Hg. 449 calls her Muppiv7.

60 AOHNAIQN

COL. 5, 1. 37—45.

x4? of > / / “3, / εξ , al

ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος εἰσήλαυνε παραιβατούσης τῆς γυναικός, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ 30 ἄστει προσκυνοῦντες ἐδέχοντο θαυμάζοντες.

15. μὲν οὖν πρώτη κάθοδος ἐγένετο τοιαύτη. μετὰ δὲ

ἴο « 3 / \ 4 » 4 ς \ \

ταῦτα ws ἐξέπεσε τὸ δεύτερον, ἔτει μάλιστα ἑβδόμῳ μετὰ τὴν

a \

κάθοδον, (ov yap πολὺν χρόνον κατεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ διὰ TO μὴ

βούλεσθαι τῇ τοῦ Μεγακλέους θυγατρὶ συγγίγνεσθαι φοβηθεὶς ἀμ-

5 φοτέρας τὰς στάσεις ὑπεξῆλθεν), καὶ πρῶτον μὲν συνῴκισε περὶ

τὸν Θερμαῖον κόλπον χωρίον καλεῖται ‘Paixnros, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ

80 προσκυνοῦντες delet Gennadios τοῦ θαυμάζοντες interpretamentum arbitratus. θαυμάζοντες delet Richards (H-L), defendit Gennadios coll. Xen. Hel/.i 6, 11; de- fendit etiam Kaibel 155. <xal> θαυμάζοντες F Richards.

XV 2 TayTAwcez (K, B, Th): ταῦτ᾽ ἐξέπεσε K-w (Kaibel 155-6). ταῦτ᾽ αὖθις ἐξέπεσε Gennadios (H-L). ἑβδόμῳ : τρίτῳ coni. K-w!; ἑτέρῳ Bauer; δευτέρῳ von Βομόβετγ. μετὰ τὴν κάθοδον delent Cichorius et Bury (C7. Rev. 1895, 106 f): μετὰ TO πρῶτον e coniectura Bt, coll. § 2 «-μετὰ:- τὸ πρῶτον. 3 KATECYEN (ΚΙ, κέ, Th): κατεῖχεν Wyse (K-w!, H-L, K3); διακάτεσχεν B, repugnante Kaibelio 156. versus prioris in fine non A’ sed signum ad spatium vacuum explendum scriptum esse

testatur K4. 4 ΟΥ̓ΓΓΙΝ (K-W).

5 καὶ delet Kontos; καὶ πρῶτον μὲν delet

Bf, συνῴκισε: ᾧκισε coni. Gennadios, Hude (H-L, B), sed Heracl. exc. Τενεδίων

aes

confert Th. 6 paKHAOC.

παραιβατούσης] A noteworthy Ionism, but not derived from the account in Hdt. The same word is used as a reference to the same incident in Cleide- mus, af. Athenaeum, 609 C, στεφανόπω- his δὲ ἦν, καὶ αὐτὴν ἐξέδωκε πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίαν Πεισίστρατος Ἱππάρχῳ τῷ υἱῷ, ws Κλείδημος ἱστορεῖ ἐν ὀγδόῳ νόστων" “ἐἐξέδωκε δὲ καὶ Ἵππάρχῳ τῷ υἱεῖ τὴν παραιβατήσασαν αὐτῷ γυναῖκα Φύην, τὴν Σωκράτους θυγατέρα " (Miiller, FHG i 364). Cf. Kaibel, 45. Cleidemus, who wrote an ᾿Ατθίς (Athen. 235 A), has been identified with Cleitodemus, mentioned by Pausanias (x 15, 5) as the most ancient writer of Athenian history. Plutarch (Avis¢. 19) refers to his account of the battle of Plataea; so that his date is after 479 B.C.

The story is also told in Polyaen. i 21, 1; Val. Max. i 3, 3; Hermogenes de Lnvent. ii 185, 21 Spengel, with Schol. ; and Phylarchus af. Athen. 609 c (Mayor).

θαυμάζοντες] this touch is not included in the description in Hat. i 60, but it may be —— by Hdt. iii 82 (Kaibel, 155).

XV 8 τ. ἔτει μάλιστα ἑβδόμῳ] It has been urged by Bauer (p. 51): and Riihl (Rhein. Mus. 1891,p- 442), that it is impro- bable that Megacles waited so long as six years to avenge the neglect of his daughter by her husband, Peisistratus; and the text implies that the duration of the second τυραννὶς was short. Bauer accordingly

suggests that ἔτει should be altered into μηνί (a suggestion since withdrawn in his Chronologie, p. 7) and for similar reasons K-Ww alter ἑβδόμῳ into τρίτῳ. On the other hand it is suggested by Gomperz (p. 23n) that the compact between Megacles and Peisistratus was made before the daughter of the former had attained a marriageable age.

κατεῖχεν] the only passage in which the word is used without an object. See Index.

τῇ τοῦ Μεγακλέους θυγατρὶ] Hat. i 61, οἷα δὲ παίδων τέ οἱ ὑπαρχόντων νεηνιέων καὶ λεγομένων ἐναγέων εἷναι τῶν ᾿Αλκμεων- ιἰδέων, οὐ βουλόμενός οἱ γενέσθαι ἐκ τῆς νεογάμου γυναικὸς τέκνα ἐμίσγετό οἱ οὐ κατὰ νόμον.

ἀμφοτέρας τὰς στάσεις] the party of Lycurgus and the party of Megacles who had become reconciled to the opposing party, Hdt. i161, καταλλάσσετο τὴν ἔχθρην τοῖσι OTATLWT ICL.

ὑπεξῆλθεν] Hdt. i 61, ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐκ τῆς χώρας τὸ παράπαν, ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐς ᾿Ερέτριαν ἐβουλεύετο ἅμα τοῖς παισί. Herodotus mentions the help offered by the Thebans and Argives,and by Lygdamis of Naxos, and then continues: ἐξ Ἔρε- tplns δὲ ὁρμηθέντες διὰ ἑνδεκάτου ἔτεος ἀπίκοντο ὀπίσω. Eretria alone is there mentioned in connexion ‘with this period of exile. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 30.

§ 2. ‘Patkndos] The Schol. on Lyco- phron, 1236, states that this was the old

CH. 14,1. 29—CH. 15,1. 11.

TIOAITEIA

61

na > \ \ 4 I 50 f παρῆλθεν eis τοὺς περὶ Πάγγαιον τόπους, ὅθεν χρηματισά-

\ / ΄ 2 \ > > “4 ς μενος καὶ στρατιώτας μισθωσάμενος, ἐλθὼν εἰς ᾿Ερέτριαν ἑνδε-

ΐ λιν ἔτει τό(τε) πρῶτον ἀνασῴσασθαι βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχὴν κάτῳ πάλιν ἔτει ρῶτον ἀνασῴσασθα ῳψ τὴν ἀρχὴ

΄ a a , ἐπεχείρει, συμπροθυμουμένων αὐτῷ πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων,

μάλιστα δὲ Θηβαίων καὶ Λυγδάμιος τοῦ Ναξίου, ἔτι δὲ τῶν

9 τό--τε-:- B? (K-w, H-L, κθ, ΤῊ): <pera τὸ-:- (Ξε μ᾽ τὸ) Keil, Radinger,

Cichorius (85).

ANACWCACHA! (K!, B, Th), ἀνασῴσασθαι K3, κ΄ (cf. Meisterhans,

p- 179 n. 263): ANACTHCACOHAI? ἀνακτήσασθαι Herwerden (K-w), sed w certum

putat K.

name of Aivos in Macedonia. It is identi- cal with the Aiveca of Hat. vii 123, and is situated to the S. of the promontory at the extreme west of Chalcidice, opposite the mouth of the Axius and Ludias. (There was another Alvos in Thrace, near the mouth of the Hebrus.)

τοὺς περὶ Πάγγαιον τόπους] the region near the mouth of the Strymon. Though Herodotus says nothing of this region in connexion with the second exile of Pei- sistratus, the account in the text is illus- trated by the passage in which the historian says of the tyrant on his final restoration: (1 64) ἐρρίζωσε τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπικούροισί τε πολλοῖσι, καὶ χρημάτων συνόδοισι, τῶν μὲν αὐτόθεν, τῶν δὲ ἀπὸ Στρυμόνος πο- ταμοῦ συνιόντων. Here τῶν μὲν and τῶν δὲ naturally refer to χρημάτων alone, and συνιόντων in the second clause echoes συνόδοισι (= προσόδοισι) in the first. We may therefore agree with Thirlwall (ii p. 61), as against Grote (iii ba n), who refers τῶν μὲν to χρημάτων and τῶν δὲ to ém- κούροισι. Thirlwall had said of Peisis- tratus that he ‘possessed lands on the Strymon in Thrace, which yielded him a large revenue.’ Grote thought this im- probable, adding: ‘If Peisistratus had established any settlement at the mouth of the Strymon, we must surely have heard something of it afterwards.’ The

- text does not indeed tell us that Peisis-

tratus made an actual settlement near that river, but it supplies us with exactly the kind of evidence which would have removed Grote’s hesitation in accepting Thirlwall’s inference from the account in Herodotus. The text tells us more than the historian. It informs us definitely that Peisistratus visited the region near the mouth of the Strymon, and thence drew his supplies of men, as well as of money. It is interesting to notice these details respecting Rhaecelos and the country around Mount Pangaeus. The Pangaean Mount is plainly visible across the gulf of the Strymon from the neighbourhood of

vos ἀνεφάνη τῆς πατρίδος.

Stageira; and the bold promontory, north of Rhaecelus, is in full view across the plains that extend to the mouth of the Ludias from the Macedonian capital at Pella. These topographical considera- tions may serve to support the ascription of the treatise to the authorship of Aris- totle, who spent the first seventeen years of his life, and seven years besides, at his native town of Stageira. In the Historia Animalium, pp. 5924, 597a10, Aristotle makes special mention of the eels and the pelicans of the Strymon.

πάλιν] confirms the account of Hdt., implying that Peisistratus had in the first instance retired to Eretria, though we are not expressly told so in the text.

ἀνασῴσασθαι... τὴν ἀρχήν] Hdt. i ὅτ, ἀνακτᾶσθαι ὀπίσω τὴν τυραννίδα, and, i 73, ἀναλαβεῖν and ἀνακτᾶσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν ; but, in the same chapter, we find ἀνασῴ- σασθαι τὴν ἀρχήν. Hence the author has changed one Herodotean phrase into another (Kaibel, 156).

Θηβαίων] Hdt. i 61, πολλῶν δὲ μεγάλα παρασχόντων χρήματα, Θηβαῖοι ὑπερεβά- λοντὸο τῇ δόσι τῶν χρημάτων.

«Λυγδάμιος] Hat. /.c., καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αργεῖοι μισθωτοὶ ἀπίκοντο ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, καὶ Νάξιός σῴφι ἀνὴρ ἀπιγμένος ἐθελοντής, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Λύγδεμις. Ar. Pol. viii (v) 5, 1305 42, ὅταν ἐξ αὐτῆς συμβῇ τῆς ὀλιγαρ- χίας γίνεσθαι τὸν ἡγεμόνα, καθάπερ ἐν Νάξῳ Λύγδαμις, ὃς καὶ ἐτυράννησεν ὕστερον τῶν Ναξίων. The story of the way in which Lygdamis became tyrant of Naxos is quoted in Athen. viii 348, from Aristotle ἐν τῇ Ναξίων modtrelg.’ In consequence of the wrongs done by some Naxian youths to the wealthy and popular Telestagoras and his two daughters, ἀγανακτήσαντες οἱ Νάξιοι καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἀναλαβόντες ἐπῆλθον τοῖς νεανίσκοις" καὶ μεγίστη τότε στάσις ἐγένετο, προστατοῦντος τῶν Ναξίων Λυγδά- μιδος, ὃς ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς στρατηγίας τύραν- (Frag. 558 Rose3.)

Io

AOHNAIQN COL. 6, 1. 1—6.

62

e / a > a > > / \ / , \ \ ἱππέων τῶν ἐχόντων ἐν ’Epetpia τὴν πολιτείαν. || νικήσας δὲ τὴν 3 ἐπὶ Παλληνίδι μάχην καὶ λαβὼν τὴν πόλιν καὶ παρελόμενος lO 4 We ee a 3 \ / / x τοῦ δήμου τὰ ὅπλα, κατεῖχεν ἤδη THY τυραννίδα βεβαίως" καὶ ι5 Νάξον ἑλὼν ἄρχοντα κατέστησε Λύγδαμιν. παρείλετο δὲ τοῦ 4 / \ / Ν , > bd] an ,ὔ δήμου τὰ ὅπλα τόνδε τὸν τρόπον. ἐξοπλασίαν ἐν τῷ Θησείῳ

18 ἀναλαβὼν Richards. τὴν [π]|όλιν Wilcken, K-w?, B, K*: [τὴν ἀρχὴ]ν κ᾿, s! etc. 14 καὶ Νάξον ἑλὼν κϑ, B, Th: καὶ yap N. ἑλὼν K-w, Kaibel 156: καὶ eis N. ἐλθὼν K! (H-L). καὶ Νάξον---Λύγδαμιν ab hoc loco aliena esse dicunt K-w. 15 trapeiAe (B2, Th), παρεῖλεν K!: mapel\e<ro> Rutherford, K-w, H-L, Κϑ, 51, Bt appendix, Kk‘. 16 EZOTTAACIAN retinuerunt Kontos, K-w, B (K‘), titulis nonnullis freti (Dittenberger 210, ro, titulo Iliensi post Alexandri mortem scripto, τῶν ἐξοπλα- σιῶν, et 522, 39%, lapide in insula Ceo invento, ἐν τῇ ἐξοπλασίᾳ ἐξετάζειν ; eadem scriptura etiam in Diodori Siculi codicibus servata est): ἐξοπλισίαν K1, H-L, K%, 51. @HCEIw! in papyro vidit K (B, K-w?): alNakelw!ex Polyaeno sumpserat K! (K-w12, H-L).

TESTIMONIA. 12—13 *Schol. Arist. Ach. 234 Παλλήναδε : of Παλληνεῖς δῆμός ἐστι τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ἔνθα Πεισιστράτῳ βουλομένῳ τυραννεῖν καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἀμυνομένοις αὐτὸν συνέστη πόλεμος... μέμνηται δὲ τούτου καὶ ᾿Ανδροτίων καὶ Αρ. ἐν AO. πολ. (Rose,

Frag. 3557, 3935).

τῶν ἱππέων---πολιτείαν] ‘the Knights who held the supreme power in the con- stitution of Eretria’(K.). πολιτεία is here tus civitatis, potestas in civitate, often used in the Folitics in the phrase μετέχειν τῆς πολιτείας (Index Ar. s.v. 3). Eretria was under the rule of an oligarchy of Knights, which was overthrown by one Diagoras, probably not long before the Persian wars, Pol. viii (v) 6, 13064235, τὴν ἐν Ἐρετρίᾳ δ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίαν τὴν τῶν ἱππέων Διαγόρας κατέλυσεν ἀδικηθεὶς περὶ γάμων, and vi (iv) 3, 1289 36, ἐπὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων χρόνων ὅσαις πόλεσιν ἐν τοῖς ἵπποις δύ- ναμις ἦν, ὀλιγαρχίαι παρὰ τούτοις ἦσαν" ἐχρῶντο δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἵπποις πρὸς τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας, οἷον ᾿Ε ρετριεῖς καὶ Χαλκιδεῖς κτλ. An inscription pre- served in the temple of Artemis, about a mile from the city, recorded that the Eretrians used to march to that temple with 3000 hoplites, 600 horsemen, and 60 chariots (Strabo, p. 448). Cf. Gilbert, Gr. St., ii 67 τ.

8.3. ἐπὶ ἸΙαλληνίδι] On the way from Marathon to Athens. Hdt. i 62, ἐπὶ Παλληνίδος ᾿Αθηναίης ἱρόν. ILaddnvis was also the name of the temple, CIA vol. i 224, AOnvaias ἐν Παλληνίδι, Athen. 234 F, 235A, ἐν Παλληνίδι (Kaibel, 156). The deme Pallene lay near Gargettos, between Pentelicus and the northern spurs of Hymettus. It has been proposed to place it S.E. of Hymettus, near Koropz (Ath. Mitthetlungen, xvi 200—234); but this appears to have been the site of Sphettos, and the proposed identification does not suit the data in Hdt.; while the

name of Pallene survives in Ball/éna be- tween Kantza and Hieraka (Milchhofer in Berl. Phil. Wochenschr., 1892, no. 1 and 2). Cf. Arist. Ach. 233, βλέπειν Bad- Ajvade. In the Austrian map the name Baldnas is given to a stream which rises near Xantza and falls into the sea at Araphen, after flowing in a direction parallel to the route by which Peisistra- tus marched to Athens round the S. of Pentelicus.

Ndfov—AtySapiv] Hdt. i 64, καὶ yap ταύτην Ilewiorparos κατεστρέψατο πολέμῳ καὶ ἐπέτρεψε Λύγδαμι. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 355, Νάξος ἑάλω ἐπὶ Πει- σιστράτου.

As Polycrates came to the end of his rule of 16 years in B.c. 521, having been aided in its establishment by Lygdamis, it follows that Lygdamis was in power at Naxos in 537 (Duncker, G. d. A. vi 465 and 512). As Peisistratus, who restored Lygdamis, died in 527, it would follow that the third τυραννίς probably lasted τὸ or 11 years. The only alternative is to suppose that Lygdamis aided Polycrates before he himself needed the aid of Pei- sistratus.

§ 4. παρείλετο---τὰ ὅπλα] character- istic of a τυραννίς. Fol. viii (v) 10, 1311 @ 12, τὸ τῷ πλήθει μηδὲν πιστεύειν (διὸ καὶ τὴν παραίρεσιν ποιοῦνται τῶν ὅπλων).

ἐξοπλασίαν] Cf. Xen. Azad. 7 το, ἐν τῇ ἐξοπλισίᾳ, of an armed mustering of troops in preparation for a battle, the only passage in which the word is used by Xenophon. Cyvof. viii 5 9 ἐξόπλισις, and Polyaenus, v 47 (of Panaetius of

CH. 15, l. 12—I9.

TIOAITEIA 63

UY > , > / \ / \ > ποιησάμενος ἐκκλησιάζειν ἐπεχείρει, καὶ [χρόνον μὲν ἠκκλησί)ασεν μικρόν" οὐ φασκόντων δὲ κατακούειν, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς προσανα-

a \ \ 4 na > / “Ὁ n βῆναι πρὸς TO πρόπυλον τῆς ἀκροπόλεως, να γεγωνῇ μᾶλλον.

17 καὶ [χρόνον μὲν ἠκκλησί]ίασεν Th; ... δ᾽ ἔστεγεν Wilcken (K-w*); ἐπιτηδὲς δ᾽ ἐφώ-

{φθέγγεσθαι δ᾽ ἐσπούδ]ασεν K-W;

[φωνῇ δ᾽ ekexAnollacey K!; .««ἀἄὕσεὲν B;

γησεν Tyrrell et Gertz (H-L in textu); [τῆς δὲ φωνῆς ἐχάλ]ασεν Kontos (H-L in praefatione, K%, 51, coll. Lucian. Ais Accus. 21, et Aelian. Hist. Anim. xii 46); [χρόνον προσηγό]ρευεν, ‘lectio valde incerta; litt. ultimae possunt etiam acev esse’

κι. 18 διακούειν Wilcken (Κ-νν5).

Leontini, Freeman’s Szci/y, ii 57) πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐξόπλισιν ποιήσας. ἐξοπλίζεσθαι occurs in “4παὖ. i 8 § 3, ii 1 2, iv6§ 7, v 9 § 11, ἐξωπλισμένος iii 1 28, iv 3 § 3. Diodorus xix 3 ἐν ταῖς ἐξοπλισίαις φέρειν πανοπλίαν.

The story is told as follows in Poly- aenus i 21 2, Πεισίστρατος ᾿Αθηναίων τὰ ὅπλα βουλόμενος παρελέσθαι, παρήγγειλεν ἥκειν ἅπαντας εἰς τὸ ᾿Ανάκειον μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων. οἱ μὲν ἧκον " δὲ προῆλθε βουλό- μενος δημηγορῆσαι, καὶ σμικρᾷ τῇ φωνῇ λέγειν ἤρχετο. οἱ δὲ ἐξακούειν μὴ δυνά- μενοι, προελθεῖν αὐτὸν ἠξίωσαν εἰς τὸ προπύλαιον, ἵνα πάντες ἀκούσειαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ μὲν ἡσυχῆ διελέγετο, οἱ δ᾽ ἐντείναντες τὰς ἀκοὰς προσεῖχον, οἱ ἐπίκουροι προελθόντες ἀράμενοι τὰ ὅπλα κατήνεγκαν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ᾿Αγραύλου. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ γυμνοὶ κατα- λειφθέντες, τότε ἤσθοντο τῆς Πεισιστράτου βραχυφωνίας, ὅτι ἄρα ἦν τέχνασμα κατὰ τῶν ὅπλων.

The ᾿Ανάκειον, or temple of the Dioscurz or” Avaxes (Plut. Zhes. 33, Cic. Mat. Deor. iii 53), mentioned by Polyaenus, stood S.E. of the market of the Ceramicus (Curtius, Zext der Sieben Karten, p. 533 Stadtgeschichte von Athen, pp. XLVI and 82). It was probably some way up the northern slope of the Acropolis. Lucian, Piscator, 42, humorously describes the philosophers ‘planting their ladders against the ᾿Ανάκειον, and swarming up’ the Acropolis. Andocides, De JZyst. i 45, mentions a cavalry muster at the ᾿Ανάκειον, and Thucydides, viii 93, says that the hoplites who had destroyed the fort of Eetioneia ἔθεντο ἐν τῷ ᾿Ανακείῳ τὰ ὅπλα (Miss Harrison, Mythology etc. of Athens, 152).

The precinct of Agraulos, also men- tioned by Polyaenus, may be placed below the ancient stone staircase in the N. cliff of the Acropolis, some 60 yards W. of the N. Porch of the Erechtheum. (Cf. Curtius, Stadigeschichte, pp. XLIV, 37:)

The Θησεῖον is mentioned in the text. Its position is approximately determined

by the description of Pausanias. After leaving the Gymnasium and the Θησεῖον, which are near one another and ‘not far from the Agora,’ he passes from the Θησεῖον to the ᾿Ανάκειον, and adds that above the latter is the precinct of Agraulos (i 17 8.2, 18§§1,2). The precinct of the Θησεῖον was used as a place for the mustering and bivouacking of troops :— Thuc. vi 61, 2, κατέδαρθον ἐν Θησείῳ τῷ ἐν πόλει ἐν ὅπλοις. It was probably E. of the Agora and is not to be confounded with the building on the ‘hill of Colonus’ within the walls, popularly called the ‘Theseum,’ but now generally identified as the temple of Hephaestus (Miss Harrison, 7. c. 145, also 118). According to Polyaenus, the weapons are at first left in the ᾿Ανάκειον (or its precinct) and transferred to the ᾿Αγραύλιον. According to the text, they are left in the Θησεῖον (or its precinct) and are then locked up εἰς Ta πλησίον οἰκήματα τοῦ Θησείου, not ‘the buildings near the Theseum,’ as we might have expected, but ‘the neighbouring buildings of the Theseum.’ The latter phrase suggests that some other building than the Θησεῖον has already been men- tioned, and this (so far as it goes) is in favour of ἐν τῷ ’Avaxely, although it is not in the Ms. If ἐν τῷ ᾿Ανακείῳ is accepted, it proves that the Zhesewm is near the Anaceum, below the N. cliff of the Acropolis (C. Wachsmuth, heinisches Museum, x\vi 327). See also Wilamowitz, i 269—272.

ἐκκλησιάζειν] usually means ‘to hold an assembly,’ but is here used of ‘haranguing the people.’ For the latter use no parallel has yet been found.

τὸ πρόπυλον] Apparently used on purpose to avoid the grander term προπύ- Aaa, which would have been an ana- chronism in so far as it would have suggested the Propylaea of the time of Pericles. The singular προπύλαιον is first found in Lud. Eth.1214a 2 of the vestibule of the Delian Zetoton (Kaibel, 41). πρό-

πυλον itself is seldom used in the singular.

64 AOHNAIQN COL, 6, 1. 6----10.

20€v δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος διέτριβε δημηγορῶν, ἀνελόντες οἱ ἐπὶ τούτῳ

25

/ A @ \ / > \ / > τεταγμένοι Ta ὅπλα, καὶ [κατα]κλείσαντες εἰς τὰ πλησίον οἱἰ- / la! / / U \ Ν , κήματα τοῦ Onceiov, διεσήμηναν ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν Πεισίστρα- ς / > \ \ / > , φ \ \ A τον. δέ, ἐπεὶ τὸν ἄλλον λόγον ἐπετέλεσεν, εἶπε Kal περὶ τῶν ὅπλων, τὸ γεγονὸς ὡς οὐ χρὴ θαυμάζειν οὐδ᾽ ἀθυμεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ > / δι a 5 2. a \ . > \ > ἀπελθόντας ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων εἶναι, τῶν δὲ κοινῶν αὐτὸς] ἐπιμε- λήσεσθαι πάντων. 16. μὲν οὖν ἸΠεισιστράτου τυραννὶς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε κατέστη

fe) \ / \ \ ΝΜ 4 / e τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον Kal peTaBoras ἔσχεν τοσαύτας. διῴκει δ᾽

20 λΔΙΕΤρειβε. 20—21 TOYT(WN) ΤτετὰΓ : τούτων τεταγΎ. K!, Kaibel 157; τούτῳ Rutherford et Joh. Mayor, coll. Plut. Sz//a 14 § 10 Kovupiwvos ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένου (K3, B, Th), τοῦτο K-W, τοῦτ᾽ ἐπιτεταγμένοι H-L. 21 αὐτῶν [καὶ συγ]κλή- σαντες K (K-W, H-L), sed αὐτῶν quidem in papyro abesse, partem autem notae quae

κατά significaret apparere, indicavit Blass. καὶ παρακλ. Wilcken (K-Ww’), καὶ [κατα]κλή- σαντες B24 (et Th), a Kaibelio approbatus (p. 157); καὶ [κατα]κλείσαντες K4, coll.

19 5, 27 2.

24 ws οὐ χρὴ B (K-w*, K*); [λέγων ws οὐ χρὴ] ΚΙ ; [kal ὡς οὐ χρὴ] H-L (K3); [ἔφη δ᾽

οὐ δεῖν] Κ-ννϑ. H-L. infra 16 § 3 πρὸς rots ἰδίοις ὄντες. papyro inesse divinavit Wyse, invenit K.

οὐδ᾽ ἀθυμεῖν K-w (K3, B, Th); οὐ[δὲ] καταθυμεῖν K!; οὐ[ δ᾽ ἀγανακτ]εῖν 25 εἶναι add. Marchant coll. Aesch. 3 8, Dem. 15 § 11, 6 § 4, 26 § 33 et Compendium quod verbum εἶναι exprimit \ in

αὐτὸς (Richards, Wyse) ἐπιμελήσεσθαι,

Blass, K-w, .K°, Th; [αὐτῷ νῦν] μελήσεσθαι ΚΙ; αὐτὸς viv ἐπ. H-L.

Cic. ad Att. vi 1, 26, audio Appium πρό- πυλον Eleusine facere, Plut. Mor. 363 F, ἐν τῷ προπύλῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς (at Sais), Plin. AZ A. xxxv 101, Minervae delubri propylon, xxxvi 32, in propylo Atheniensium. Pliny may have borrowed this exceptional form from Heliodorus, who possibly lived under Ptolemy Epi- phanes, and wrote a work on the Acropolis (Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, i 36). The word is found (in pl.) in Hdt., Hippocrates, and in an inscription from Smyrna. Mr H. Richards accordingly suggests that it may be an Ionism. τὰ πρόπυλα is used by Hdt. and Hippocrates. But the word is also found in an inscr. of the 5th century from the Peiraeus, CIA iv (1) fasc. 2, 5216, p. 122, προπύλου δημοσίου ὅρος (of an unknown building).

Traces of the foundations of this ancient portal have been noticed S. of the E. hall of the Propylaea. It faced S.W. (Milch- hofer in Baumeister, Dezkm. i 201 a).

γεγωνῇ] Ar. De Anima ii 8, 420 a 1, διὰ τὸ ψαθυρὸς εἶναι ἀὴρ οὐ γεγωνεῖ. περὶ ἀκουστῶν, 804 24, φθέγγονται μὲν ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δύνανται γεγωνεῖν, ἀλλὰ μόνον φωνοῦσιν, cf. 802 6, a 23. Probl. οτῇ 21, 6 αὐτὸς TH αὐτῇ φωνῇ πορρωτέρω γεγωνεῖ μετ ἄλλων ἄδων μόνος, cf. gor 31 γεγώνασι, 904 35 γεγωνώς (Lndex Ar.). Antiphon, de caede Herod. 44, πολλῷ

πλέον γεγωνεῖν ἔστι νύκτωρ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ((ορεί, Mnem. iv 153). normal form in Attic prose, but the word is far from common.

τεταγμένοι] Pol. 1298a 23, τὰς ἀρχὰς Tas ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστοις τεταγμένας. τετάχθαι may have ἐπὶ with the dat. or acc.; the former is found in Xen., and both in Plato. Plat. Rep. 345 D, ἐφ᾽ τέτακται, Crit. 50 Ὁ, of ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένοι νόμοι, Leg. 952 E, τοὺς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἄρχοντας τεταγμένους, 16. 772 B, ἐπὶ πάντα καὶ ἕκαστα ταχθείς (χρόνος), Tim. 47 C, λόγος ἐπ᾿ αὐτὰ ταῦτα τέτακται. The gen. is comparatively rare.

εἰς Ta πλήσιον---τοῦ Θησείου] Polyae- nus, 21 § 5, says εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ᾿Αγραύλου.

§ 5. ἀθυμεῖν] Aer. iii 5, 1009 4 37, πῶς οὐκ ἄξιον ἀθυμῆσαι. δυσθυμεῖν (Hat. viii 10) is not found in Ar,

ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων εἶναι] ο. τό 83. <Aeschin. 3 8, of δὲ ἄπεισιν ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἔργων, and Pol. viii (v) 8, 1309 @ 6, οἱ γὰρ ἄποροι οὐ βουλήσονται ἄρχειν τῷ μηδὲν κερδαίνειν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοῖς ἰδίοις εἶναι μᾶλλον,

οἱ δὲ εὔποροι δυνήσονται διὰ τὸ μηδενὸς

προσδεῖσθαι τῶν κοινῶν. Cf. Hdt. i 63 (of the heralds of Peisistratus), θαρσεῖν re κελεύοντες καὶ ἀπιέναι ἕκαστον ἐπὶ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ.

5

γεγωνεῖν is ἴῃ 6

3

CH. 15, 1. 20---ΟΗ. 16,].13. MOAITEIA 65 Πεισίστρατος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν μετρίως καὶ μᾶλλον πολιτικῶς τυραννικῶς" ἔν τε γὰρ τοῖς ἄλλοις φιλάν-

a - , \ θρωπος ἦν καὶ πρᾷος καὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι συγγνωμονικός, καὶ δὴ 5 a ef καὶ τοῖς ἀπόροις προεδάνειζε χρήματα πρὸς Tas ἐργασίας, ὥστε

3 διατρέφεσθαι γεωργοῦντας. τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐποίει δυοῖν χάριν, ἵνα μήτε ἐν τῷ ἄστει διατρίβωσιν ἀλλὰ διεσπαρμένοι κατὰ τὴν χώραν͵ καὶ ὅπως εὐποροῦντες τῶν μετρίων καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὄντες μήτ᾽ ἐπιθυμῶσι μήτε σχολάζωσιν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν κοινῶν. το vA \ / > a \ \ / /

4 ἅμα δὲ συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ Kal tas προσόδους γίγνεσθαι μείξους

lol , > ; > A ἐξεργαζομένης THs χώρας" ἐπράττετο yap ἀπὸ τῶν γιγνομένων , 0} , ,

5 δεκάτην. διὸ καὶ τοὺς κατὰ δήμους κατεσκεύασε δικαστάς, Kai XVI 3 εἴρηται Radinger, Β εἰ (addito ἤδη) K-w, K*, Th: εἰρήκαμεν κὶ (Η-1). [τὰ

᾿ κατὰ] Β (5}) : τὰ πί(ερὶ) Wilcken (Κ-νν, κέ, Th). 4 τοῖς ἄλλοις Poland, Radinger (K-w, κϑ, Th) ; τοῖς θεσμοῖς] K!; ταῖς ὁμιλίαις H-L. δ Trpaoc (K!, Β'); πρᾷος K-w,

ΘΓ

H-L, Β2, K*, Th; cf. Schanz, Plat. Leg., praef. vi. 7 Ald... PECTEWPLOYNTAC litteris incertis scripta (K-w, K*, B, Th): διαμπερὲς ἐγεωργοῦντο quondam K, διανεκὲς ἐγεωργοῦντο H-L. 8 διεσπαρμένοι «-ὦὥσι:- Kontos (H-L). 11 TIN (K-W) sed in versu proximo ΓΙΓΝ (K-W etc.). 12 ἐξ épy. H-L. 13 KaTeckeyaze (K!, H-L,

51) : κατεσκεύασε Κ- (Kaibel 57 n), B, K*, Th.

XVI§ 2. εἴρηται] 14 3.

Kal δὴ καὶ] 10.

τοῖς ἀπόροις---γεωργοῦνταΞ)͵ In the same spirit, we read in Plut. So/. 31, ὡς δὲ Θεόφραστος ἱστόρηκε, καὶ τὸν τῆς ἀργίας νόμον οὐ Σόλων ἔθηκεν, ἀλλὰ Πεισίστρατος, τήν τε χώραν ἐνεργεστέραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἠρεμαιοτέραν ἐποίησεν. For διατρέφεσθαι Mr Wyse compares Xen. de Ked.i 1; iv 49; Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1446, épya- ζόμενοι διατρέφοιντος For the general sense, cf. Pol. 1320 7, (even under a _ democracy) χαριέντων ἐστὶ καὶ νοῦν ἐχόντων ηνωρίμων καὶ διαλαμβάνοντας τοὺς ἀπόρους ᾿ ἀφορμὰς διδόντας τρέπειν ἐπ᾽ ἐργασίας. ο΄ προεδάνειζε] In this verb πρὸ does not mean ‘beforehand,’ but ‘in advance.’ _ mpodavelfew, originally ‘to make an advance,’ develops the meaning ‘to lend _ without interest.” The conjecture προσ- εδάνειζε, ‘he a/so lent money,’ is with- drawn. It rested on the assumption that _ mpocddverve meant ‘he lent beforehand,’ sense unsuitable to the context (Wyse in Class. Rev. vi 254). §3. μήτε.. ἀλλὰ] Pol. viii (v) 8, 1308 O11, μήτ᾽ αὐξάνειν Nav μηδένα παρὰ τὴν συμμετρίαν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον πειρᾶσθαι. Κιἀεί. 14, 135946, ii 20, 1394a22 (cf. Kaibel, 158). For the general sense, Pol. viii (v) 10, 1311 @ 14, τὸ ἐξ ἄστεος ἀπελαύνειν καὶ ᾿ διοικίζειν ἀμφοτέρων κοινόν, καὶ τῆς ὀλι- ᾿γαρχίας καὶ τῆς τυραννίδος.

ιεσπαρμένοι κατὰ τὴν χώραν] οἱ. S. A.

vii (vi) 4, 1319 30, διὰ τὸ περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τὸ ἄστυ κυλίεσθαι πᾶν τὸ τοιοῦτον γένος ὡς εἰπεῖν ῥᾳδίως ἐκκλη- σιάζει. οἱ δὲ γεωργοῦντες διὰ τὸ διε- σπάρθαι κατὰ τὴν χώραν οὔτ᾽ ἀπαντῶ- σιν οὔθ᾽ ὁμοίως δέονται τῆς συνόδου ταύτης. vi (viii) 5, 1292 25, ὅταν μὲν οὖν τὸ γεωργικὸν καὶ τὸ κεκτημένον μετρίαν οὐσίαν κύριον τῆς πολιτείας, πολιτεύονται κατὰ νόμους " ἔχουσι γὰρ ἐργαζόμενοι ζῆν, οὐ δύνανται δὲ σχολάζειν, ὥστε τὸν νόμον ἐπιστήσαντες ἐκκλησιάζουσι τὰς ἀναγ- καίας ἐκκλησίας. vii (vi) 4, 1318 9, βέλτιστος γὰρ δῆμος γεωργικός ἐστιν. ..διὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ μὴ πολλὴν οὐσίαν ἔχειν ἄσχολος, ὥστε μὴ πολλάκις ἐκκλησιάζειν. Diogenes Laert. i 98 says of Periander, on the authority of Ephorus and Aristotle, οὐκ ela ἐν ἄστει ζῆν τοὺς βουλομένους. Similarly, in the abstract of Aristotle, by Heracleides, οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων ἐν ἄστει ζῆν (Rose, Frag.3 611, 20).

Cf. Aelian V. A. ix 25; Max. Tyr. xxix 3; and Dion Chrys. O7. 7, 107, 108; 25, 3 (Mayor, and Kaibel, 158, n. 1).

τῶν μετρίων] 27 3.

πρὸς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὄντες] See note on 15 5, ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων εἶναι.

μήτε σχολάζωσιν] Similarly in Pol. vill (v) 11, 1313 23, the object of the Peisistratidae, in beginning the building of the Olympieum, was ἀσχολίαν (kal πενίαν) τῶν ἀρχομένων. Cf. 26. το ff.

§ 4. ϑεκάτην] Hitherto, the main evi-

15

20

66 AOHNAIQN COL. 6, 1. 20—35.

; > 2 U / > \ a αὐτὸς ἐξῇει πολλάκις εἰς τὴν χώραν ἐπισκοπῶν Kat διαλύων \ / \ τοὺς διαφερομένους, ὅπως μὴ καταβαίνοντες εἰς TO ἄστυ παρα- - , 7 al μελῶσι TOV ἔργων. τοιαύτης yap τινος ἐξόδου τῷ Πεισιστράτῳ. / a n Lal γιγνομένης συμβῆναί φασι τὰ περὶ τὸν ἐν τῷ [Ὑ μ]ηττῷ yewp- n Ἷ a γοῦντα τὸ κληθὲν ὕστερον χωρίον ἀτελές. ἰδὼν yap τινα παντελῶς 7] U > a πἸέτρας σκάπτοντα καὶ ἐργαζόμενον, διὰ τὸ θαυμάσαι τὸν παῖδα ἐκέλευσεν ἐρέσθαι τί γίγνεται ἐκ τοῦ χωρίου" δ᾽ “ὅσα κακὰ καὶ 14 διαλύων (κϑ, K-w, B, Th): διαλλάττων Κ' (Η-1)) ; lacuna vix quattuor litterarum capax. 16 ἔργων Wilcken (Κ-νν8, B*4, K*): ἀγρῶν ΚΙ, 81:3, sl, 17 τὰ κὶ, s!, Th: τὸ H-L, B*, K-w*; ambigit Wilcken; ‘Ta aut τι, vix TO’ κι. 18 πα[ττάΪλῳ πέτρας Κ' (51); ...Aw[s ἐν] πέτραις Κ- 2; παντελῶς ἐν Wessely, Blass, sed ev abest ; παντελῶς π]έτρας K-w® (reluctante Kaibelio, p. 152), Lacon, K*, Th; sed exspec- tares potius ἐπιμελῶς (Hude) vel ἐπιπόνως vel πάνυ φιλοπόνως (Wil. i 292 n): πρεσ-

βύτην invita papyro H-L.

malis’ H-L; διὰ τὸ θαυμαστὸν Papageorg.; διὰ τοῦ καύματος Heitland. H-L, Κϑ, B: πάϊτταλον] K!, sed spatium non sufficit.

19 διὰ τὸ θαυμάσαι secl. K-w, 51; θαυμάσας scriptum

maida K-W, 20 eKeAeyeNn corr. Frankel.

[περι]γίγνεται K-w? invita papyro et invito Kaibelio 160.

dence for this has been the spurious letter of Peisistratus to Solon, Diog. Laert. i 53. The present passage supports the view of Boeckh (iii 6), Arnold (on Thuc. vi 54 § 5) and Thirlwall (c. xi, p. 72—74), that Peisistratus levied a tax of ten per cent. Grote demurred to accepting this, on the ground of insufficient evidence. (It is mentioned in Zenobius iv 76, Man- tissa Proverb. cent. i 76, and Proverbio- rum Appendix, ii 66.) Thue. ὦ. ¢., after mentioning Hipparchus, says ἐπετήδευσαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ τύραννοι οὗτοι ἀρετὴν καὶ ξύνεσιν, καὶ ᾿Αθηναίους εἰκοστὴν μόνον πρασσόμενοι κτλ., and the scholars above- mentioned accordingly assumed that the tax was reduced by the Peisistratidae. The text implies that this assumption was correct.

§ 5. τοὺς κατὰ δήμους-- δικαστάς] The origin of these district-judges,’ who went on circuit through the demes of Attica, is here for the first time ascribed to Peisistratus. Their number is stated as 30 under Pericles (c. 26 § 5). After the time of the Thirty Tyrants the number was changed to 40, four from each tribe (6.53 δ᾽ εἢ.

ὅπως μὴ καταβαίνοντες εἰς τὸ ἄστυ...] The Peisistratidae are said to have intro- duced the use of a coarse frock bordered with sheep-skin, ὅπως αἰσχύνοιντο εἰς ἄστυ κατιέναι (Pollux, vii 68).

8 6. τοιαύτης yap τινος ἐξόδου κτλ.] Zenobius, Proverb. cent. iv 76, καὶ σ φά- κελοι ποιοῦσιν ἀτέλειαν (=Suidas s.v. καὶ σφάκελοι p. 189, εἰ σφακελισμ 65): Πεισίστρατος, ὡς φασίν, τύραννος δεκά- τὴν τῶν γεωργουμένων ἀπήτει τοὺς ᾿Αθη- vatous* παριὼν δέ ποτε, καὶ ἰδὼν πρεσβύτην

πέτρας ἐργαζόμενον καὶ τόπους λιθώδεις, ἤρετο τὸν πρεσβύτην, τίνας ἐκ τῶν τόπων κομίζοιτο τοὺς καρπούς. δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο, ᾿Οδύνας καὶ σφακέλους, καὶ τούτων δεκάτην Πεισίστρατος φέρει. θαυμάσας δὲ Πεισί- στρατος τὴν παρρησίαν αὐτοῦ τῆς δεκάτης ἀτέλειαν ἔδωκε καὶ ἐκ τούτου οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῇ παροιμίᾳ ἐχρήσαντο, Mantissa Pro- verb. cenz. i 76 (=Apostolius x 80 ed. Pontini). Diodorus Sic. ix 57, διαπορευό- μενός ποτε διὰ τῆς χώρας Karevdnoev ἄνθρωπον κατὰ τὸν Ὕμηττον ἐργαζόμενον ἐν χωρίοις λεπτοῖς καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν καὶ τραχέσι, θαυμάσας δὲ τὴν φιλεργίαν ἔπεμψε τοὺς ἐρωτήσοντας κτλ....ὁ ἐργάτης ἔφησε λαμ- βάνειν ἐκ τοῦ χωρίου κακὰς ὀδύνας, ἀλλ᾽ οὐθὲν αὐτῷ μέλειν: τούτων γὰρ τὸ μέρος Πεισιστράτῳ διδόναι. δὲ δυνάστης... γελάσας ἐποίησε τὸ χωρίον ἀτελές, καὶ ἐντεῦθεν παροιμία ‘Kal σφάκελοι ποιοῦσιν. ἀτέλειαν. Procopius in Villoison, “4μ6εαῖ. ii 40.

The story has been traced to Demon, the writer of a work on proverbs, who is probably the same as the writer of an ᾿Ατθίς, earlier than Philochorus (Zenob. Athous ii 4 quoted by O. Crusius Anal. © ad Paroem.p.132f). But, ifthis Demon ~ is the same as the nephew of Demosthenes ~ bearing that name, he is later than the © date of this treatise. The story may have ~ come from an earlier ᾿Ατθὶς revised by Demon. Cp. Wilamowitz, i 272 f. =

πέτρας σκάπτοντα] Cf. πέτρας yewp- yew in Comic Fragment 380 (Kock ili, p. 480), and in Lucian’s Phalaris, B85 also Menander, Frag. 719, εἰρήνη γεωργὸν κἀν πέτραις | τρέφει καλῶς, πόλεμος δὲ κἀν | πεδίῳ κακῶς, and Philemon, 98, 5, τὰ πετραῖα ταῦτ᾽ ὀψάρια (Heitland). :

hibol to. = τ . “ὦ

CH. 16, 1. 14—35. TIOAITEIA 67

ὀδύναι᾽ ἔφη, ‘Kal τούτων τῶν κακῶν Kal τῶν ὀδυνῶν Πεισίστρατον ἴω a >

δεῖ λαβεῖν τὴν δεκάτην. μὲν οὖν ἄνθρωπος ἀπεκρίνατο

ΠῚ \ 7 \ \ ἀγνοῶν, δὲ Πεισίστρατος ἡσθεὶς διὰ τὴν παρρησίαν καὶ τὴν

a \ \ \ ΄ι 7 φιλεργίαν ἀτελῆ πάντων ἐποίησεν αὐτόν. οὐδὲν δὲ τὸ πλῆθος

8 γενέσθαι τραχυτέραν τὴν ἀρχήν.

οὐδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις παρ(ηνγώχλει κατὰ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ παρε- oxevatey εἰρήνην καὶ ἐτήρει τὴν ἡσυχίαν" διὸ καὶ πολλάκ[ες ἐἸθρ[ὑλλο]υν ὡς [ἡ] Πεισιστράτου τυραννὶς ἐπὶ Κρόνου Bios εἴη: συνέβη γὰρ ὕστερον δια[δε]ξ[αἹμένων τῶν υἱέων πολλῷ μέγιστον δὲ πάντων ἦν τῶν εἰρημένων τὸ δημοτικὸν εἶναι τῷ ἤθει καὶ φιλάνθρωπον. ἔν τε γὰρ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐβ[ούλ)]ετο πάντα διοικεῖν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, οὐδεμίαν ἑαυτῷ πλεονεξίαν διδούς, καί [ποτ]ε προσκληθεὶς φόνου δίκην εἰς “Apevoy πάγον αὐτὸς μὲν ἀπήντησεν ὡς ἀπολογησό-

9 μενος, δὲ προσκαλεσάμενος φοβηθεὶς ἔλιπεν. διὸ καὶ πολὺν

55, Wilcken (Κ-νν8, K+); [προῃρεῖτο] Κ-νν1:2, Bl, sl; [εἰώθει] K (H-L). _ ef. Dem. 49 19, 59 § 60: ἐξέλιπεν anon. (Richardsio per errorem tributum in C/. Rev. _ v 179), cf. Dinarch. 3 § 98 et Plat. Zeg. 943 A (H-L).

χρόνον ἔμεινεν (ἐν) [τῇ ἀρ]χ[ῇ)], καὶ [ὅ]τ᾽ ἐκπέσοι πάλιν ἀνελάμβανε

21 τῶν κακῶν καὶ τῶν ὀδυνῶν om. H-L; τῶν ante ὀδυνῶν 550]. K-w (Kaibel 160), BA, 23 -- αὐτὸν > ἀγνοῶν H (H-L), Hude, desiderat Wil. 25 mwap<ny>wyxre Wyse, Jos. Mayor (K-w, H-L, B, K*): TrapwyAel (K, s!, Th). 27 ἐ]θρ[ὑλλοΊ]υν Thalheim ; ἐθρύλησαν Wessely ap. K°, qui Εθρ quidem dicit agnosci posse, minime autem CAN; inde ἐθ[ρυ͵λλ[εῖ]το BI, é...... To B2, ἀκούειν ἣν Β8, [εὐλογοῦσ]ιν Bt; [παρῳ- pudgjero K!; [τοῦτ᾽ ἐλέγετο Κ-νν"}3, πολλ.. éAéyero...K-W*; [ὕστερον ἐλέγετο] H-L; [ἐλέγετο ὕστερον] Bart; πολλὰ κλέ[α ἐ]θρ[ὑλλο]υν ‘lectio non certa, sed vestigiis satis apta’ κι. 28 dia[detauévwy] E Bruhn (approbante Kaibelio 161), δια[ δε]ξ αἹμένων B, K-w?, Th; διὰ [τῆς ὕβρεως] K1, τὴν ὕβριν A Sidgwick, Gennadios, K-w!2, H-L. 30 τῶν e[ipn]uévwy Wilcken (K-w%, 88, κι, Th): [τῶν ἐπαινουμένων Jos. Mayor, Newman, Bury, K-W, H-L (K°, Bl?-4, s!); [τῶν ἀρεσκομένων olim K. 31 ἐβούλετο 34 EAITTEN

35 -ἐν: [τῇ ἀρ]χ[ῇ] olim B {K-w, 51, κί, Th), cf. 17, 3—45 ἐν ἀρχῇ H-L (Κ5) ; [ἡ] a[p]x[7] B* coll. 25 § 1, 33 § 1, διέμεινεν πολιτεία. ἀνελάμβανε Richards, K-w (Β, K+, Th); ἀπελάμβανε Wyse,

Gennadios, Ferrini, H-L, K*; εττελᾶλλβὰνε (K?).

§ 7. wap <Hv> ὥχλει] παρενοχλέω is less - uncommon than zrapoxAéw, which is found _in Theophr. C. P. iii 10, 5, μᾶλλον παρο- xXAovow αἱ ῥίζαι τῆς σκιᾶς. Cf. 11 § 1, ἠνώχλουν.

ὁέἐπὶ Κρόνου βίος] ‘the golden age.’ [Plat.] Azpparch. 2298 (after the death of Hipparchus) τρία ἔτη ἐτυραννεύθησαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ ἹἹππίου, "καὶ πάντων ἂν τῶν παλαιῶν ἤκουσας, ὅτι ταῦτα μόνα τὰ ἔτη τυραννὶς ἐγένετο ἐν ᾿Αθήναις, τὸν δ᾽ ἄλλον χρόνον (during the joint rule of Hippias and Hipparchus, and not, as in the text, during the rule of Peisistratus) ἐγγύς τι ἔζων ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὥσπερ ἐπὶ Kpédvov βασιλεύοντος. The same roverbial phrase is applied by Plutarch, vist. 24, to the happy condition of the thenian allies under the administration

4

of Aristeides, and in Czmon τὸ to the liberality of Cimon (ἐγ, c. 27 3).

συνέβη--ἀρχήν] c. 15 5.

8. δημοτικὸν] c. 14 2772.

καί ποτε mpookAnfels—thirrev] ol. viii (v) 12, 1315421, φασὶ δὲ καὶ Πεισί- στρατον ὑπομεῖναί ποτε προσκληθέντα δίκην els” Apevov πάγον. Plut. Sol. 31, ὅς γε καὶ φόνου προσκληθεὶς εἰς “Apecov πάγον ἤδη τυραννῶν ἀπήντησε κοσμίως ἀπολογησό- μενος, δὲ κατήγορος οὐχ ὑπήκουσε (apparently on the authority of Hera- cleides).

. διὸ--ἐπεφύκει καλῶς] Cf. the sketch of the best means for maintaining a τυραννίς in Pol. 1314 a 30—1315 0 το.

ὅτ᾽ ἐκπέσοι... ἀνελάμβανε] Optative of indefinite frequency, followed by the impf., as in Pod. viii (v) 5, 1305 7,éml δὲ

5—2

30

35

40

68 AOHNAIQN COL. 6, I. 35—7, 1. 6.

᾽ὔ > 4 \ \ lal / Ν a a ῥᾳδίως. ἐβούλοντο yap Kal τῶν γνωρίμων Kai τῶν δημοτικῶν ς ’ὔ \ \ \ ¢ 7ὔ \ δὲ - 3 \ » οἱ πολλοί" τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ταῖς ομιλίαις τοὺς δὲ ταῖς εἰς τὰ ἴδια

΄ / \ δὴ > / 3 / a βοηθείαις mpoo[n|yero, καὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἐπεφύκει καλῶς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις οἱ περὶ τῶν τυράννων νόμοι πρᾷοι

Ἀγ τας ᾽ν \ \ a ae \ \ ἘΠ" , . κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς οἵ τ᾽ ἄλλοι Kai δὴ Kal μάλιστα \ a / καθήκων πρὸς τὴν τῆς τυραννίδος (κατάστασιν). νόμος yap » a 3 a / ΄ 3 / \ \ 4 ae αὐτοῖς ἦν ὅδε" θέσμια τάδε ᾿Αθηναίων ἐστὶ καὶ πάτρια" ἐάν τινες a na / - τυραννεῖν ἐπανιστῶνται {ἐπὶ τυραννίδι]] συγκαθιστῇ (tis) τὴν τυραννίδα, ἄτιμον εἶναι καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ γένος. / \ 5 / a a 17. Ἱ]εισίστρατος μὲν οὖν ἐγκατεγήρασε τῇ ἀρχῇ καὶ ἀπ- ͵ 7 2 oN , > 4? ® \ , \ ἔθανε νοσήσας ἐπὶ Φιλόνεω ἄρχοντος, ad’ οὗ μὲν κατέστη TO lal , ε' a πρῶτον τύραννος ἔτη τριάκοντα καὶ τρία βιώσας, δ᾽ ἐν τῇ

38 προσήγετο Niemeyer, Lacon (edd.) : ὠφέλησαν olim K. φότερα Kontos. πρᾷοι cf. v. 5.

ἀμφοτέρας H-L; ἀμ- 39 περὶ τῶν τυράννων 560]. Keil et Swoboda, cf. Kaibel τό3 n. 41 καθ[ήκἼων K!, B, Wilcken (K-w?, Th); ἀνήκων K-w!2;

κα[θεστὼΞ] H-L.

ἐπανιστῶνται : τις <4 -- ---ἐπανιστῆται Bt,

ἐπὶ τυραννίδι τις συγκαθιστῇ <ouvwuoclay> H-L.

Blass (5}).

THNTHC : τὰ τῆς Η-Ἰ,; <xkardoracw>addidit post τυραννίδος ΚΙ, Κ- in not., Th; post τὴν olim Β (s!); -ἐπίθεσιν -- Sakell. (B+).

ἐστὶ (7) K-w, K*; ᾿Αθηναίων B2-4, K-w, Th; ᾿Αθηναίοις Kontos (B}, s!), et Wilcken (K*, Th); κατὰ <7a> K-W (Wilamowitz ii 43, Kaibel 163 ἢ.

42 ᾿Αθηναίων k(ai) Blass

τινες ---- 43 [[ἐπὶ τυραννίδι} 566]. Κ, K-w, Β, 5, Th. τὴν τυραννίδα τις συγκαθιστῇ

ἐάν τις ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἐπανιστῆται συγκαθιστῇ τὴν τυραννίδα Hagar. -«- :-

τι--ς:- K%, qui,.cum 7 et prorsus similia sint, nil nisi legendum suspicatur : K14, Lipsius, Wilcken, K-w, B, Th; συγκαθιστῶσι Papageorgios. συγκαθιστῇ τὴν TUp.

κι, Th. <tis> τὴν 52.

44 εἶναι καὶ H-L (‘ fortasse recte’ K), Β, K-w®, κ΄, ‘Th: εἶναι K.

XVII 1 ENKaTEfHpace (probat Rutherford). TESTIMONIA. 3 Heraclidis epitoma (Rose, Ar. Frag. 611, 43) Πεισίστρατος ΔΎ

ἔτη τυραννεύσας γηράσας ἀπέθανεν.

τῶν ἀρχαίων, ὅτε γένοιτο αὐτὸς δημαγω- vos καὶ στρατηγός, εἰς τυραννίδα μετέ- βαλλον. For ἀνελάμβανε cf. Hat. iii 73, (τὴν ἀρχὴν) ἀναλαβεῖν.

§ 10. πρᾷοι] refers to the penalty of ἀτιμία (1. 44), as less severe than that of death.

kal δὴ καὶ] as often with οἵ re ἄλλοι preceding; supra § 2.

ἐάν τινες---καὶ γένος] Andocides, De Mysteriis, § 97, ἐάν τις τυραννεῖν ἐπαναστῇ τὸν τύραννον συγκαταστήσῃ. In later times such an offence would be met by a καταλύσεως τοῦ δήμου γραφή, and the pe- nalty would be death and confiscation of property. The decree against the orator Antiphon and Archeptolemus (one of the Four Hundred) required them to be put to death and their property to be confis- cated. It also declared each of them to be ἄτιμον...καὶ τὸ γένος τὸ ἐκ τούτοιν (Pseudo-Plut. wzt. Antiph. § 28).

Cf. Arist. 7hesm. 338, εἴ τις.. -τυραννεῖν ἐπινοεῖ τὸν τύραννον ξυγκατάγειν, Vesp. 495, 498, 502, Lys. ὅ3ο. The text shews that in Andoc. /.c. Dobree’s suggestion,

- ἐπὶ r@> τυραννεῖν, is unnecessary. See - also Wilamowitz, i 54 n. 23. XVII § τ. ἐγκατεγήρασε] used meta- phorically in Dinarchus, Avéstog. § 3, ro- νηρίαν ἀρχομένην, contrasted with éyxara-— γεγηρακυῖαν, ‘inveterate.’ Plut. Phocion 30, πενίαν ἐν ἣ... ἐγκατεγήρασε. ἐγγηράσ- kew is similarly used c. dat. ͵ Cf. Thuc. vi 54, 2, IL. γηραιοῦ τελευτή- σαντος ; Val. Max. viii 9 E 2, ‘decrepitum.’ Φιλόνεω ἄρχοντος] B.C. 528-7. The name of the archon of the year is now” ascertained for the first time. The date) of the death of Peisistratus was known” already. He died in the beginning of B.C. 527, the latter half of Ol. 63, 1.0 The date is fixed by Ar. Pol., quoted” below, and by Thuc. vi 59 5. The former makes the rule of the Peisi- stratidae last 18° years; the latter says that the battle of Marathon was in the 20th year after the expulsion of Hippias. 490+18+19=527 (Clinton, Fast, ii 254). δῷ ἔτη τριάκοντα καὶ τρία] Pol. viii ΜΝ 12, 13154 30, τῶν Πεισιστρατιδῶν,

CH. 16, |. 36—CH. 17,1.12. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

2 ἀρχῇ διέμεινεν ἑνὸς δέοντα εἴκοσι" ἔφευγε yap τὰ λοιπά.

69

διὸ

7.1] καὶ φανερῶς ληροῦσιν (οἷ) φάσκοντες || ἐρώμενον εἶναι Πεισί- στρατον Σόλωνος καὶ στρατηγεῖν ἐν τῷ πρὸς Meyapéas πολέμῳ

\ > ἊΝ a Ξ > \ δέ a ς / 2/7 > / περὶ Σαλαμῖνος" ov yap ἐνδέχεται ταῖς ἡλικίαις, ἐάν τις ἀναλογί-

3 ζηται τὸν ἑκατέρου βίον καὶ ἐφ᾽ οὗ ἀπέθανεν ἄρχοντος. τελευτή-

σαντος δὲ [Πεισιστράτου κατεῖχον οἱ υἱεῖς τὴν ἀρχήν, προάγοντες

\ / Ta πράγματα τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον.

3 \ / \ > a a ἦσαν δὲ δύο μὲν ἐκ τῆς γαμετῆς,

Ἱππίας καὶ Ἵππαρχος, δύο δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αργείας, Ἰοφῶν καὶ γησί-

άστρατος,

παρωνύμιον ἦν Θέτταλος. ἔγημεν γὰρ Πεισίστρατος ἐξ

4 εφ. ΓΕΝ, ἔφυγεν (ut videtur) ΚΙ, Bl, ἔφευγεν Jos. Mayor, Rutherford, K-w, H-L,

K3, sl; ἔφευγε B2-4, κέ, Th. K-W, H-L (kK, 81-8, Th).

11 τῆς : τινος Bart. Mat. 24. (K-w*, Th).

5 ΛΗΡΟΥΟΙ, K! (Bt): Anpodow <oi> Lacon, Hude, 7 CAAAMEINOC. Rutherford, Jos. Mayor, Blass, K-w, H-L (K%, Th). 12 <ér>éynuev Papageorgios, Kaibel 166, coll. Plut. Caz.

9 TTPOAPAPONTEC : corr. 10 <’Arrixfjs> γαμετῆς H-L.

(apx7)’AOnvnow. οὐκ ἐγένετο δὲ συνεχής" δὶς γὰρ ἔφυγε Πεισίστρατος τυραννῶν" wor ἐν ἔτεσι τριάκοντα καὶ τρισὶν ἑπτα- καίδεκα ἔτη τούτων ἐτυράννευσεν, ὀκτωκαί- δεκα δὲ οἱ παῖδες, ὥστε τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο ἔτη τριάκοντα καὶ πέντε. The passage is part of a paragraph regarded as an inter- polation by Susemihl, ed. 2 and 3.

ἑνὸς δέοντα elxoot] In Fo/. quoted above, the rule of Peisistratus is said to have lasted 17 years. It has been pro- posed to reconcile the two accounts by supposing that fractions of a year are in- cluded here, and excluded in the Politics. See, however, note on 14 § 3.

$2. φανερῶς ληροῦσιν] ληρεῖν is not found elsewhere in Aristotle, while λῆρος and ληρώδης are rare, e.g. Hist. An.5796 2, δὲ λεχθεὶς μῦθος.. .ληρώδης ἐστίν (Kaibel,

31).

ἐρώμενον] Acl. V. ZH. viii τό, λέγεται yap αὐτοῦ παιδικὰ γενέσθαι. Cf. Wila- mowitz, i 269.

Meyapéas] c. 14 § i.

ἀπέθανεν] Solon died not long after 560 B.c. (Plut. So/. 12); Peisistratus, in 527.

§ 3. τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον] Thuc. vi. 54 88 4f, 6. . ἐκ τῆς γαμετῆς] The name is not known. ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αργείας] Hadt. v 94, Πεισί- στρατος..-κρατήσας αὐτοῦ (sc. Σιγείου) κα- Τέστησε τύραννον εἶναι παῖδα τὸν ἑωυτοῦ ᾿ νόθον ᾿Ηγησίστρατον, γεγονότα ἐξ ᾿Αργείας γυναικός. ““ Herodotus calls Hegesistratus ψόθον, because after.the middle of the - fifth century (c. 26 ad fin.) women of _ oreign blood certainly could not occupy _ at Athens the position of a lawful wife: the children of a ξένη were both νόθοι and

ξένοι. The same distinction is present to the writer: he contrasts ‘the wedded wife’ of Athenian birth with the ‘Argive wo- man.’ The reading need not be altered. Thucydides (vi 55 1) seems to include Thessalus among the legitimate sons of Peisistratus, τῶν γνησίων ddehpdv” (Wyse, Class. Rev. v 2266). Ini 20 § 2, after stating that Hippias was the eldest son, he adds that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers. The name of Thes- salus was probably given him out of com- pliment to the Thessalian allies of the house of Peisistratus. The Thessalians ineffectually sent 1000 horse to defend Hippias shortly before his expulsion (Hdt. v 63). Plutarch, Cato major 24, calls Thessalus the son of Peisistratus and Timonassa, but we now know for the first time that this was another name for Hegesistratus. As regards the nationality of his mother it will be remembered that Peisistratus was aided, during his second exile, by mercenary troops from Argos (Hadt. i 61).

*Iopav] Not mentioned elsewhere as a son of Peisistratus. Hippias, Hippar- chus and Thessalus alone are quoted by Thucydides (vi 55) as recorded on the tablet relating to the exile of the ‘tyrants.’ It is suggested by Wilamowitz (i 112 f), that only three of the sons lived at Athens, while Sigeum was held by Iophon, though Hdt. v 94 describes it as held by Hege- sistratus (or Thessalus).

παρωνύμιον] = ἐπωνυμία (c. 45 § 1). Plat. Soph. 228C. The adj. παρωνύμιος is found in Plat. Leg. 757 Ὁ, and the corre- sponding verb in Ar. Phys. vii 3, 2456 II, 28, παρωνυμιάζοντες λέγομεν, and Z¢h.

σι

70

AOHNAIQN

COL. 7, 1. 6—14.

"A pyous. ἀνδρὸς ᾿Αργείου θυγατέρα, ὄνομα ἦν Γοργίλος, Τιμώνασ- σαν,ἣν πρότερον ἔσχεν γυναῖκα᾽ Ἀρχῖνος ὁ᾿ Αμπρακιώτης τῶν Κυψε- 15 λιδῶν" ὅθεν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους ἐνέστη φιλία, καὶ συνεμα-

/ " \ ee ΄ ¢ U / χέσαντο χίλιοι τὴν ἐπὶ ἸΠαλληνίδι μάχην ᾿Ηγησιστράτου Kopi- σαντος. γῆμαι δέ φασι τὴν ᾿Αργείαν οἱ μὲν ἐκπεσόντα τὸ πρῶτον,

e O\ , \ 2 ΄ οι δὲ κατέχοντα τὴν apxXnv.

14 ἔσχε H-L, Β΄.

15 ENECTH: συνέστη H-L. detexit Jos. Mayor (K-wW, H-L, K®, B, Th):

16 Ἡγησιστράτου primus Πεισιστράτου ΚΙ.

Lud. iii t, 1228 a 35, παρωνυμιάζεσθαιΞε παρωνύμως παρά τι λέγεσθαι. The ordi- nary form of the adj. in Ar. is παρώνυμος.

@érrados] Hegesistratos hatte das παρωνύμιον Θέτταλος, nicht das Distinctiv Θετταλός, sondern den Rufnamen der den Taufnamen verdraingte. Daher ist Θέτταλος zu schreiben, nicht Gerrards’ (Kaibel, 166).

§ 4. ἐξ “Apyovs] ‘an indispensable

statement. Otherwise it might have been supposed that she came from Ampracia, in which case the friendship with Argos would have been left unexplained’ (Kai- bel, 166). - ΤΠιμώνασσαν] Plut. Cat. maz. 24, ταύ- τὴν δὲ τὴν γνώμην πρότερον εἰπεῖν φασι Πεισίστρατον τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων τύραννον ἐπι- γήμαντα τοῖς ἐνηλίκοις παισὶ τὴν Αργολίδα Τιμώνασσαν, ἐξ ἧς ᾿Ιτοφῶντα καὶ Θεσσαλὸν (sic) αὐτῷ λέγουσι γενέσθαι.

᾿Αρχῖνος ᾿Αμπρακιώτης τῶν Κυψε- λιδῶν] Cypselus (tyrant of Corinth for 30 years from B.C. 658 or 655) was suc- ceeded by his son Periander. Among the contemporaries of the latter was another Periander, son of Gorgus, who was either a son or a brother of Cypselus. This second Periander was a tyrant of Am- bracia. The establishment of a branch of the Cypselidae in Ambracia was in accord- ance with the ambitious policy of that dynasty. They attempted to occupy the coast of the Ionian sea as far as Illyria (Miiller, Dor. i 8 § 3). Periander was deposed probably after the death of the Corinthian tyrant of the same name (B.C. 585). Pol. viii (v) 10, 1311 @ 39, Περι- dvipw τῷ ἐν ᾿Αμβρακίᾳ τυράννῳ, and 4, 1304 31, ἐν ᾿Αμβρακίᾳ.... Περίανδρον συνεκβαλὼν τοῖς ἐπιθεμένοις δῆμος τὸν τύραννον εἰς ἑαυτὸν περιέστησε τὴν πολι- τείαν. Ambracia was colonised in the reign of Cypselus (Strabo, p. 452) either by that tyrant’s brother, Torgus, or his son Gorgus. Strabo, p. 328, describes Ambracia as Tédyou (sc) τοῦ Κυψέλου κτίσμα (Clinton’s Fast, sub anno 612 B.c.). In the Po/ttics the affair of Har-

modius and Aristogeiton is mentioned just before the fall of the Ambracian tyrant, Periander: here it is narrated shortly after a reference to another mem- ber of the Ambracian branch of the Cypselidae.—On Ambracia see Duncker, H, G. ii 353 E.T.

ἐπὶ [ladAnvide] 15 3.

ἐκπεσόντα... κατέχοντα] If Peisistratus married Timonassa on his first usurpation of the government in 560 B.c., Hegesi- stratus may have been either 21, 23, 24 or 26 years of age at the battle of Pallene according as we place that event in 539 (Busolt, Bauer), 536 (Reinach), 535 (Ken- yon) or §33(Poland). Ifhe married her on his first expulsion, the son may have been four years younger (17 to 22) in the year of the battle. The latter view seems preferable, as his marriage with the * Argive woman’ is more likely to have taken place, when it was to his interest to secure the aid of Argos, than on his first usurpation, when her presence in the - palace would not have ingratiated him with his Athenian subjects or with his” wedded wife. The beginning of the second tyranny, four to six years later, 15. out of the question, partly because Peisi-— stratus was then in alliance with Megacles, while Timonassa was probably no longer | alive; and partly because this would make the son 15 at the most on the occasion of the battle. }

Within about eight years of this time Hegesistratus was old enough to be) ‘placed in charge of Sigeum (Hdt. v 94). He was ‘much younger’ than Hipparchus | (c. 18 2). Hipparchus, again, was’ younger than Hippias, and Hippias was_ an old man in B.C. 490 (Thuc. vi 59 5). If Hippias was more than 70 in 490, he’ was born before 560. Hippias and ΗΕ parchus were already young men’ (Hdt. i 61) when their father married the’ daughter of Megacles, either 8, 9 or II- years after 560. All these considerations are in favour of placing the marriage at’ the time of the first exile.

ΨΥ tee

ΟῚ ΓΤ ΒΥ ὙΎ eee ee Ser ΤΟΝ

CH. 17, 1. 13—CH. 18, 1.6. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 71

18. ἦσαν δὲ κύριοι μὲν τῶν πραγμάτων διὰ τὰ ἀξιώματα

\ \ \ ς / \ 5 / ΄ ee. καὶ διὰ τὰς ἡλικίας Ἵππαρχος καὶ ‘Immias, πρεσβύτερος δὲ ὧν Ἱππίας καὶ τῇ φύσει πολιτικὸς καὶ ἔμφρων ἐπεστάτει τῆς ᾿] na «ς ν Δ Ι \ 5] \ \ / ἀρχῆς. δὲ Ἵππαρχος παιδιωδης Kai ἐρωτικὸς Kai φιλόμουσος μὴ \ \ \ ? / \ / \ \ A nv (καὶ τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ανακρέοντα καὶ Σιμωνίδην καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ποιητὰς οὗτος ἦν μεταπεμπόμενος), Θέτταλος δὲ νεώτερος πολὺ

XVIII 1 TWN MEN: μὲν τῶν Blass, Richards, edd. 5—T καὶ τοὺς περὶ---πολὺ per

parenthesin accipit Wilcken. 6—7 Θέτταλο----πολὺ del. Stahl, Θέτταλος---ὑβριστής delet Herwerden : defendit Heraclides infra laudatus. Oérrados K*; Θετταλὸς al.

TESTIMONIA. 4—T7 Heraclidis epitoma (Rose, Ar. Frag. 611, 4°) Ἵππαρχος υἱὸς Πεισιστράτου παιδιώδης ἦν καὶ ἐρωτικὸς καὶ φιλόμουσος, Θεσσαλὸς (sic) δὲ νεώτερος καὶ θρασύς. τοῦτον τυραννοῦντα μὴ δυνηθέντες ἀνελεῖν Ἵππαρχον ἀπέκτει-

ναν τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ.

XVIII. Harmodius and Aristogeiton.

§ 1. πρεσβύτερος --ὁ ‘Immlas] Thuc. i 20, 2, Αθηναίων γοῦν τὸ πλῆθος Ἵππαρχον οἴονται ὑφ᾽ ᾿Αρμοδίου καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτονος τύραννον ὄντα ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅτι Ἱππίας μὲν πρεσβύτατος ὧν ἦρχε τῶν Πεισιστράτου υἱέων, Ἵππαρχος δὲ καὶ Θεσσαλὸς (sc) ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, and vi 54. § 2; 55 88 1, 2.

In [Plato], Wipparchus, 228 B, Hippar- chus is wrongly described as the eldest son.

φιλόμουσος] Hipparchus is said to have Set up in the demes of Attica Hermae inscribed with verses. Hipparch. 229 A, μνῆμα τόδ᾽ Ἱππάρχου: στεῖχε δίκαια φρονῶν. ..ἔστι δὲ τῶν ποιημάτων καὶ ἄλλα ἐν ἄλλοις “Ἑρμαῖς πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ ἐπιγε- γραμμένα. The Homeric recitations in- troduced by Peisistratus at the Panathe- Naea were improved in certain respects jo (2d. 228 B, Aelian, V. 7. viii 2).

τοὺς περὶ] ‘Formula οἱ περί twa...in- terdum ita usurpatur, ut ab ipso personae nomine non multum differat, οἱ περὶ Eyzre- δοκλέα καὶ Δημόκριτον de Caelo ii 7, 305 6 1 (οἵ. ᾿Εμπεδοκλῆς kal Δημόκριτος 305 a 34). οἱ περὶ Ἱπποκράτην Meteor. i 6, 342 6 35

(εἴ. Ἱπποκράτης 343 α 28). τῶν περὶ Té-

λωνα τυραννὶς καὶ νῦν τῶν περὶ τὸν Διο- νύσιον, 7 μὲν Τέλωνος Pol. ν 10, 1312 το. Cf. de Gener. et Corrupt. 314 a 25, Pol. v 6, 1305 26, παρ Aristotelicus. In such cases the proper name has no article (Eucken, Sprachgebrauch, Praep. p. 66).

*Avaxpéovra kal Σιμωνίδην] Aipparch. 228 c, (Hipparchus) ἐπ᾿ ’Avaxpéovra τὸν THiov πεντηκόντορον στείλας ἐκόμισεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. Σιμωνίδην δὲ τὸν Κιεῖον ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε, μεγάλοις μισθοῖς καὶ δώροις πείθων.

Simonides (born 556 B.C.) was 29 years of age on the death of Peisistratus in 527.

It was probably after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae that he wrote the epi- taph on Archedice, daughter of Hippias, quoted in Thuc. vi 59. Cf. Plat. Protag. 346B. He also celebrated the death of his patron Hipparchus (7 μέγ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοισι φόως γένεθ᾽ ἡνίκ᾽ ᾿Αριστο-γείτων Ἵππαρχον κτεῖνε καὶ ᾿Αρμόδιος, 134 Bergk). After spending some years at the court, of the Aleuadae in Thessaly, he returned to Athens and there commemorated in verse some of thegreat events of the Persian wars. See also Freeman’s Sicily, ii 258—264.

There is no evidence of intimate re- lations between Simonides and Anacreon, unless we ascribe to Simonides the epitaphs on Anacreon in Anthol. Pal. vii 24, 25, which are assigned with greater probability to a later poet, Leonidas.

Anacreon lived for many years at the court of Polycrates of Samos (Hdt. iii 121, Strabo, xiv 638), who was put to death in 522. The death of his patron and the unpopular rule of his successor would prompt him to accept the invitation of Hipparchus. At Athens he made the acquaintance of various members of noble families, such as Critias, son of Dropides (Plat. Charmides, 157 ©), and Xanthippus, afterwards the victor of Mycale and the father of Pericles. On the death of Hipparchus, he probably went (like Simonides) to the court of the Aleuadae.

τοὺς ἄλλους ποιητὰς] ¢.g. the founder of the Athenian school of Dithyrambic poetry, and the teacher of Pindar, Lasus of Hermione, one of the rivals of Simon- ides (Aristoph. Vesp. 1410 Schol.). His detection of the forgeries of Onomacritus led to the banishment of the latter by Hipparchus (Hdt. vii 6).

§2. Θέτταλος] Diodorus Sic., x 16, 1,

Io

72 AOQHNAIQN COL. 7, 1. 14—26. καὶ τῷ βίῳ θρασὺς καὶ ὑβριστής, ad οὗ καὶ συνέβη THY ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι πάντων τῶν κακῶν. ἐρασθεὶς yap τοῦ ᾿Αρμοδίου καὶ διαμαρτάνων τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίας, οὐ κατεῖχε τὴν ὀργήν, Ε ἥν τὰν a » / a \ \ αλλ᾽ ἔν TE τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐνεσημαίνετο πικρῶς καὶ TO τελευταῖον μέλλουσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀδελφὴν κανηφορεῖν Παναθηναίοις ἐκώλυ- σεν' λοιδορήσας τι τὸν ᾿Αρμόδιον ὡς μαλακὸν ὄντα, ὅθεν συνέβη παροξυνθέντα τὸν ᾿Αρμόδιον καὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστογείτονα πράττειν τὴν 9 διαμαρτὼν Bt. 10 πικρῶς K-w (Κ8, B, Th); ἐνεσήμαινε τὸ πικρὸν ΚΙ, ἐνεση- μαίνετο τὸ πικρόν Richards (H-L). 13 παροξυνθέντας H-L, sed ‘spatium deest.’ 14 μετεχόντων πολλῶν satis clare legitur’ Blass (K-w?, K4, Th); 3; μ. <ov> π. Kaibel

167; μετὰ πολιτῶν πολλῶν ΚΙ; μετὰ πολιτῶν οὐ χολλῶν Gennadios ; 3 μετὰ TUVEL< 56 > - των --οὐ:- πολλῶν Jos. Mayor (K-Wl2) 5; μετὰ συνωμοτῶν οὐ πολλῶν Thompson ; μετ᾽

ὀλίγων ἄλλων Richards; μετ᾽ [ἄλλων οὐ] πολλῶν H-L.

gives him a character for wisdom: ἀπεί- πατο τὴν τυραννίδα.

ἀφ᾽ οὗ] Whether οὗ is ; neuter or (more probably) masculine, it is clear that the troubles of the Peisistratidae are here ascribed to the ὕβρις of Thessalus, who is naturally the subject of the next sentence ἐρασθεὶς yap κτλ. This is so completely at variance with the account in Thucy- dides that Mr Kenyon in his first ed. felt constrained to throw the description of Thessalus into a parenthesis. But the writer does not hesitate to disagree with Thucydides in several of his details, and he may have deliberately disagreed with him in this important point. It does not follow that Thucydides is wrong. The whole of the episode on Harmodius and Aristogeiton is apparently written with extreme care to refute a popular error. It must also be remembered that (accord- ing to Hermippus, in Marcellinus, V7. Thuc. p. ix, and Schol. on i 20) the historian was related to the Peisistratidae. Cf. vi 55 § 1, εἰδὼς.. καὶ ἀκοῇ ἀκριβέστερον ἄλλων. On the other hand, the writer of this treatise shews in the latter part of c. 17 that he knows more than Thucy- dides about Thessalus, and Thucydides himself tacitly corrects in book i 20 some of the details in the account in book vi (Weil, Yournal des Savants, avril 1891).

ἐρασθεὶς τοῦ “Appodlov] This is re- ported of Hipparchus by Diod. Sic. x 16 § 2, Plut. Amator. 16 § 27, p. 760, Athen. p. 602 A (Mayor).

éveonpatvero πικρώς] On the other hand, Thuc. (vi 54 § 4), with greater partiality towards the Peisistratidae, says of Hipparchus, βίαιον μὲν οὐδὲν ἐβούλετο δρᾶν. For ἐνσημαίνεσθαι, cf. Isocr. 20 8 22, ἐνσημανεῖσθε.. τὴν ὀργήν.

μέλλουσαν---ἐκώλυσεν] Thuc. vi 56

§ 1, ἀδελφὴν yap αὐτοῦ κόρην, ἐπαγγεί- λαντες ἥκειν κανοῦν οἴσουσαν ἐν πομπῇ τινί, ἀπήλασαν, λέγοντες οὐδὲ ἐπαγγεῖλαι τὴν ἀρχὴν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀξίαν εἶναι. Ar. Pol. viii (v) 10, 1311 36, (the rule of the Peisistratidae was attacked) διὰ τὸ προπη- λακίσαι μὲν τὴν ᾿Αρμοδίου ἀδελφὴν ἐπη- ῥεάσαι δ᾽ ᾿Δρμόδιον (ὁ μὲν yap ‘Apudédios διὰ τὴν ἀδελφήν, δὲ ᾿Αριστογείτων διὰ τὸν ᾿Αρμόδιον). Plato, Symp. 182 C, 6 γὰρ ᾿Αριστογείτονος ἔρως καὶ 'Αρμοδίου φιλία βέβαιος γενομένη κατέλυσεν αὐτῶν (sc. τῶν ἐνθάδε τυράννων) τὴν ἀρχήν. The text connects this incident with the ap- proaching Panathenaic festival, at which Hipparchus was put to death. The | Panathenaea are mentioned in connexion with the sister of Harmodius by Aelian © V. H. xi 8, and Max. Tyr. 24, 2. The year was B.C. 514.

On κανηφορεῖν, cf. Aristoph. Zecl. 732, Av. 1551, and Harpocr. s. v. kavy- Pbpot...Piddxopos ἐν B’ ᾿Ατθίδος φησὶν ὡς ᾿Εριχθονίου βασιλεύοντος πρῶτον κατέ- στησαν αἱ ἐν ἀξιώματι παρθένοι φέρειν τὰ κανᾶ τῇ θεῷ, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐπέκειτο τὰ πρὸς τὴν : θυσίαν, τοῖς re Παναθηναίοις καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πομπαῖς (for other authorities, see Michaelis, Parthenon, Ὁ. 329 ἢ. The Panathenaea had been revived by Peisi- stratus, but even in 566 B.C., six years before his first usurpation, it was attended ~ by a large concourse in consequence of ~ the institution of gymnastic contests at that date (Marcellinus, Vit. Thuc. i). The Scholiast on Aristides, iii 323 Dind., says of thegreat Panathenaea, Πεισίστρατος ἐποίησε.

μαλακὸν] ‘effeminate,’ opp. to καρτερι- ᾿ κὀς ἴῃ Eth. 1147 6 23, 1150a 14, 33; 411. Eud. 1229 6 7, πρὸς τὸν θάνατον μαλακὸς

περίφοβος. Cf.c. 31. 7.

CH. 18, 1. 7—23.

3 πρᾶξιν μετεχόντων πολλῶν.

—TIOAITEIA

73

\ a > , ἤδη δὲ παρατηροῦντες ἐν ἀκροπόλει

“-“ / ‘4 > ey e \ , τοῖς Παναθηναίοις Ἱππίαν (ἐτύγχανεν yap οὗτος μὲν δεχόμενος, ς sc ? / \ Ul 50. " \ a δ᾽ Ἵππαρχος ἀποστέλλων THY πομπήν), ἰδόντες τινὰ τῶν κοινων- a - ούντων τῆς πράξεως φιλανθρώπως ἐντυγχάνοντα τῷ “Ἱππίᾳ καὶ / / rd / a \ n / νομίσαντες μηνύειν, βουλόμενοί te δρᾶσαι πρὸ THs συλλήψεως, καταβάντες καὶ προεξαναστάντες τῶν [ἄλλω]ν, τὸν μὲν Ἵππαρχον

a) \ \ > διακοσμοῦντα τὴν πομπὴν παρὰ τὸ Λεωκόρειον ἀπέκτειναν,

4 τὴν δ᾽ ὅλην ἐλυμήναντο πρᾶξιν.

αὐτῶν δ᾽ μὲν ᾿Αρμόδιος εὐθέως

2 ie. e \ lal , e a. oe / ef ἐτελεύτησεν ὑπὸ τῶν δορυφόρων, δ᾽ ᾿Αριστογείτων ὕστερον

συλληφθεὶς καὶ πολὺν χρόνον αἰκισθείς.

15 μὲν δεχόμενος K-W, H-L (Κ8, Β, Th); μετερχόμενος ΚΙ.

κατηγόρησεν δ᾽ ἐν

19 [ἄλλω]ν ΚΙ, H-L,

K-W?, Th (‘lectio incerta,’ K*) : λοιπῶν Papageorgios, B!, 51; ἑτέρων K-w!; σ(υν)ωμο-

7(wv) Diels.

20 trapa (Thuc. vi 57) : περὶ H-L (2d. i 20). (K3, B, Th); [τὴν μὲν οὖν] K!; τὴν H-L.

21 τὴν δ᾽ K-w δ᾽ : γὰρ invita papyro K-w!-2,

μετεχόντων πολλῶν] This contradicts Thuc. vi 56 8 3, ἦσαν δὲ οὐ πολλοὶ οἱ ξυνομωμοκότες, ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα. It im- plies that Aristotle believed in the exis- tence of a widely extended conspiracy, and in the guilt of those who were executed for taking part in it (Wilamowitz, i274, n. 27).

§ 3. ἐν dKpomdde] Thucydides (vi 57 τὴ describes Hippias as marshalling the procession outside Athens in the (outer) Cerameicus, and adds that, on noticing one of the conspirators conversing with him, Harmodius and Aristogeiton, fearing that the plot was discovered, rushed within the gates (εἴσω τῶν πυλῶν), found Hipparchus near the Leocorium and stabbed him to death. Hippias, meanwhile, had remained outside the gates, and it was there that he disarmed the citizens. The text describes H. and A. as waiting for Hippias on the Acropolis. On observing some one con- versing with Hippias, they descend (κατα- βάντες) and slay Hipparchus near the Leocorium. The two accounts are im- possible to reconcile. In more than one point our author deliberately differs from the historian (7zf 4). Hude, after comparing these conflicting accounts, de- cides in favour of Aristotle, who probably followed the same authority as his con- temporary, Androtion (Veue Fahrb. 1892, 170-6). See also J. Miller in Phzlologus lii, 1893, 573-6.

dvTes—ovdAr pews] Thuc. vi 57 § 3, ὡς εἶδόν τινα τῶν ξυνωμοτῶν σφίσι δια- λεγόμενον οἰκείως τῷ ἹἹππίᾳ...ἔδεισαν καὶ ἐνόμισαν μεμηνῦσθαί τε καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη ξυλληφθήσεσθαι. πρὸ τῆς συλλήψεως con-

firms Thuc. i 20, πρὶν ξυλληφθῆναι, sus- pected by Cobet.

προεξαναστάντες τῶν ἄλλων] having begun the attack without waiting for their confederates.’

“Imrapxov διακοσμοῦντα τὴν πομπὴν] Thue. i. 20 3, τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ περιτυχόντες περὶ τὸ Λεωκόριον καλούμενον τὴν Ilava- θηναϊκὴν πομπὴν διακοσμοῦντι ἀπέκτειναν. In vi 57, the historian mentions Hippias alone as marshalling the procession out- side the gates: (Harm. and Ar.) περι- ἔτυχον τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ παρὰ τὸ Λεωκόριον καλούμενον. The text supports παρὰ against περὶ.

τὸ Λεωκόρειον] The monument of the three daughters of Leos who, at the command of an oracle, sacrificed them- selves for their country, [Dem.] 60 § 29, Cic. Nat. Deor. iii 50. Harpocration places it in the midst of the (inner) Cerameicus. It is mentioned in con- nexion with the ἀγορά in Dem. 54 § 7. Cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 417, and Judeich in Fleckeis. Fahrb. 1890, p- 756, and in Zopogr. von Athen, p. 301.

§ 4. πολὺν χρόνον aikiorbels] Thuc. vi 57 3, οὐ ῥᾳδίως διετέθη. ;

κατηγόρησε σαν] The story is told of Aristogeiton and Hippias by Seneca, de Ira, ii 23, and Justin ii 9 1—6. Cf. Diod. Sic. x 16 §§ 3, 4. The like story is told of Zeno of Elea, Cic. 7usc. ii 52, Val. Max. iii 3 E § 1 (where the tyrant is Phalaris, as in Heraclides Pon- ticus in Athen. 652 B), Diog. Laert. ix 26, 27, Plut. ii 505 (Mayor). Polyaenus i 22, ᾿Αριστογείτων, ὑπὸ τῶν δορυφόρων στρεβλούμενος περὶ τῶν συνειδότων, τῶν μὲν συνειδότων ὡμολόγησεν οὐδένα, πάντας

".

5

20

25

30

35

AOQHNAIQN

74 COL. 7, 1. 27—42.

3 A ε a a a ταῖς ἀνάγκαις πολλῶν οἱ καὶ TH φύσει τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ φίλοι n ν / Φ > Ν 5] 4 A a τοῖς τυράννοις ἦσαν. ov yap ἐδύναντο παραχρῆμα λαβεῖν οὐδὲν 5 “Ὁ / ne, , / e / > / ἴχνος τῆς πράξεως, AAX λεγόμενος λόγος ὡς Ἱππίας ἀποστήσας ? \ lal \ , ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων TOUS πομπεύοντας ἐφώρασε τοὺς τὰ ἐγχειρίδια > > θ 7 > > \ » ᾿ ὦν ἔχοντας οὐκ ἀληθὴς ἐστιν" ov yap ἔπεμπον τόζ{τε) μεθ᾽ ὅπλων, 9 a 7 A , A ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον τοῦτο κατεσκεύασεν δῆμος. κατηγόρει δὲ τῶν τοῦ t Λ ς \ e P τυράννου φίλων, ὡς μὲν οἱ δημοτικοί φασιν, ἐπίτηδες, ἵνα ἀσεβή- 7 . nr σαιεν ἅμα καὶ yévowTo ἀσθενεῖς, ἀνελόντες τοὺς ἀναιτίους καὶ a ς a ς δ᾽ x ͵ ͵ὔ 5 a t 3 \ \ φίλους εαυτῶν, ὡς ἐνιοί λέγουσιν, οὐχὶ πλαττόμενος ἀλλὰ τοὺς / συνειδότας ἐμήνυεν. καὶ τέλος ὡς οὐκ ἐδύνατο πάντα ποιῶν ἀπο- θ an 3 Xx / e + v4 / \ / ανεῖν, ἐπαγγειλάμενος WS ἄλλους μηνύσων πολλοῦς, καὶ πείσας ς a“ \ ¢ / nr \ \ / ς > αὑτῷ tov Ἱππίαν δοῦναι τὴν δεξιὰν πίστεως χάριν, ὡς ἔλαβεν, > A a na ΄ ὀνειδίσας ὅτι τῷ φονεῖ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν δέδωκε, οὕτω παρώ- 27 ἐφώρασε K, 853, K-w, Th: εφώρδοεν BI. radel. Wil.irog. 28 adAHOEC. ETTEMTTONTO: ἔπεμπον r6<Te>correxi cum Rutherford, H-L, K-w (K3, B%4, Th); éreumév πω Papabasileios (B1?). 31 -σειαν H-L. ACOENEIC, litteris COEN obscure scriptis, super ἀνελόντες additum (K%, K-w, B, Th); ἀγεννεῖς ΚΙ, ἐναγεῖς H-L. 32 πλαττομένους Kaibel 168. 33 ἐδύνατο H-L (K+, Th): HAYNATO (K, K-W, B),

quod in titulis non nisi post annum 300 A.C. invenitur, Meisterhans, p. 169%. 35 αὐτῷ H-L; ἑαυτῷ Bt. 36 TAAEAOY (retinent K-w, B, K*, Th): τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ

olim K (s!).

Aedwke (edd.); δέδωκεν sl,

δὲ τοὺς Ἱππίου φίλους κοινωνῆσαι τῆς ἐπιθέσεως" ὁπότε δὲ τούτους Ἱππίας ἀπέ- Krewe, τότε δ᾽ Ἀριστογείτων ὠνείδισεν αὐτῷ τὸ στρατήγημα τῶν φίλων.

ταῖς ἀνάγκαις] Hdt. i 116,’ Aorudyns δέ μιν οὐκ εὖ βουλεύεσθαι ἔφη ἐπιθυμέοντα ἐς ἀνάγκας μεγάλας ἀπικνέεσθαι, ἅμα τε λέγων ταῦτα ἐσήμαινε τοῖσι δορυφόροισι λαμβάνειν αὐτόν. δὲ ἀγόμενος ἐς τὰς ἀνάγκας οὕτω δὴ ἔφαινε τὸν ἐόντα λόγον. Antiphon, de Chor. 25. Thuc.i 99 § 1, προσάγοντες τὰς ἀνάγκας.

φύσει] ‘in birth,’ as inc. 5 § 3.

λαβεῖν] in the sense of εὑρεῖν.

ἴχνος] met. as in Antiphon, Ze¢ra/. A y 10, φανερῶς δὲ τὰ ἴχνη τῆς ὑποψίας εἰς τοῦτον φέροντα, and AO το, τὰ ἔχν η τοῦ φόνου. Ar. Hist. An. 8, 588 a 33, ἐν τοῖς παισὶ τῶν ὕστερον ἕξεων ἐσομένων ἔστιν ἰδεῖν οἷον ἴχνη καὶ σπέρματα, α 19; 9; 608 4. The metaphorical use of ἔχνος first becomes frequent in Plato.

λεγόμενος λόγος] Thuc. vi 58, (Hip- pias) ἐκέλευσεν αὐτούς, δείξας τι χωρίον, ἀπελθεῖν ἐς αὐτὸ ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀνεχώρησαν οἰόμενοί τι ἐρεῖν αὐτόν, δὲ τοῖς ἐπικούροις φράσας τὰ ὅπλα ὑπολα- βεῖν ἐξελέγετο εὐθὺς ods ἐπῃτιᾶτο καὶ εἴ τις εὑρέθη ἐγχειρίδιον ἔχων " μετὰ γὰρ ἀσπίδος καὶ δόρατος εἰώθεσαν τὰς πομπὰς ποιεῖν. The conspirators: purposely selected the festival of the Panathenaea (about Aug.

13), ἐν μόνον ἡμέρᾳ οὐχ ὕποπτον ἐγίγνετο ἐν ὅπλοις τοὺς τὴν πομπὴν πέμψοντας ἀθρό- ous γενέσθαι. (The passage in Lysias 13 80, συνηκολούθει yap λαβὼν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ συνέπεμπε τὴν πομπὴν μετὰ τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τὸ ἄστυ, quoted in Michaelis, Par- thenon, 332, does not refer to the Pana- thenaea, but to the festal procession on the restoration of the democracy, on Sept. 21, 402.) The statement in the text is intended as a deliberate correction of the account in Thucydides, but we have now no means of ascertaining the ultimate authority forthe correction. The first line of the famous scolium of Callistratus (pro- bably written not long after the Persian war), implies that Harmodius and Aristo- geiton concealed their daggers in branches of myrtle (ἐν μύρτου κλαδὲ τὸ ξίφος φορή- ow), but says nothing about spear or shield. Cf. Wilamowitz, i rog n. 18.

§ 5. ἀσεβήσαιεν indicates the conse- quence of their destroying the innocent; γένοιντο ἀσθενεῖς, that of their destroying their own friends.

§ 6. πάντα ποιῶν] [Lys.] 8 5, ἐφά-

σκετε... πάντα ποιοῦντες οὐκ ἔχειν ὅπως ἀπαλλαγῆτέ μου. Lys. 12 84, πάντα ποιοῦντες δίκην παρ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἂν δύναισθε λαβεῖν. Dem. 21 2, πάντα ποιοῦντος τούτου (ὁ δῆμος) οὐκ ἐπείσθη.

ὀνειδίσας] Cf. Polyaen. quoted on § 4.

6

CH. 18, 1. 24—CH. 19,1.8. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α 75

a a \ 2 ξυνε τὸν Ἱππίαν ὥσθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς ὀργῆς οὐ κατεσχεν ἑαυτὸν ἀλλὰ > 4 σπασάμενος THY μάχαιραν διέφθειρεν αὐτόν. \ \ a / / 3 \ 19. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνέβαινεν πολλῷ τραχυτέραν εἶναι τὴν a a \ \ \ τυραννίδα" Kai yap διὰ τὸ τιμωρεῖν τἀδελφῷ Kal διὰ TO πολλοὺς a / 4 2 ἀνῃρηκέναι καὶ ἐκβεβληκέναι πᾶσιν ἦν ἄπιστος καὶ πικρός. ἔτει Ν « Γ val δὲ τετάρτῳ μάλιστα peta Tov Ἱππάρχου θάνατον, ἐπεὶ κακῶς a \ 7ὔ / / εἶχεν Ta ἐν TO ἄστει, τὴν Μουνιχίαν ἐπεχείρησε τειχίζειν, ὡς 5 > lal / > 4 ee 2 / ¢ \ / ἐκεῖ(σε) μεθιδρυσόμενος" ἐν τούτοις δ᾽ ὧν ἐξέπεσεν ὑπὸ Κλεομένους 7 , a Fh τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως, χρησμῶν γιγνομένων ἀεὶ τοῖς Λάκωσι

4 \ / \ 4 > > ee καταλύειν τὴν τυραννίδα διὰ τοιάνδ᾽ αἰτίαν.

οἱ φυγάδες, ὧν οἱ

37 κατέσχεν recte Gennadios (Κ-νν8, 853; K4): κατεῖχεν olim K (Κ- 1:32, BI, 51).

ΕΔΥΤΟΝ : αὑτὸν Bt.

XIX 2 TIMWPEIN : τιμωρῶν. . [[καὶ διὰ τὸ]} K-w (B?).

K4, Th: τῷ ἀδελφῷ ΚΙ, 51, Β΄. μισητός Gomperz, D.L.Z. 1891, 878. 5 εἶχε H-L.

ΔΕΙ : αἰεὶ BA.

TESTIM. 3 .πικρός.

τῷ a correctore additum abesse propter numeros mavult Blass. NYXIAN passim: Μουνιχίαν K-W, H-L (K*, B, Th), Meisterhans, p. 29°.

K-W: ἐκεῖσε Jos. Mayor, A Sidgwick (H-L, B, s!, Th). NOC; -viwy Bernardakis, H-L (K-w-3, K3, B, Th); -vos K!, K-wl,

TAAEADPW! K-w, 819,

8 TI'CTo: πικρὸς K coll. Herod. v 62, Heracl. epit. 6;

4 κακώς: ENKAKWI, postea correctum.

MOY- 6 €KEl K, 7 AdKEAAIMONI®, non PIN (K-W).

Heraclidis epitoma (611, 4°) Ἱππίας δὲ πικρότατα ἐτυράννει.

8—18 Etym. M. p. 361, 32 Gaisf. (=Suidas, Eustath.) ἐπὶ Λειψυδρίῳ μάχη : χωρίον ἣν ὑπὸ τῆς Πάρνηθος ἐτείχισαν. οἱ φυγάδες τῶν τυράννων ὧν οἱ ᾿Αλκμὰι-

wvidat προεστήκεσαν.

ἐκπολιορκηθέντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Πεισίστρατον,

σκόλιον εἰς αὐτοὺς ἤδετο ““ αἰαῖ---εὐπατρίδας,᾽ οἱ τότ᾽ (Etym. Μ. ed. Gaisf. ; idem habent Athen. 695 et Suidas; ὁπότ᾽ Etym. M. codex Dorvillii Bodleianus, et Apostolius vii

70) ἔδειξαν οἵων πατέρων ἔσαν.

Cf. Rose, Frag. 2562, 394°.

‘The narrative of the end of Aristogiton betrays the same liking for sensational stories as we trace, for instance, in Phy- larchus’ (W. L. Newman in Class. Rev. v 161 4).

XIX. Hippias. §1. tpaxvrépav] Hat. v 62 (of Hippias), ἐμπικραινομένου ᾿Αθηναί- oot διὰ τὸν Ἱππάρχου θάνατον. Thuc. vi 59 § 1, τοῖς δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις χαλεπωτέρα μετὰ τοῦτο τυραννὶς κατέστη, καὶ Ἱππίας διὰ φόβου ἤδη μᾶλλον ὧν τῶν τε πολιτῶν πολλοὺς ἔκτεινε κτλ.

ἄπιστος] Isocr. 3 58, περὶ τοὺς πιστεύοντας ἄπιστοι.

πικρός] Hat. 4. c., ἐμπικραινομένου.

8 2. ἔτει--τετάρτῳ] B.C. 511/o0.

τὴν Μουνιχίαν--τειχίζειν] Plut. SoZ. 12, λέγεται δὲ (Epimenides) τὴν Μουνιχίαν ἰδὼν καὶ καταμαθὼν πολὺν χρόνον εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας, ὡς τυφλόν ἐστι τοῦ ᾿ μέλλοντος ἄνθρωπος" ἐκφαγεῖν γὰρ av’ Αθη- ναίους τοῖς αὑτῶν ὀδοῦσιν, εἰ προήδεσαν, ὅσα τὴν a ἀνιάσει τὸ χωρίον (Diog. Laert. i 114). height of Munichia, which commanded the harbours of Munichia and Zea, is 255

Cf. Wilamowitz, i 274. The

Paris feet above the sea, whereas the highest part of the Peiraeus is only 101. It was an important point in the fortifica- tion of the harbours, instituted by Themis- tocles; and its importance is also shewn by the fact that in 411 B.C. we read of the commander τῶν περιπόλων τῶν Μουνιχίασι τεταγμένων (Thuc. viii 92, 3); it was fortified by Thrasybulus in 403 (Xen. Hedi. ii 4, 11—12; Diodor. Sic. xiv 33, M. λόφον ἔρημον καὶ καρτερόν). In the time of Alexander (3254) one of the στρατη- οὶ was specially appointed to guard this point (c. 61 §1). In 322 it was occupied by a Macedonian garrison (Plut. Phocton 27, 28; Curtius, Stadigeschichte, p. 222); in 307 the fort was destroyed by Deme- trius Poliorcetes (Plut. Demetr. 10), but was soon restored in the Macedonian interest, to be evacuated in 229. It was probably destroyed by Sulla. By the time of Strabo (p. 395 6) it was in ruins (C. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 42—45).

ὑπὸ Καλεομένους] Hat. μὲ 64, 65. χρησμῶν] 26. 63 (quoted on 4).

§ 3. οἱ φυγάδες-- προσέπταιον] Hat. v

10

᾿Αλκμεωνίδαι προειστήκεσαν, αὐτοὶ μὲν δι’ αὑτῶν οὐκ ἐδύναντο , \ ΄ ee es , \ a ποιήσασθαι τὴν κάθοδον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ προσέπταιον" || ἔν τε yap τοῖς [Cc ἄλλοις οἷς ἔπραττον διεσφάλλοντο καὶ τειχίσαντες ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ Λειψύδριον τὸ ὑπὲρ Πάρνηθος, εἰς συνεξῆλθόν τινες τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως, ἐξεπολιορκήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν τυράννων, ὅθεν ὕστερον μετὰ

ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν ἦδον ἐν τοῖς σκολιοῖς [alec]

9 ἐδύναντο K, H-L, Th: HAYNANTO (K-W, B); cf. 18, 33. 12, 15 λιψΨύλριον, idem habet Suidae cod. Υπερ: ὑπὸῤ ΤῊ Wright, in Herodoto ὑπὲρ Παιονίης ὑπὸ Πάρ- 18 -«--δ᾽ -- ὑπὸ Bt coll. Etym. M. ἐκπολιορκη- M(€TA) TAYTHN K, H-L, Th; εἰς ταύτην K-w (Β1 3) ex Etym. Mag.

B, Th): del H-L, 5; cf. 5, 19. Mediceus. νηθος scriptum fuisse arbitratus. θέντων δὲ.

361, 33 σκόλιον els αὐτοὺς ἤδετο; μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ εἰς Bt.

B; ex dittographia ortum.

TESTIM.

10 ale (K, K-w,

14 αἰεί secl. Hude, K-w, H-L,

12 *Schol. Arist. Zys. 666: Λειψύδριον : χωρίον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς περὶ τὴν

Πάρνηθον (ita codex Ravennas, τὸ ὑπεράνω Πάρνηθος L, τὸ ὑπὲρ Πάρνηθος Suid., ὑπὸ τὴν Πάρνηθον Et. M.), εἰς συνῆλθόν τινες τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, ὡς φησιν "Ap.

ἐν ’A@. πολ.

καὶ τοὺς Πεισιστρατίδας ἐτείχισαν τὸ Λειψύδριον.

Cf. Rose, /.c.

Πάρνηθος ἐτείχισαν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδαι.

Jb. 665... (οἱ Αλκμαιωνίδαι) πόλεμον ἀράμενοι πρὸς Ἱππίαν τὸν τύραννον

Hesych. Λειψύδριον: χωρίον τι ὑπὲρ

62, (the Alcmeonidae) ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ᾿Αθηναίων φυγάσι πειρωμένοισι κατὰ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν οὐ προεχώρεε κάτοδος, ἀλλὰ προσ- έπταιον μεγάλως πειρώμενοι κατιέναι τε καὶ ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, Λειψύδριον τὸ ὑπὲρ Παιονίης (Πάρηθος em. Valckenaer) τειχίσαντες. Duncker, G. d. A. vi 501, places this incident in B.c. 513. Cf. J. H. Wright, 7he date of Cylon, p. 54. «Λειψύδριον] a waterless’ spot on the southern flank of Parnes. The site has not been identified. Leake (Demi, p. 39), placing Paeonidae at Mentdhi, regarded the monastery of St Nicolas at the upper end of a long acclivity three or four miles (dret Stunden, Kastromenos, aie Demen, p- 95) to the N. as the site of Leipsydrium. The monastery is built in a strong situa- tion upon the summit of a height, backed by the pine woods of Parnes and near the right bank of a remarkable torrent.’ But the presence of the torrent is un- favourable to this identification of the ‘waterless’ spot. Kastromenos, /.c.,mere- ly says of this torrent that its water ‘has certainly never failed to supply Leipsy- drium,’ but he does not say clearly that this fact goes against the proposed identifica- tion. A/enzdhi is now identified as the site of Acharnae, while Paeonidaemay possibly correspond to the ruined village of Vare- pompi, two hours north of A/enzdhi at the southern edge of Parnes, and Leipsydrium may have occupied the same position as the Pyrgos above that village (Hanriot, Recherches, p. 55 sgg., quoted in Bur-

sian’s Geographie, i 334).

In spite of the apparent testimony of Herodotus, Wilamowitz (i 34 n. 10) holds that this event probably preceded the slaying of Hipparchus.

Sov ἐν τοῖς σκολιοῖς] cf. c. 20 at end. On scolia, see K. O. Muller’s Zit. of Ancient Greece, i 249 E. T. ‘The rhythms of the extant scolia are very various, though, on the whole, they re- semble those of the, Aeolic lyric poetry ; only that the course of the strophes is broken by an accelerated rhythm, and is in general more animated. This is par- ticularly true of the apt and elegant metre, which occurs in eight Scolia (one of them the Harmodius), and of which there is a comic imitation in Aristoph. Eccl. 938.

Fe te ὧν μὰ

Here the hendecasyllables begin with a composed and feeble tone; but a more rapid rhythm is introduced by the ana- paestic beginning of the third verse; and the two expressions are reconciled by the logacedic members in the last verse.’ This scolium is quoted with many others in Athenaeus, xv p. 695, who _ probably derived this and the scolium in c. 20 ult. from Aristotle’s text. Cf. Wilamowitz,

i 37, li 75.

CH. 19, 1. 9---10.

TIOAITEIA

77

αἰαὶ Λειψύδριον προδωσέταιρον, οἵους ἄνδρας ἀπώλεσας μάχεσθαι / ἀγαθούς Te καὶ εὐπατρίδας, \ δι. # / 4 οἱ τότ᾽ ἔδειξαν οἵων πατέρων ἔσαν.

al 4 \ > 4 ἀποτυγχάνοντες οὖν ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐμισθώσαντο τὸν ἐν

16—17 μάχεσθαί τ᾽ ἀγαθοὺς καὶ Eustathius; τ᾽ ἀγαθούς, γένει τ᾽ Hermann, £7. D.

Metr. 695.

καὶ εὐπατρίδας, idem habent Athenaeus, Suidas et Etym. Mag. :

κἀξ

εὐπατριδᾶν Tyrrell; ἀγαθούς, καλούς, εὐπατρίδας Bury.

TESTIM.

19 *Schol. in Arist. Zys. 1153:

’Ap. φησὶ μετὰ τὸν Ἱππάρχου θάνατον

χρησμὸν γενέσθαι τοῖς Λάκωσιν καταλύειν τὴν τυραννίδα, τῆς Πυθίας, ὡς οἱ Αλκμαιονίδαι ἐμισθώσαντο τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς νεὼν οἰκοδομεῖν, συνεχῶς τοῦτο χρώσης αὐτοῖς μαντευομένοις, ἕως πρότερον μὲν ᾿Αγχίμολον ἔπεμψαν κατὰ θάλασσαν, ἀποκρουσ- θέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ὀργισθέντες οἱ Λάκωνες Κλεομένη τὸν βασιλέα σὺν μείζονι ἐξέ- πεμψαν στόλῳ" καὶ νικήσας τοὺς Θετταλοὺς εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν καὶ τὸν Ἱππίαν συνέκλεισεν εἰς τὸ Πελαργικὸν τεῖχος, ἕως οἱ παῖδες τῶν τυράννων ἐξιόντες

ἑάλωσαν (Rose, Frag. 357", 395°).

προδωσέταιρον)] a rare epithet appro- priate to an impromptu song. It was afterwards used in late prose by Dio Cassius 58, 14. The only other word exactly parallel to it is προδωσίκομπος of ‘a boaster who breaks his word.’ Both words are noticed by Lobeck, Phryn. 470 (1, and S).

§ 4. ἀποτυγχάνοντες) without gen., a usage also found in later writers, as Polybius and Diodorus. The passive ἀποτυγχάνεται is used in Phys. Ausce. ii 199 (Kaibel, 3 30),

ἐμισθώσαντο ---- Αθήνα5] Ηάι. v 62, παρ ᾿Αμφικτυόνων τὸν νηὸν μισθοῦνται τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖσι... ἐξοικοδομῆσαι. οἷα δὲ χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες καὶ ἐόντες ἄνδρες δόκιμοι ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι, τόν τε νηὸν ἐξεργά- σαντο τοῦ παραδείγματος κάλλιον... .([ο. 63) ὡς οὖν δὴ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι, οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐν Δελφοῖσι κατήμενοι ἀνέπειθον τὴν Πυθίην, ὅκως ἔλθοιεν Σπαρτιητέων ἄνδρες εἴτε ἰδίῳ στόλῳ εἴτε δημοσίῳ χρησόμενοι, προφέρειν σφι τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐλευθεροῦν, 26. ii 180. Schol. Aeschin. 3, 116.

The temple at Delphi was burnt down ' in B.C. 548; the contract of 300 talents for rebuilding it is assigned by Duncker, G. d. A. vi 493, to about 535. Pharaoh Amasis, who contributed to its restoration, died in 526.

Rose, 4.?., p. 418, observes, on Schol. Arist. ZLysistr. 1153, that the writer of the 'A@. πολ. must have closely followed Herodotus. But this is no proof of the spuriousness of the treatise, as Ar. fre- quently refers to Herodotus in his undis- puted works: 523 17, 579 62, 36 α 10, 756 “6, 14094 27, 1417 @7, 1451 62.

It appears impossible to take ὅθεν as=

τοῦ δήμου στασιάζοντας

ἀφ᾽ ὧν (as proposed by Mr Kenyon). It can only mean: ‘hence it was that they had abundance of money.’ Similar uses of ὅθεν occur in 6 § 2, 7 4, 21 88 2, 4 We have here a slight divergence from the account in Herodotus. The historian describes the wealth of the Alcmaeonidae as enabling them to undertake the con- tract for rebuilding the temple, which they carried out in a splendid manner. The text states that, owing to their un- dertaking the contract, they had large supplies of money. These sums were entrusted to them to enable them to exe- cute their contract, but they were (partly) applied to securing the aid of Sparta against the Peisistratidae. Cf. Wilamo- witz, i 33, 38. This account is con- firmed by a subsequent Atthidographer, Philochorus, frag. 70, FHG i 395, ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. vii 9, λέγεται, ὅτι τὸν Πυθικὸν ναὸν ἐμπρησθέντα, ws τινές φασιν, ὑπὸ τῶν ἹΠεισιστρατιδῶν οἱ ᾿Αλκ- μαιωνίδαι φυγαδευθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἸΠεισι- στρατιδῶν ὑπέσχοντο ἀνοικοδομῆσαι, καὶ δεξάμενοι χρήματα καὶ συναγαγόντες δύναμιν ἐπέθεντο τοῖς Πεισιστρατίδαις, καὶ νικήσαντες μετ᾽ εὐχαριστηρίων πλειόνων ἀνῳκοδόμησαν τῷ θεῷ -τὸ τέμενος, ὡς Φιλόχορος ἱστορεῖ. Isocr. de Perm. 232 describes the Alcmaeonid Cleisthenes as having established the democracy, λόγῳ πείσας τοὺς ᾿Αμφικτύονας δανεῖσαι τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ χρημάτων αὐτοῦ. Similarly Dem. c. Mid. 144 says of the Alcmaeonidae: τούτους δέ φασιν ὑπὸ τῶν τυράννων ὑπὲρ ἐκπεσεῖν, καὶ δανεισαμένους χρήματ᾽ ἐκ Δελφῶν ἐλευθερῶσαι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς Πεισι- στράτου παῖδας ἐκβαλεῖν.

15

20

25

30

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 8, 1. 6—21.

78 a \ ta lal Δελφοῖς νεὼν οἰκοδομεῖν, ὅθεν εὐπόρησαν χρημάτων πρὸς THY τῶν Λακώνων βοήθειαν. δὲ Πυθία προέφερεν ἀεὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονί- 7 > \ > / > es os χρηστηριαζομένοις ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας εἰς τοῦθ 4 \ rn προύτρεψε τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας, καίπερ ὄντων ξένων αὐτοῖς τῶν Πεισιστρατιδῶν: συνεβάλλετο δὲ οὐκ ἐλάττω μοῖραν τῆς ὁρμῆς a ΄ \ - τοῖς Λάκωσιν πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους τοῖς Πεισιστρατίδαις ὑπάρ- / \ a χουσα φιλία. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ᾿Αγχίμολον ἀπέστειλαν κατὰ , »” wn θάλατταν ἔχοντα στρατιάν. ἡττηθέντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τελευτή- \ \ / n σαντος διὰ τὸ Κινέαν βοηθῆσαι tov Θετταλὸν ἔχοντα χιλίους e ἴω , “- ἱππεῖς, προσοργισθέντες τῷ γενομένῳ Κλεομένην ἐξέπεμψαν τὸν / / / \ a a > \ \ a a βασιλέα στόλον ἔχοντα μείζω κατὰ γῆν, ds ἐπεὶ τοὺς τῶν Θετταλῶν e a ΟΣ 4 \ ἱππεῖς ἐνίκησεν κωλύοντας αὐτὸν εἰς THY ᾿Αττικὴν παριέναι, κατα- / \ « lal κλείσας τὸν “Ἱππίαν eis τὸ καλούμενον Ἰ]ελαργικὸν τεῖχος ἐπολιόρ-

oe EWS

20 --ἐξ--- οἰκοδομεῖν Bt ex Herod. v 62, sed cf. Schol. Arist. ὅθεν κτλ, : ἅτ᾽ Gomperz; ὅτι εὔποροι ἦσαν χρημάτων -- ἀποβλέποντες:- Hude; ibidem lacunam indi-

cabant K-wl-2, προὔτρεψε.

(K-W):

21 TIPOEEPEN (K, K-wW, B, Th): προὔφερεν H-L (51), coll. v. 23 alel (K, K-W, B, Th): ἀεὲ H-L (sl), cf. 5, 19. correxit Blass e Schol. Arist. Zys. 1153, coll. c. 25 § 4 (edd.). (K, K-W, B, Th), cf. Kaibel, p. 170: συνεβάλετο Richards (H-L). Θετταλὸν (K, H-L, B, Th), Meisterhans, p. 101%.

22 EICTOYTEYBEWC :

24 CyNEBaAAETO 28 BECCAAON

29 προσοργισθέντες

(K, K-W, B, Th): wap- Naber (H-L) et K-w!-? in notis ; sed cf. Herod. iii 146 (Kaibel

170). 30 BECCAAWN. H-L, B, Th).

$2 -KAeicac K, coll. Meisterhans, p. 36°:

-κλήσας (K-W,

«Λακώνων.....Λακεδαιμονίοις] The same change of form in 19, 2 and 23, 4.

προέφερεν] This defends προφέρειν in Hat. v 63, against rpogaivew (preferred by Bekker. and Dindorf).

καίπερ ὄντων ξένων] Hadt. 7. c., καὶ ξεινίους σφι ἐόντας τὰ μάλιστα.

συνε ἴραν] Plat. Zim. 47 Ὁ, (λόγος) μεγίστην ξυμβαλλόμενος εἰς αὐτὰ μοῖραν, and often with μέρος. Ar. de Anima I, 402 22, συμβάλλεται μέγα μέρος πρὸς τὸ εἰδέναι, Poet. 22, 1458 α 34; de Part. Anim. iii 12, 673 25, συμβάλ- λεται πολὺ μέρος πρὸς ὑγίειαν. Pol. iw (vii) 11, 1330 13, ταῦτα πλεῖστον συμ- βάλλεται πρὸς τὴν ὑγίειαν, ii 9, 1270 a 14, συμβάλλεσθαΐ τι πρὸς τὴν φιλοχρηματίαν, ili 9, 1281 @ 4, συμβάλλονται πλεῖστον εἰς---, vii (vi) 2, 1317 τό, συμβάλλεται ταύτῃ πρὸς---.

πρὸς ᾿Αργείους---φιλία] c. 17 ad fin.

§ 5. ᾿Αγχίμολον] Hdt. v 63, πέμπουσι ᾿Αγχιμόλιον κατὰ θάλασσαν πλοίοισι. ᾿Αγχίμολον is the reading in the Ra- venna MS of Schol. on Aristoph. Zys. 1153.

Κινέαν] Hat. 2. c. Θεσσαλοὶ... ἀπέπεμ- ψαν... χιλίην τε ἵππον καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τὸν σφέτερον Κινέην.

προσοργισθέντες τῷ γενομένῳ The exceptional compound word is supported by προσεμπικρανέεσθαι τοῖσι Σαμίοισιν, Hdt. iii. 146 (Kaibel 170).

Καλεομένην.-- παριέναι] Hat. v 64, μέζω στόλον στείλαντες ἀπέπεμψαν ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθή- vas, στρατηγὸν τῆς στρατιῆς ἀποδέξαντες βασιλέα Κλεομένεα τὸν ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, οὐκ- έτι κατὰ θάλασσαν στείλαντες ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ ἤπειρον: τοῖσι ἐσβαλοῦσι ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν χώρην τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἵππος πρώτη προσ- έμιξε καὶ οὐ μετὰ πολλὸν ἐτράπετο. Arist. Lys. 1150-6.

κατακλείσας --᾿ Αθηναίων] Hdt./.c.aua

᾿Αθηναίων τοῖσι βουλομένοισι εἶναι ἐλευ-

θέροισι ἐπολιόρκεε τοὺς τυράννους ἀπεργ- μένους ἐν τῷ Πελασγικῷ τείχεϊ. Πελαργικὸν τεῖχος] the ancient fortifi- cation surrounding the west end (if not the whole) of the Acropolis ; it had nine gates, and was the chief fortress of Athens until the expulsion of the Peisistratidae. It was thereupon destroyed and its site was left unoccupied (Thuc. ii 17). Even in the second century A.D. the blocks of stone from its ruined walls were still to be seen (Lucian, Piscator 41). Cf. Bur- sian, Geogr. i 305 and Lolling inI. Miiller’s Handbuch, iii 337. Curtius insists on the

CH. 19, 1. 20---30. TIOAITEIA 79

6 \ a / / > a / κει μετὰ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων. προσκαθημένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ συνέπεσεν / \ [ον a e , ὑπεξιόντας ἁλῶναι τοὺς TOV Πεισιστρατιδῶν υἱεῖς: ὧν ληφθέντων, e wn \ e A ὁμολογίαν ἐπὶ TH τῶν παίδων σωτηρίᾳ ποιησάμενοι, καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν / 7 ΕΝ ἐν πένθ᾽ ἡμέραις ἐκκομισάμενοι, παρέδωκαν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν τοῖς > ». 6 / Vv , \ , Αθηναίοις ἐπὶ ‘Aprraxtidov ἄρχοντος, κατασχόντες τὴν τυραννίδα \ \ a \ \ ' \ μετὰ THY τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ἔτη μάλιστα ἑπτακαίδεκα, τὰ δὲ

΄ \ @ e \ 3 a Cal U σύμπαντα σὺν οἷς πατὴρ ἦρξεν ἑνὸς δεῖζν) πεντήκοντα.

84 ETTEZIONTAC : ty

Β΄. Joh. Mayor, A Sidgwick, K-w!-? (κΆ):

ὑπεξιόντας Wyse, Kontos (K-W, H-L, κϑ, B, Th).

87 Εττιττὰρττὰκιλου, ἐπὶ ‘Apmaxridov (K, K-W, B, ἐφ᾽ “Apr. H-L). λει hic et 27 § 2 (H-L, B, K-w*, κί, Th), Ar.

35 καὶ secl.

39 δεῖν

Rhet. 1390 6 τι ἑνὸς δεῖ (Par. prima manu) πεντήκοντα (Kaibel, 170).

TESTIM. 39 Schol. Vesp. 502, δοκεῖ δὲ τυραννὶς καταστῆναι, ws φησιν ’Eparocbévys, ἐπὶ ἔτη ν ( 50), τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς διαμαρτάνων, ᾿Αριστοτέλους (Bentley ; legebatur ᾽Αριστο- φάνους) μὲν τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἕν (per errorem pro ἐννέα scriptum) φήσαντος, ‘Hpodérov δὲ (v 65) ἕξ καὶ τριάκοντα (Rose, Frag. 3582, 396°).

literal sense of the passages describing it as surrounding the Acropolis, Hdt. vi 137, Τοῦ τείχεος τοῦ περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολίν ποτε ἐληλαμένου, Dionys. Hal. i 28, Paus. i 28 3 (Stadtgeschichte pp. LXXVI, 47, and map on p. 61). Cf. Holm, ii 341. After the building of the wall of Cimon, the name was probably confined to the west end of the fortification (Judeich in Fieckets. Fahrb. 1890, p. 753 f, and in Miiller’s Handbuch, iii 2, 2, p. 107 ἢ).

§6. ὑπεξιόντας] Hdt.v 65, ὑπεκτιθέ- μενοι yap ἔξω τῆς χώρης οἱ παῖδες τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων ἥλωσαν. ὁμολογίαν κτλ.] 26. παρέστησαν ---ῥστε ἐν πέντε ἡμέ- ρῃσι ἐκχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς Αττικῆς.

ἐπὶ ᾿Αρπακτίδου ἄρχοντος] The expul- sion of the Peisistratidae belongs to the year 511/o B.C., being placed by Thuc. vi 59 § 5 (παυϑεὶς ἐν τῷ τετάρτῳ), in the fourth year of the sole rule of Hip- pias, which began in 514 B.c. It is also the fourth year before the archonship of Isagoras in B.C. 5087 (21 § 1). The name of the archon is now known for the first time.

When Thucydides (/.c.), as observed by Mr Kenyon, describes Hippias as fighting at Marathon ‘in the 2oth year’ after his expulsion, he is using a round number, as the actual interval was 20 years anda few months. Mr E.S. Thompson (Céass. ev. vi 181) connects the Plataean al- liance with the expulsion of the Peisis- tratidae, placing both events in B.C. 511/o. Hence, in Thuc. iii 68, where the fall of Plataea is put in the g3rd year after its alliance with Athens, Mr Thompson {anticipated by Grote) proposes to alter the 93rd into the 84th year.

μάλιστα ἑπτακαίδεκα.--ἑνὸς δεῖν πεντήκοντα] In 2707. viii (v) 12, 1315 6 31, the rule of the sons lasts 18 years, while from the beginning to the end of the τυραννὶς of the father is 33 years, thus giving a total of 51 years. The 49 years of the text include ‘about 17 years’ for the rule of the sons, added to the 33 years assigned to the fatherinc. 1781. In Hat. v 65 the actual τυραννὶς of Peisistra- tus and his sons lasts for 36 years. It is probably by deducting from this number the 17 years here mentioned, that the writer gets 19 years as the duration of the actual rule of Peisistratus in 17 § 1. σὺν] Rare in Attic prose, except in Xenophon, its place being generally taken by μετὰ with gen. One of the spe- cial uses of σὺν in Attic prose is to ex- press numerical addition. According to Eucken, Sprachgebrauch des Ar., p. 29, the following are the only instances of σὺν in the genuine writings of Aristotle. Met. 1039 21, σὺν τῇ ὕλῃ. συνειλημμένος, 1044 15, ἐὰν δὲ προστεθῇ τὸ ὑπὸ γῆς ἐν μέσῳ γινομένης, 6 σὺν τῷ αἰτίῳ λόγος οὗτος, 1058 17, σὺν τῇ ὕλῃ οἱ λόγοι αὐτῶν. Meteor. 348 a 24, φερόμενα σὺν ψόφῳ πολλῷ. Hist. Anim. 490 32, ai yap καμπαὶ τέτταρες, δύο σὺν τοῖς πτερυγίοις, 5,5 τ5---ἰἴ, πόδας δ᾽ οἱ μὲν κάραβοι ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερα ἔχουσι πέντε σὺν ταῖς ἐσχάταις χηλαῖς" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ οἱ καρκίνοι δέκα τοὺς πάντας σὺν ταῖς χηλαῖς. De partib. anim. 683 3, ἑξάποδα δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα πάντ᾽ ἐστὶ σὺν τοῖς ἁλτικοῖς μορίοις. It will be ob- served that in several of these exx. the numerical sense is prominent. In the spurious works near the time of Ar. there is no instance of σύν, but it occurs in

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 8, 1]. 22---42.

80.

20. καταλυθείσης δὲ τῆς τυραννίδος ἐστασίαζον πρὸς ἀλ- 3 ς lal , λήλους ᾿Ισαγόρας Τεισάνδρου, φίλος ὧν τῶν τυράννων, καὶ Κλεισθένης, τοῦ γένους ὧν τῶν ᾿Αλκμεωνιδῶν. ἡττώμενος δὲ / , \ a ἑταιρείαις Κλεισθένης προσηγάγετο τὸν δῆμον, ἀποδιδοὺς τῷ / a i ᾿ 5 πλήθει τὴν πολιτείαν. δὲ ᾿Ισαγόρας ἐπιλειπόμενος τῇ δυνάμει 2 U > / \ / BA e A / / πάλιν ἐπικαλεσάμενος τὸν Κλεομένην, ὄντα ἑαυτῷ ξένον, συνέπει- > -“ σεν ἐλαύνειν τὸ ἄγος, διὰ τὸ τοὺς ᾿Αλκμεωνίδας δοκεῖν εἶναι τῶν. lal nr ΄ ἐνωγῶν. ὑπεξελθόντος δὲ τοῦ Κλεισθένους, (ἀφικόμενος Κλεο- 3 ͵ Ε] , > “Ὁ > / e / δ Ψ μένης) μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἠγηλάτει τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἑπτακοσίας οἰκίας" ταῦτα δὲ διαπραξάμενος τὴν μὲν βουλὴν ἐπειρᾶτο καταλύειν, 3 / a a Icaydpay δὲ καὶ τριακοσίους τῶν φίλων μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ κυριους καθ- ἱστάναι τῆς πόλεως. τῆς δὲ βουλῆς ἀντιστάσης καὶ συναθροισθέντος τοῦ πλήθους, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Κλεομένην καὶ ‘loayopay κατέφυγον >? \ a \ ϑ εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, δὲ δῆμος δύο μὲν ἡμέρας προσκαθεζόμενος

ταῖς

10

3 AAKMEONIAWN hic et v. 20. HTTHMENOC (K):

XX 2 TICANAPpOY. 4 ‘an mpoonyero?’ Thcoll. τό

ἡττώμενος Blass coll. Hdt. v 66 (K-w, H-L, κϑ, Th).

$9, 17 3- Richards, Kontos, H-L; ὑπο- Haskins.

5 eEmTiA€ITIOMENOC (K, K-W, B, Th), cf. 27 § 4, 34 § 3: ἀπολειπόμενος

Jebb ad Soph. O. 7. 402; ayos et iy. K!, H-L, Th; ayos et ay. B ex Herod. v 72. 8 --ἀφικόμενος Κλεομένης Ξ- μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἠγηλάτει add. K-w? ex Hdt. v 70 (B*4, K4,.

Th).

Κλεομένης post Κλεισθ. add Papageorg.

11 MTOY sc. μετα του; μετ᾽

αὐτοῦ edd.; αὐτοῦ Papabasileios; «τῶν: per’ αὐτοῦ Papageorg.

those of much later date. In the most extensive of the works of Theophrastus it is only found thrice: A/7zst. P/. 1x 20, 4, Caus. δ}. 17, 8, ν 6, 6 (Eucken, p, 30).

See also Tycho Mommsen’s Settrage,

- 370-1.

δεῖν (inf. as in μικροῦ δεῖν), not δεῖ, is the right form here, and in c. 27, ἑνὸς δεῖν πεντηκοστῷ ἔτει, as well as in Rhee. ti 14 fim. where, however, the first hand of the best MSs has τὰ ἑνὸς δεῖ πεντήκοντα, and the second hand has δεῖν (Kaibel, 170). In Plato, Rep. 378 C, πολλοῦ δεῖ is not adverbial, and the indicative is therefore right. To make δεῖν stand for δέον is a barbarism (Kiihner, Gr. Gr. 50, 11, p- 216 Blass) and cannot be defended on the analogy of πλεῖν (‘ more than’) which is really for πλεῖον, not for πλέον. It is remarkable that this numerical expression (=undequinguaginta) has escaped lexico- graphers and grammarians (Mayor).

XX—XXII. The Constitution of Cleisthenes.

XX §1. φίλος---τυράννων] Aristotle (or the authority he follows) assumes that the opponent of Cleisthenes, the foe of the tyrants, must necessarily be their friend. Isagoras aig ae belo on

| 101

nged to one οὗ

the noble families which survived in Athens under the rule of the Peisistratidae (Beloch, i 339 n, cf. Wilamowitz, ii 76 n. 6). Herodotus, v 66, describes him as οἰκίης ἐὼν δοκίμου. ᾿ ἡττώμενος-- δῆμον] Hat. ν 66, (Κλει- σθένης καὶ ᾿ΙσαγόρηΞ5) ἐστασίασαν περὶ δυνά- μιος, ἑσσούμενος δὲ Κλεισθένης τὸν

δῆμον πρισεταιρίζεται, 16. 69 fin. ἦν τε

Tov δῆμον προσθέμενος πολλῷ κατύπερθε

τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων. (70) ἐν τῷ μέρεϊ δὲ ἑσσούμενος 6 ᾿Ισαγόρης ἀντιτεχνᾶται τάδε. On ἑταιρεῖαι cf. Pol. 1313 α 30 ff

§ 2. ἐπιλειπόμενος) Cf. 27 4, 34 § 3, and Kaibel, 171.

ἐπικαλεσάμενος -- ξένον] Hdt. v 70, ἐπικαλέεται Κλεομένεα... γενόμενον ἑωυτῷ ξεῖνον.

ἐλαύνειν τὸ ἄγος] Cf. c. I.

§ 3. ὑπεξελθόντος] Hdt. ν 72, Κλεομέ- νης δὲ ὡς πέμπων (κήρυκα) ἐξέβαλλε Κλει- σθένεα καὶ τοὺς ἐναγέας, Κλεισθένης μὲν αὐτὸς ὑπεξέσχε. ἠγηλάτει] 7d. μετὰ δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον παρῆν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας Κλεο- μένης οὐ σὺν μεγάλῃ χειρί (οἴ. μετ᾽ ὀλίγων), ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἀγηλατέει ἑπτακόσια ἐπίστια ᾿Αθηναίων.

ταῦτα δὲ-- ὑποσπόνδους) Hdt. v 72, ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας δεύτερα τὴν βουλὴν καταλύειν ἐπειμᾶτο, τριηκοσίοισι δὲ τοῖσι

CH. 20, 1. 1—CH. 21, 1. 3. -TOAITEIA 81 ἐπολιόρκει, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ Κλεομένην μὲν καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ πάντας ἀφεῖσαν ὑποσπόνδους, Κλεισθένην δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους φυγάδας 4 μετεπέμψαντο. κατασχόντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου τὰ πράγματα Kre- σθένης ἡγεμὼν ἦν καὶ τοῦ δήμου προστάτης. σχεδὸν ἐγένοντο τῆς ἐκβολῆς τῶν τυράννων οἱ ᾿Αλκμεωνίδαι καὶ

αἰτιώτατοι γὰρ

στασιάζοντες τὰ πολλὰ διετέλεσαν.

, > ἔτι δὲ πρότερον τῶν ᾿Αλκ-

ΕΝ ia ΄ . . ὙΦ μεωνιδῶν Κήδων ἐπέθετο τοῖς τυράννοις, διὸ καὶ ἦδον καὶ εἰς

- σοῦτον ἐν τοῖς σκολιοῖς"

ἔγχει καὶ Κήδωνι, διάκονε, μηδ᾽ ἐπιλήθου, εἰ χρὴ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν οἰνοχοεῖν. 21. διὰ μὲν οὖν ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ἐπίστευεν δῆμος τῷ

Κλεισθένει.

, \ an , \ ΝΜ , A τότε δὲ τοῦ πλήθους προεστηκὼς ἔτει τετάρτῳ μετὰ

᾿ a ΄ > a τὴν τῶν τυράννων κατάλυσιν ἐπὶ ᾿Ισαγόρου ἄρχοντος, πρῶτον μὲν

16 ἀφιεοὰν (K, H-L, B*):

20 ἀντιστασιάζοντες H-L. 172, coll. Andoc. 2 § 26. εἰ δὴ χρῇς Bergk.

‘O°

XXI 1 ΕἸΤΙΟΤΕΥΕΝ, cf. 35 § 3 ἔχαιρον πόλις. ἐπίστευον [6 δῆμος] Rutherford, Bury, K-w (Wil. i 294 n. 10).

ἀφεῖσαν (K-w, B!-3, x4, Th). (K-wW, H-L, B, 51, Th), cf. Kiihner, Gr. Gr. i p. 512°: στασ. <mpds rovrovs> Gennadios, «πρὸς αὐτοὺς -- Kaibel

24 εἰ δὴ χρὴ minus bene Athen. 695; εἰ χρὴ τοῖς Porson;

KAEICBENHN Κλεισθένη K, cf. 22 1.

ἐπίστευεν δῆμος K, H-L, B, Th: 3 ἐπ᾽ H-L.

Beanies στασιώτῃσι Tas ἀρχὰς ἐνεχείριζε. ἀντισταθείσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ οὐ βου- λομένης πείθεσθαι, τε Κλεομένης καὶ Ἰσαγόρης καὶ οἱ στασιῶται αὐτοῦ καταλαμ- βάνουσι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ τὰ αὐτὰ φρονήσαντες ἐπολιόρκεον αὐτοὺς ἡμέρας δύο’ τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξέρχονται ἐκ τῆς χώρης ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Isagoras withdrew with the Lacedaemonians (74) ; the rest of the Athenians who had taken his side were put to death (72 /fiz.).

πάντας] apparently a correction of Herodotus’ account (Thalheim).

μετεπέμψαντο] Hat. v 73, Κλεισθένεα kal τὰ ἑπτακόσια ἐπίστια τὰ διωχθέντα ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος μεταπεμψάμενοι.

8. 4. τοῦ δήμου προστάτης] c. 2 2

᾿ 8 5. πρότερον τῶν *Adx.] is the most natural construction and it is so translated by Kaibel and Kiessling. Wilamowitz, i 38, assumes, in his text, that Kedon was an Alkmeonid, but suggests in his note that he was only a client of that house.

- KySev] Nothing else is known of this person. His endeavour to expel the tyrants was doubtless one of the unsuc- cessful attempts recorded in c. 1g in the general pigaart del προσέπταιον.

καὶ εἰς τοῦτον] 2.5. as well as the

S. A.

baffled heroes of Leipsydrium celebrated in the song recorded in c. Ig, and quoted by Athenaeus immediately after this couplet. This juxtaposition seems to shew that both quotations were derived from this work.

XXI. Wilamowitz, ii 146, describes this chapter as a veritable revelation— ‘it is all pure gold.’

§ τ. ἔτει τετάρτῳ... ἐπὶ ᾿Ισαγόρου ἄρχοντος] The fourth year after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae (511/o) corresponds to 508/7 B.c. The archon ship of Isagoras is placed by Dionysius Hal., Ant. Rom. i 74, in Ol. 68, t= 508/7 B.C.; and his second mention of the

same date, in v 1, shews that it was an‘

Olympic year. On_the expulsion of

Isagoras, Cleisthenes apparently became (cf. Wilamowitz, i 6).

The text implies that the reforms of Cleisthenes were subsequent to the ex- pulsion of Isagoras and Cléomenés. Cleisthenes_begins hy offering (ἀποδιδούς, 20 1) the commons a share in the constitution ; Isagoras appeals to Cleo- menes for is assistance against Clei- sthenes, and thereupon

is defeated ; sed _re-

Cleisthenes carries out his prop forms. Herodotus briefly mentions some of these reforms (v 66 and 69), and

describes the calling in of Cleomenes as

6

82 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL, 8, 1..42—9,; La

5 / 2 / yp A / \ > \ a 5 ᾿ - οὖν συνένειμε πάντας εἰς δέκα φυλὰς ἀντὶ τῶν τεττάρων, ἀναμεῖξαι 5 βουλόμενος, ὅπως μετάσχωσι πλείους τῆς πολιτείας" ὅθεν ἐλέχθη

ΧΧΙ 4 οΟΥγνενειλὶε : συνένειμε Newman (coll. 41 § 2), Kontos, Gertz, H-L (K3, Β); - οὖν συνένειμε K-W, qui lacunam post ἄρχοντος indicatam ope Ar. Pol. 1725 36 explen-

dam censent; sine lacuna Diels, Κα, Th.

_ διένειμε Wyse, ἀνένειμε E S Thompson.

ἀναμεῖξαι K-W, H-L, K°, Th; cf. 3 8.5 σύμμειξις : ANAMIZAI (K!), <Te> βουλόμενος

as xcak> TH. ;

a counter-move on the part of Isagoras

(yo). Hence modern historians, 6. g.

Thirlwall, Grote,.Curtius .and Busolt,..

place the constitutional reforms of Clei- sthenes before the calling in of Cleomenes. This appears improbable, for (as justly observed by Mr Kenyon) ‘there was not time to have introduced. such extensive

constitutional changes before the Spartan:

invasion’; a remark which had already been made by Sauppe, De Demis Urbanis, p. 1. The evidence of Herodotus, when carefully examined, is partly in favour of the account in the text. He begins by describing Cl. as courting the aid of the commons (τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται). Ης then adds that it was afterwards (μετὰ δὲ) that Cl. transformed the four tribes into ten. This part of hisnarrative is a digression, and the story is resumed in c. 69, ἣν τε τὸν δῆμον προσθέμενος πολλῴ κατύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων. In this view, I find myself in agreement. with Lugebil, PAi/ol. Suppl. Bd iv 165.

§ 2. εἰς δέκα φυλὰς ἀντὶ τῶν τεττάρων κτλ. Hdt. ν 66, μετὰ δὲ τετραφύλους ἐόντας ᾿Αθηναίους δεκαφύλους ἐποίησε Tr. 70. 69, τὰς φυλὰς μετωνόμασε καὶ ἐποίησε πλεῦνας ἐξ ἐλασσόνων" δέκα τε δὴ φυλάρχους ἀντὶ τεσσέρων ἐποίησε, δέκα δὲ καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένειμε ἐς τὰς φυλάς. In the Politics, Ar. alludes to these reforms as follows: iii 2, 1275 & 37, ἀλλ᾽ lows ἐκεῖνο μᾶλλον ἔχει ἀπορίαν, ὅσοι μετέσχον μεταβολῆς γενομένης πολιτείας (cf. μετάσχωσι... τῆς πολιτείας), οἷον ᾿Αθήνησιν ἐποίησε Κλει- σθένης μετὰ τὴν τῶν τυράννων ἐκβολήν᾽ πολλοὺς γὰρ ἐφυλέτευσε ξένους καὶ δούλους μετοίκους, ζ.6. enrolled (as citizens) in the tribes not only free-born foreigners but also slaves who by emancipation had already become μέτοικοι (cf. Gilbert, Gr. St, i 1612 ἔ; Thumser, Staatsalt. p. 404 n. 1). .The text, as it stands, makes no direct mention of these, though it

Te yap ἕτεραι ποιητέαι πλείους καὶ φατρίαι,

καὶ τὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἱερῶν συνακτέον εἰς ὀλίγα καὶ κοινά, καὶ πάντα σοφιστέον ὅπως ἂν ὅτι μάλιστα ἀναμιχθῶσι (cf. ἀναμεῖξαι) πάντες ἀλλήλοις, αἱ δὲ. συνήθειαι δια- ζευχθῶσιν αἱ πρότεραι. See Grote, c. 31, ii p. 109—113; and zw. on § 6.

ὅθεν--- βουλομένους] ‘Hence the advice, not to notice the tribe, which was ten- _ dered to those who would scrutinise (the lists of) the clans.’ This is the interpret- ation suggested by Mr Kenyon who, in the course of ‘an excellent note, observes that, as the φυλαί, after the reforms of Cleisthenes, ‘no longer bore any relation to the γένη, it was useless to enter on an examination of the tribes for the purpose of reviewing the lists of the γένη... A number of persons were admitted to the new tribes who had not been members of the old, and these were not necessarily entered on the rolls of any of the γένη. Formerly, on any review of the citizen- roll, it was no doubt usual to go through’ it tribe by tribe, following all the sub-

divisions of the old patriarchal system.

Now, the tribe-roll had no relation to that of the γένη, and consequently those persons who wished to examine the latter would have nothing to do with dis- tinctions of tribe.’ In the words of | Grote, c. 10, li 273, ‘the estes had no connection, as such, with these new tribes, and the members of the same ges might belong to different demes.’ Ξ Mr Wyse, however, holds that τὰ γένη is simply an idiomatic plural for τὸ γένος; in the sense of ‘a man’s birth.’ Cf. Arg, to Dem. Or. 57 δεῖ δὲ μὴ τὰ ἀτυχήματα προφέρειν ἀλλὰ τὰ γένη ζητεῖν, 1.6. TO γένος in each several case. Before Cleisthenes a man might have claimed to be of purer and nobler 4i7¢h as belonging, let us say, to the Γελέοντες.. ie ξ Cleisthenes all were ‘mixed up,’ ποῦϊθ

and simple alike, and the tribe was no ~ indication of a man’s family history, This is a simpler explanation than Mr Kenyon’s, and is in accordance with Aristotle’s view of Cleisthenes’ aims, aS expressed here and in the Podztics,

incidentally names the νεοπολῖται at the end of 84. Cf. 2. vii (vi) 4, 1319 20, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα κατασκευάσματα χρήσιμα πρὸς τὴν δημοκρατίαν τὴν τοιαύτην, οἷς Κλεισθένης re’ Αθήνησιν ἐχρήσατο βου- λόμενος αὐξῆσαι τὴν δημοκρατίαν, καὶ περὶ Κυρήνην οἱ τὸν δῆμον καθιστάντες. φυλαί

CH, 25, 1: 4—t11.

_ 8 ἐξ del. B* appendix.

1 MH AYT@CYMBAINHI MH alia manu. Ε ρων : | ‘guvémurrev Richards (H-L);

TIOAITEIA

ἑκάστης <Tijs>, BF, Th.

10 trpoc (Th) mutatum in K(ATa). δ; ἐκ <r@v> τεττάρων coll. § 2 Papageorgios.

83

, 9] Kai τὸ μὴ φυλοκρινεῖν || πρὸς τοὺς ἐξετάζειν τὰ γένη βουλομένους: 3 ἔπειτα τὴν βουλὴν. πεντακοσίους ἀντὶ τετρακοσίων. κατέστησεν, πεντήκοντα ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς" τότε δ᾽ ἦσαν ἑκατόν. δὲ οὐκ εἰς δώδεκα φυλὰς συνέταξεν, ὅπως αὐτῷ μὴ συμβαίνῃ μερίξειν κατὰ τὰς προῦὐπαρχούσας τριττῦς" ἦσαν γὰρ ἐκ τεττάρων ᾿ n , , τ, > , A > (aE ἮΝ φυλῶν δώδεκα τριττύες, ὥστ᾽ οὐ [συν]έπιπτεν (ἂν) ἀναμίσγεσθαι

διὰ τοῦτο

9 oykK(al)eic.

τεττά- 11 OYC ETTEITITEN? οὐκ ἂν

οὐ συνέπιπτεν ἂν Hude, K-w, K3, Bl-3 (st, x4); ; οὐ συνέ: πιπτε Bt, -εν Th, coll. Andoc. i 88, Lys. vii 32.

φυλοκρινεῖν] ‘to draw distinctions be- ‘tween tribes.’ The word occurs in Thuc. vi 18 § 2, εἴγε ἡσυχάζοιεν πάντες φυ- λοκρινοῖεν οἷς χρεὼν βοηθεῖν, where, like 'ταμιεύεσθαι in 3, and στορέσωμεν in § 4, it is a vivid metaphor characteristic of the speaker, Alcibiades. Cf. Lucian, Abdicatus, 4, οὐκ és βάθος ὁρώντων, οὐδ᾽ ἀκριβῶς φυλοκρινούντων (Schol. διακρουόν- των, δοκιμαζόντων περιέργως) τὰς νόσους, ‘and Phalaris alter, 9, φυλοκρινεῖν τὰ (ἀναθήματα καὶ γενεαλογεῖν τὰ πεμπόμενα, ὅθεν καὶ ἀφ᾽ ὅτου καὶ ὁποῖα (in all these : ane there is av. 2. φιλοκρινεῖν). In ᾿ς late authors we also have anes hae | φυλοκρινητέον, and φυλοκρινητικός (see L and 5). Pollux, viii r1o, after recounting the names of the Attic tribes, adds ἀπὸ "δὲ φυλῶν τὸ φυλοκρινεῖν ὠνομάσθη; and Suidas explains φυλοκρινεῖ by διακρίνει, ᾿καταδοκιμάζει περιέργως. Cf. Phrynichus, p. 71, 8 Bekk. Ax. φυλοκρινεῖν " κυρίως μὲν "τὸ τὰς φυλὰς τὰς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι διακρίνειν, σημαίνει δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τι διατάττειν καὶ ᾿διακρίνειν, id. ‘App. Soph. p. 81, 7, φιλο- κρίνει (sic)* διακρίνει, Sannin περιέργως,

κατεξετάζει, quoted by Schmidt on Hesych. φυλ[λ]οκρινεῖν: τὰς ὅλ δια- κρίνειν.

ἐξετάζειν] Dem. 45 82, τὸν ἡμέτερον πατέρα ἐξήταζες ὅστις ἦν (of one who was “ῇ a slave). Cf. note on Dem. Left.

5.

§ 3. τὴν βουλὴν] From this _time_ forward the Solonian Council _ of 400 is rseded by that_ of 500, τῶν πεντα- κοσίων βουλή, or βουλὴ οἱ πεντακόσιοι Aeschin. Οζες. § 2) as it was sometimes Ralled, to distinguish it from the Council ithe Areopagus. The institution of the | uncil of the Five Hundred has always ‘been attributed to Cleisthenes, in con- ‘Hexion with the introduction of the ten” tribes; but this passage is probably the

first express statement on. the subject. in any ancient author.

οὐκ εἰς δώδεκα φυλὰς συνέταξεν ὠὰ ‘The reason why-he did not organize the people into twelve tribes was. that he might not have to divide them according to the already existing Trittyes; for the four tribes had twelve Trittyes, so that, he would not have achieved his object of re- distributing the population in fresh com- binations’ (Kenyon).

Twelve was. the number of | tribes adopted by Plato in his model city (Zeg. 745, 771), and, had this number been prepared by Cleisthenes, it would have simplified the arrangement of the prytanies by making each of the 12 prytanies corre- spond to a lunar month. But, in this case, the twelve new tribes would have exactly corresponded to the twelve old Trittyes, and the reformer’s object οὗ breaking up the old system by bringing the people into new combinations with one another would have been defeated.

Besides, the old Trittyes had nota local character. They were identical with the Phratries and thus consisted of a third part of the members of the old tribe wherever they resided. These fixed fractions of the old tribes were to be superseded by a local. organisation in which the name Trittys continued to mean ‘a third part of tribe’ but was to be used thenceforth in a local sense. See also Wilamowitz, ii 147.

ὅπως--μὴ συμβαίνῃ] Inf. ὅπως---μετέ- xn, and ἵνα μὴ... ἐξελέγχωσιν.

τριττῦϑ] c. 8 3

οὐ mine ᾿ἂν- πλῆθος] lit. ‘it

would not have resulted in the Ρ copie

being mingled together.’ dvapto-ye is a rather rare alternative form for ᾿ ἀναμίγνυσθαι. ; 4

33 6—z2

84

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

‘COL. 9, l. 4—-8

\ a , \ \ \ \ ΄ : ΄ , τὸ πλῆθος. διένειμε δὲ καὶ THY χώραν κατὰ δήμους τριάκοντα μέρη,

TESTIMONIA. 12—15 Michael Psellus περὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων τῶν δικῶν, p. 103 Bois- sonade, p- ΙΟΙΡ § 31 Migne, δὲ τριττὺς νεωτέρων (leg. vewrepor) ὄνομα παρὰ τοῖς

᾿Αθηναίοις ἐστί.

Κλεισθένης γάρ τις, εἰς τριάκοντα μοίρας τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἅπασαν διανείμας,

ἐπειδὴ τὸ μὲν αὐτῆς ἐπιθαλαττίδιον ἦν, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ μέσου καθῆστο τῆς χώρας, τὸ δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἄστυ συνέστρωτο, δέκα μὲν μοίρας τῇ παραλίῳ συντέτευχε, δέκα δὲ κατέστησεν ἐπὶ τὴν μεσόγειον, δέκα δὲ ἀστυνόμους ἐποίησε" καὶ τὸ τριτημόριον τριττὺς ὠνόμαστο

(attulerunt K- W).

§ 4. διένειμε---τριάκοντα μέρη] c. 30 3, διανεῖμαι.. «τέτταρα μέρη, Xen. Cyrop. vil 5, 3, τὸ στράτευμα κατένειμε δώδεκα μέρη, Plato, Politicus, p. 283 D, διέλωμεν αὐτὴν δύο μέρη (Kiihner Gr. Gr. § 411, 6 ὦ).

_Cleisthenes divided the whole of Attica into 30 portions, each of them called a πάλας

1o of these were urban or sub- urban, 1o on the coast, and ro in the interior. Each of the 10 tribes had three τριττῦς allotted to it, one from each of the above districts. Thus ‘the tribe, as a whole, did not ‘correspond with any con- tinuous portion of the territory, nor could it have any peculiar local interest, separate from the entire community’ (Grote). In this way the evils that had arisen during the previous century from the factions of the Shore, the Plain and the Mountain, were effectually counteracted.

The number of demes in a τριττύς varied

from 1 to 7. From the passage in Hdt-v 69, δέκα δὲ Καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένειμε és τὰς φυλάς, ‘Cleisthenes distributed the demes among the tribes by tens,’ it has been in- ferred that he ‘at first recognised exactly 100 demes, distributed in equal proportion among his 10 tribes.’ This is the view of Schémann (Ant. p. 365 E. T.). Ke F. Hermann (Staatsalt. 111, 12) held that this is what Herodotus meant to affirm, but he does not accept the account as true. Others again (e.g. Corsini, Grote in his first ed., and Dietrich, de C/isthene, Halle, 1840, p. 32) connect δέκα with és τὰς φυλάς and contend that such a collocation isnot uncommon in Herodotus. Madvig, Adv. Crit. i 305, strikes out δέκα δὲς Bake (Aibliotheca Critica iv 272) alters it into καὶ δή. Cf. Schomann, On Grote, § 6, and Ant. pp. 336, 366 E. T. The best proposal is that of Lolling, who suggests déxa{xa) δὲ, imply- ing that Cleisthenes distributed the demes over the ten tribesin ten batches. δέκαχα corresponds in form to τρίχα and rérpaxa, and is found in a decree of Samos 405 B.C, Delt. Arch. 89, 26, 1. 31, νεῖμαι αὐτοὺς... εἰς τοὺς δήμους καὶ τὰς stg déxaxa (Wilamowitz, ii 149 n. 9). Such being the probable meaning of

the passage in Herodotus, it ceases to be

an authority for the existence of exactly

100 demes in the time of Cleisthenes. We

know the names of at least 145 demes,

and, in the time of Polemon (ΠΛ. 177 B.c.),

the number was 174 (Strabo, p. 396). To

Cleisthenes, however, the exact number

of the demes was immaterial; the unit of his reorganisation of the tribes was not

the deme but the group of demes, the” Trittys.

Since the publication of the first edition of this commentary, the distribution of the Attic demes among the ten tribes of Clei- sthenes has been carefully investigated by Milchhofer, Untersuchungen uber die Demenordnung des Kleisthenes (Berlin, 1892); Loeper, Die Tritiyen und Demen Attikas,in the & itthetlungen des deutschen archiologisches Instituts in Athen, 1892, ΡΡ- 319—433; and, independently, by Wilamowitz, on 77ittyen und Demen in Ar. und Athen, ii 145—168. A map shewing the distribution of the demes over the three regions of Attica, the urban and suburban, the coast, and the interior, accompanies the first two of these in-. vestigations ; and a similar map is to be found in Kiepert’s Formae Orbis Antigui, no. xiv (1906). |

One hundred of the demes discussed by Milchhofer are distributed as follows over the three districts. (Colonos is here’ ascribed to Aegeis alone.)

urban or {πὲ the suburban coast interior

Erechthets I 2 I 4 “τρεῖς 4 5 4 13 Pandionis I 5 3 9 Leontis 2 3 7 12:3 Acamantis I 5 6 1210 Oenets 4 3 I 80: Cecropis 2 2 5 οὉ Hippothontis 5 3 3 1 Atantis I 5 4 Ιο Antiochis I 6 5 ΤᾺ 22 39 39° ‘sooner

This list does not exhaust the total number of demes dealt with τῇ cleat thenes.

CH. 21, 1. 12---10. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 85 δέκα μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸ ἄστυ, δέκα δὲ τῆς παραλίας, δέκα δὲ τῆς μεσογείου, καὶ ταύτας ἐπονομάσας τριττῦς, ἐκλήρωσεν τρεῖς εἰς τὴν φυλὴν ἑκάστην, ὅπως ἑκάστη μετέχῃ πάντων τῶν τόπων.᾿ καὶ δημότας ἐποίησεν ἀλλήλων τοὺς οἰκοῦντας ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν δήμων, ἵνα μὴ πατρόθεν προσαγορεύοντες ἐξελέγχωσιν τοὺς νεοπολίτας, ἀλλὰ τῶν δήμων ἀναγορεύωσιν" ὅθεν καὶ καλοῦσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τῶν δήμων. κατέστησε δὲ καὶ δημάρχους τὴν αὐτὴν

18 προσαγορεύωσιν

11 νέους πολίτας Wayte.

13 τῶν : τῆς Papageorgios. ᾿Αθηναῖοι : hinc incipit fr. Berol. 11 a.

Richards. καὶ <viv> K-wl,

Test. 19—21 *Schol. Arist. Wud. 37’Ap. δὲ περὶ Κλεισθένους φησὶ ““ κατέστησε καὶ δημάρχου----ἐποίησεν ”’ (Rose, Frag. 3073, deerat in ed. 2). *Harp. ναυκραρικά:... Ap. δ᾽ ἐν ᾽ΑΘ. πολ. φησὶ “᾿κατέστησαν δὲ Snudpxovs—vavxpdpors* δημίους (δημαίους cod. A) ἀντὶ τῶν ναυκράρων ἐποίησαν (359, 3075). *Harp. δήμαρχος :...τούτους δέ φησιν ’Ap.

év’ AO. πολ. ὑπὸ Κλεισθένους κατασταθῆναι τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντας ἐπιμέλειαν τοῖς πρότερον -

γαυκράροις (1ὖ.}.

Hesych. δήμαρχοι : οἱ πρότερον καλούμενοι ναύκραροι...

ὅπως ἑκάστη μετέχῃ πάντων τῶν τόπων] Pol. 1330 a 16, ἵνα---ἀμφοτέρων τῶν τόπων πάντες μετέχωσιν. Plat. Leg. 745 B-E (Newman). δημότας---δήμων] Under this arrange- ment every one originally belonged to the deme in which he lived, His des- endants, whether they had property in the deme or not, continued to belong to the same deme. It was only through adoption that a member of one deme be- me a member of another, by being en- rolled in the deme of his adoptive father {Dem. Leoch. ὃξ 22, 34; Schdmann, . Antig. p. 367, E. T.). ἵνα μὴ---νεοπολίτας] Many foreigners and _resident aliens were added by Cle. Sthenes to the roll of citizens (7o/. 1275 37. quoted in n. Οὗ § 2). Such a newly enrolled citizen, if called by his father’s name alone, would betray his foreign origin; but, by being designated by his deme, he lost the badge of his alien birth

and was put on equal terms with the

other members of the deme. πατρό- θεν] Xen. Oecon. vii 3, Pausan. vii 7 § 4, CIA ii 114 B 4 (Athenian decree of B.c. 342), ἐπιγράψαι δὲ...τοὺς βουλευτὰς πατρό- θεν καὶ τοῦ δήμου. ἐξελέγχωσιν] Dem. Lubul. 57 § 3, τοῖς μὲν ἐξελεγχομένοις ξένοις οὖσι χαλεπαίνειν, and 20. § 51. τῶν δήμων ἀναγορεύωσιν] ‘publicly (or officially) call them by their demes.’ τῶν δήμων is not found in inscriptions. In MSS it generally precedes the name of the deme. Cf. τῶν δήμων Πιτθεύς, τῶν δήμων Θορίκιος, Φρεαρρίου τῶν δήμων (Plat. Zuthy- phro, 213, Dem. 39 30, Plut. Zhem. I, 1), Lys. 23 2, ὁπόθεν δημοτεύοιτο. it may be inferred that before the time of Cleisthenes Athenians were not described

by the name of theirdemes. ‘In Athens, at least after the revolution of Kleisthenés, the gentile name was not employed; a man was described by his own single name, followed first by the name of his father and next by that of the deme to which he belonged’ (Grote c. το, ii 274).

§5. κατέστησε--δημάρχους} Photius,

σύ. vavxpapta, quotes from this treatise(c. 8

§ 3), pudal δὲ noav—xal’ ἑκάστην. After this quotation should follow the words which have by mistake been placed before it. viz.: ὕστερον δὲ ἀπὸ Κλεισθένους δῆμοί εἶσι, καὶ δήμαρχοι ἐκλήθησαν. At the close

Οὗ his article he cites Cleidemus (ἐν τῇ

τρίτῃ) : ὅτι Κλεισθένους δέκα φυλὰς ποιή- σαντος ἀντὶ τῶν τεσσάρων, συνέβη καὶ εἰς πεντήκοντα μέρη διαταγῆναι" αὐτοὺς (ταῦτα Miiller) δὲ ἐκάλουν ναυκραρίας, ὥσπερ νῦν εἰς τὰ ἑκατὸν μέρη διαιρεθέντα (διαιρεθέντας Siebelis) καλοῦσι συμμορίας (FHG i 561). According to this view, the change in the number of tribes from four to ten in- volved a change in the number of ναυκρα- plas from 48 (12x 4) to 50. The im- portance of the Maucrariae naturally did not remain the same as it had formerly been, and we hear in particular that the business which had once belonged to the Maucrari now passed to the Demarchs (Schémann, “4222. p. 370, E.T. on the authority of quotations from this passage in Harpocration &c.).

In the passage above cited from Photius Mr P. Giles (Znglish Historical Review, 1892, p. 331) proposes, instead of πεντήκοντα (i.e. Ν) μέρη, to read τριά- κοντα (i.e. Λ) μέρη, and to identify these

μέρη with the τριττῦς. He also assumes that this sentence was followed by a

15

86 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 9,.1. 8—1o; 20 ἔχοντας ἐπιμέλειαν τοῖς πρότερον ναυκράροις" καὶ γὰρ τοὺς δήμουν

ἀντὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν ἐποδησενιν προσηγορευσε δὲ τῶν δήμων τοὺς ὃ: μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν τόπων, τοὺς δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν κτισάντων" οὐ γὰρ ἅπαντες

TESTIMONIA. 21f. Cf. Etym. gen. infra exscriptum.

clause referring to the δῆμοι. He is’

doubtless justified in adding that this treatise gives no direct support to the view that the vavxpapla consisted of two ᾿δῆμοι. (Cf. Gilbert, i 163.)

The Peripatetic, Demetrius Phalereus (Miiller, FHG, ii 363), ascribed the estab- lishment of demarchs not to Cleisthenes but. to of περὶ Σόλωνα (Newman). The demes themselves existed long. before Cleisthenes. It was the τριττύς, or group of demes, that was characteristic. of Cleisthenes.

προσηγόρευσε---κτισάντων7γ ‘He named some of the demes from their localities, and some from their founders.’ Demes were already in existence before Clei- sthenes; but they were now recognised as component parts in the new constitutional order, and had their names fixed by official sanction. Many of them had Yocat designations derived either from natural features (Ποταμός, Κηφισία, ᾿Επικηφισία;͵ Δειράδες, ᾿Αλιμοῦς), or from places in’ their neighbourhood (Οἷον Δεκελεικόν, Οἷον Kepapecxéy), or from plants or trees that grew there (Μαραθών, Ραμνοῦς, Muppwois, ᾿Αγνοῦς, ᾿Αχερδοῦς; ‘Iréa, ᾿Ἐλαιοῦς, Epixeca, Opla, Πρασίαι, Πτελέα, Φηγοῦς). Among other local designations may be mentioned Oivén, Baca, Aaumrpat, *"Erevols. Cf. Et. gen. (ex Photio), copied in Etym, Magn. s.v. ’EXee?s :...08 γὰρ δῆμοι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπὸ τῶν σ΄όπων, ἀπὸ τῶν παρακειμένων αὐτοῖς, ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς φυτῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς χειροτεχνῶν, ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκησάντων (οἰκισάντων Leake) ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναι- κῶν, and Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 586.

- Other demes were named ‘from their founders,’ Ζ.6. from one of the eponymous founders of the demes. The names of forty are collected by Sauppe, De Demis Urbanis, p. 4 ff. (e.g. Aithaliades, Ana- gyrus, Anaphlystus, Sphettus); but since many of them are obviously coined from the names.of the demes, it is in these cases inaccurate to describe the demes as designated after their founders. Many of the demes were called after distinguished gentes who held property in them (e.g, Butadae, Thymoetadae, Cothocidae, Peri- thoedae, pt ipen er Scambonidae, Col- Teidae). © such ‘demes (25 he them are given in Grote, c. 10,

ii 273m); and it has been suggested that all of these were constituted by Cleisthenes, ‘It seems that Kleisthents” (Gays Grote,

/. ¢.) ‘recognised a certain number of new demes to which he gave names derived from some important gers resident near the spot. It is thus that we are to ex- plain the large number of Kleisthenean demes that bear patronymic names.’ ‘The demes named after genées are situated mainly in that part of the country which has been assigned to the Phyle of the Geleontes, and where accordingly the greater number of noble families and the most important of them lived’ (Sch6- pon Ant. p. 366 n. E.T.).

-ydp—rots τόποις] This sentence is iter ded to explain the addition of ἀπὸ τῶν κτισάντων to ἀπὸ τῶν τόπων, ‘for (from the timé of Cleisthenes) the demes were no longer called in all cases from the localities’ (understanding προσαγορεὺυ- θέντες from προσηγόρευσε); z.e. they then ceased to be in every instance designated by ‘local’ names. These old ‘local? names had often been derived from the villages or hamlets included within the limits of the deme as constituted by Cleisthenes. Many of these were super- seded by gentile or patronymic or heroic names, —names derived ἀπὸ τῶν κτισάν- των. οὐ γὰρ ἔτι is inconsistent in sense with ὑπῆρχον, unless the latter is τηδάς.. to mean little more than ἦν. Possibly the sentence implies that (even in the time of Cl.) the demes had already lost their , and had received names derived from persons instead. ΟἿ᾽.

ave official recognition to both classes

namés, local and personal. Poland ‘fanslates’ as follows: Denn nicht alle ‘Gaue entsprachen mehr den alten Namen der Oertlichkeiten, adding in a note, that, in naming the new demes, Cl. availed _ himself of the old names, but had often, for example, to break up an old. ‘deme_ into several divisions and thus.create new names. Kaibel and Kiessling translate : Da nicht mehr alle Gemeinden sich mit

‘Ortsbezeichnungen deckten ; Wilamowitz, _

Denn Local bestanden ΜΆ nicht mehr alle. Blass reads ἐν rots τόποις, with

the following interpretation: non omnes

demi evant inter vicos qui iam exstabant; itague muitos ab heroibus atpetlavit. All

|

CH; 21. 1. di

6: ὑπῆρχον. ἔτι τοῖς τύποις."

Bury (Η:1.᾿ Ἴοι..

Rev. ν 162 a).

that passage. °

se

28 ετι πόα ΕΝ, quod Ἰδὲ Blass 3 K, ee 51, κα:

“ΠΟΛΙΤΈΙΑ 87

: τὰ "δὲ γένη. Kal ail φρατρίας καὶ τὰς 3

εν Berol. (B,.K K-w3, Th):

ἔτι ἐν oh Apcaeeer ey ἅπασιν κτλ. coniecit K (Jos. Mayor); ἅπασιν ὑπῆρχεν ὀὐξμανα,

» Φδτριδο, idem habet corr, Berol,,*cf, Meisterhans 82° ἢ,

μ a Ee ALY BG δ.

that we require is some ‘Seeil ‘sf words giving the simple sense: ‘the names of

- the demes were not all derived from the

names of places.’

8 6. τὰ δὲ γένη--πάτρια] The parallel |. ; pence in the Politics, 1319 620, quotedon

n. I, implies that Cleisthenes increased

the. number of the phratries (and it was ‘so understood by uermann, /ahrd. f.

hl. Phil, Suppl. Bd ix: 1878, 597° sgg.). The text states that he allowed every _one.to remain in_his former. phratria. It

_was once held by Busolt (G7, Gesch.-i 394",

note 5, after Landwehr, Pi/ologus, Suppl. Bd v 168) that the reference to the phra- tries in the passage in the Politics did not necessarily apply to Athens, but to Cyrene, which is mentioned in the same passage; and with this view Mr W. R. Paten agrees (Class. Rev. v 221 δ). See ‘alsoDuncker, G.d: A, νὶ 591 note. Busolt, however, has since. admitted that the 'φρατρίαι are those of Athens (I. Miiller’s Handbuch, iv 1, p. 144 note 11); he adds

' thatthe present passage (as represented

in the Berlin: fragment) implies that the principle of the organisation of the. phra- tries according to γένη remained: un- changed. * *Probably the phratries before the time of Cleisthenes were larger bodies which, on the occasion of his.reforms, were broken up into smaller_ portions. ‘Then of wn 5, ‘but they must have been more than 12. tro) See also Gr. Gesch. ii 217 n The present passage has been held to be: somewhat out of harmony’ with that in the Politics, and the question has been asked whether the statement as to priest- hoods can be easily reconciled with the that Cleisthenes converted a number of private worships into a few public ies (Mr W. EG eioementa in Alas If we are compelled to ‘choose, one would prefer the definite ‘Statement in the text ‘to the inference drawn from the less definite statement in the Pelitics, not to mention the disturbing influence of the mention of Cyrene in The two statements may, hiowever, be reconciled. 1 take the text to refer to those who were already citizens shige with existing γένη and ¢pa- Τρία: ‘Cleisthenes allowed’ all these to

“eqntinue as ae ‘old in sea respective

γένη δηᾶ" φρατρίαι, with their rel igious

institutions intact. Among these institt- ~ ‘tions would be (1) the sacrificial rites performed by the vdoBacrre?s, who survived. the change from four. tribes into ten (8 § 3; end); and (2) the

hereditary piledtineeds such _as_ those

held by the Eumolpidae, Kerykes and Eteobutadae. Cf. Lex. Dem. Patm, P- 152; Sakkelion, (of the 30 γεννηταὶ) ὧν αἱ ἱερωσύναι (ai) ἑκάστοις προσήκουσαι

- ἐκληροῦντο, οἷον Ἑϊμολπίδαι καὶ Κήρυκες

καὶ ᾿Ετεοβουτάδαι, ὡς ἱστορεῖ ἐν τῇ ᾽ΑΘθ. πολ. ᾿Αριστοτέλης κτλ. (Rose, Frag. 3853).

In contrast to the existing citizens there were a number of other persons who had hitherto not belonged to that -body and therefore had no γένη. These are the νεοπολῖταιὶ of 4. It was for ‘these that Cleisthenes provided new ¢pa- τρίαι. At the ‘same time he absorbed many of the minor local cults into public festivals held at Athens.

Mr Newman, in his commentary on

Pol. 1319 6 19 (vol, iv 522), objects

‘that ‘the object of Cleisthenes was to mingle the νεοπολῖται with the old citizens, and ‘would he have been content to place the former in phratries of their ‘own, distinct from the others? Perhaps, if we seek to reconcile the two statements, -Aristotle refers only to Cyrene in his mention of phratries in 13194 24. But

..Statements which are not in complete harmony with each other are to be found in the Polétics itself.’

‘In. Class. Rev. v 222 6, Mr W. ΚΕ. Paton observes that the νεοπολῖται could not be received into the γένη, all the members of which were allied (or sup- posed to be allied) by blood; but he ‘considers that. they could be: received into the phratries, each of which was a group of γένη not claiming a blood-rela- tionship with one another and therefore more elastic. He assumes that Cleisthenes did not increase the number of phratries ; whereas it is not improbable that he did, and there is nothing in the present pas- ‘sage to- prove that he did not. ᾿

Gilbert, i 1632 f, assumes a ‘new ar ae ei, ws the χράρφι νικᾷ

25

88 AOHNAIQN COL. 9, 1]. 1o—16,

e 4 _ Ψ ς 4 \ \ ΄ ta \ a ἱερωσύνας εἴασεν ἔχειν ἑκάστους κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. ταῖς δὲ φυλαῖς ἐποίησεν ἐπωνύμους ἐκ τῶν προκριθέντων ἑκατὸν ἀρχηγετῶν, ods ἀνεῖλεν Πυθία, δέκα. ἜΣ,

22. τούτων δὲ γενομένων δημοτικωτέρα πολὺ τῆς Σόλωνος δ. ς , x \ / \ ᾿ \ s / ἐγένετο πολιτεία" Kal yap συνέβη τοὺς μὲν Σόλωνος νόμους ἀφανίσαι τὴν τυραννίδα διὰ τὸ μὴ χρῆσθαι, και[ν]οὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους

a \ , lol / : b] Ka ".- 6

θεῖναι τὸν λεισθένην στοχαζόμενον τοῦ πλήθους, ἐν ots ἐτέθη καὶ

ε a > a / a περὶ τοῦ ὀστρακισμοῦ νόμος. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἔτει πέμπτῳ 2

24 Ιερωουνὰς (Κ, H-L, Β, K-w%, Th): ἱερεωσύνας K-w?, 51, Meisterhans, p. 46°. 25 ETTWNYM..C, ἐπωνυμ[ία59] Κ' ; eETTWNYMOYC Berol., idem coniecerant Jos.

Mayor, Richards (edd.). XXII 3 χρᾶσθαι Berol. τοὺς ΚΙ.

κ(λ1). oye Lond., Kat...Berol., καινοὺς K-w (edd.); 4 KAEICOENH (edd,): Κλεισθένην kK}, 5].

5 treumrrmt, an ὀγδόῳ Κ.

25—26 Etym. M. ἐπώνυμοι (locus infra exscriptus). TESTIMONIA. XXII 5—39 Heraclidis epitoma (Rose, Frag. 611, 43): καὶ τὸν

περὶ ὀστρακισμοῦ νόμον εἰσηγήσατο, ὃς ἐτέθη διὰ τοὺς τυραννιῶντας. ὠστρὰκίσθησαν καὶ Ξάνθιππος καὶ Ἀριστείδης.

καὶ ἄλλοι τε

τὰς ἱερωσύνας εἴασεν ἔχειν] Plato, Leg. 759 A (πάτριαι ἱερωσύναι), μὴ κινεῖν.

ταῖς δὲ φυλαῖς---δέκα] In Ztym. M., 5.0. ἐπώνυμοι, after mention of the ἐπώ- νυμοι τῶν ἡλικιῶν (c. 53), We have, con- trasted with these, οἱ δέκα ἀφ᾽ ὧν ai φυλαὶ προσηγορεύθησαν, οἷον ᾿Ερεχθεύς, Αἰγεύς, Πανδίων, Λεώς, ᾿Ακάμας, Οἰνεύς, Kéxpoy, Ἱπποθόων, Αἴας, ᾿Αντίοχος" ταῦτα δὲ τὰ δέκα ὀνόματα ἀπὸ ρ΄ (--ἑκατόν, ἄπορα ΕἸ. 27.) Πύθιος εἵλετο, Κλεισθένους οὕτω διαταξαμένου τὸ πᾶν πλῆθος εἰς δέκα φυλάς. Cf. Lex. Dem. Patm., p. 15, Sakkelion (Bull. de corr. hellén. 1877), ...«τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦτο χρήσαντος... τούτους yap ἐξ dvoud- των ἑκατὸν θεὸς ἐξελέξατο, and Schol. Aristid. iii 331, 20 Dind.; also Bekker, Anecd. Gr. (λέξεις ῥητορικαὶ) 245, 17, Photius, and Suidas. This is one of several instances in which the influence of the Alcmaeonidae with the oracle at Delphi was of important consequence to Athens.

ἀρχηγετῶν] The ἐπώνυμοι are them- selves called ἀρχηγέται in Aristoph. Frag. 186 Dind. (παρὰ τοὺς dpxnyéras), ap. Bekk. Anecd. i 449: ἀρχηγέται" ἡγεμόνες οἱ ἐπώνυμοι τῶν φυλῶν. These hundred heroes have sometimes been wrongly

regarded as the eponymous heroes of a -

hundred Attic demes. MHerodian, περὶ μονήρους λέξεως, p. 17, 8, has ᾿Αραφὴν εἷς τῶν ἕκατον ἡρώων. Araphen may well have been of the original hundred ἀρχη- γέται, and his name was adopted as the name οὗ an Attic deme; but it does not follow that there were a hundred demes whose names had a similar origin.

XXII. Ostracism,

On the composition of this chapter in general, see Kaibel, 22 f.

δ τ. ἀφανίσαι] ‘to put out of sight,’ practically ‘to suppress’ by allowing them to become obsolete.

στοχαζόμενον τοῦ πλήθους] Fol. vi (iv) 12, ἂν... ὀλιγαρχικοὺς τοὺς νόμους τιθῇ στοχάζεσθαι xph τῶν μέσων, Polyb. vi 38, 2, πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἀεὶ στοχαζό- μενος.

ὀστρακισμοῦ] Our knowledge of the procedure in cases of ostracismeis founded on a fragment of Philochorus 79 6 (FHG i 396), in the Appendix to Photius, p. 675 Porson: προχειροτονεῖ μὲν δῆμος πρὸ τῆς η΄ πρυτανείας (see c. 43 5), εἰ δοκεῖ τὸ ὄστρακον εἰσφέρειν " ὅτε δὲ δοκεῖ, ἐφράσσετο σανίσιν 7 ἀγορὰ καὶ κατελείποντο εἴσοδοι δέκα, δι᾿ ὧν εἰσιόντες κατὰ φυλὰς ἐτίθεσαν τὰ ὄστρακα, στρέφοντες τὴν ἐπι- γραφήν. ἐπεστάτουν δὲ οἵ τε ἐννέα ἄρχοντες καὶ βουλή" διαριθμηθέντων δὲ ὅτῳ πλεῖστα γένοιτο καὶ μὴ ἐλάττω ἑξακισχιλίων, τοῦτον ἔδέι τὰ δίκαια δόντα καὶ λαβόντα ὑπὲρ τῶν ἰδίων συναλλαγμάτων ἐν δέκα ἡμέραις μετα στῆναι τῆς πόλεως ἔτη δέκα (ὕστερον δὲ ἐγένοντο πέντε) καρπούμενον τὰ ἑαυτοῦ μὴ ἐπιβαίνοντα ἐντὸς Τεραιστοῦ. (Dobree’s correction of πέρα τοῦ) Εὐβοίας ἀκρωτηρίου" μόνος δὲ Ὑπέρβολος ἐκ τῶν ἀδόξων δοκεῖ

ἐξοστρακισθῆναι διὰ μοχθηρίαν τρόπων,

οὐ δι᾿ ὑποψίαν τυραννίδος" μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ κατελύθη τὸ ἔθος, ἀρξάμενον νομοθετήσαντος Κλεισθένους, ὅτε τοὺς τυράννους κατέλυσεν, ὅπως συνεκβάλῃ καὶ τοὺς φίλους αὐτῶν, According to Ephorus and Theopompus the object of ostracism was to check

CH. 21, 1. 24—CH. 22,1.9. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ © 89

- μετὰ ταύτην τὴν κατάστασιν ἐφ᾽ ‘Eppoxpéovtos ἄρχοντος τῇ βουλῇ τοῖς πεντακοσίοις τὸν ὅρκον ἐποίησαν, ὃν ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὀμνύ- ουσιν. ἔπειτα τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἡροῦντο κατὰ φυλάς, ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἕνα, τῆς δὲ ἁπάσης στρατιᾶς ἡγεμὼν ἦν πολέμαρχος.

6 EPMOY|KPEONTOC (Κ).

(in v. 5 servato πέμπτῳ) Bury (Cl. Kev. 1895, 107 ἢ).

B, 51, Th, [..-φυ]λῆς ἑκάστ[ης] Berol.

8 ἔπειτα <8 ἔτει > Sc. μετὰ ταύτην THY κατάστασιν

8—9 ἑκάστης -- τῆς -- φυλῆς

ὑπεροχή (cf. Androt. fragm. 5, Diod. xi 55, Nepos, 7hem. 8, Cimon 3; Plut. Arist. 7, Them. 22, Nic. 11, Alcib. 13). This opinion is shared by Ar. Pol. iii 13, 1284a@ τῇ and 36, and viii (v) 3, 1302 4 15. The checking of ὑπεροχή may well have been its original purpose, but in process of time it was made the means of preventing mischief arising from στάσεις by sup- pressing the leader of the opposition and leaving the majority free to carry out their wishes without hindrance. See Grote, c. 31; Busolt, ii 4397, and in Miiller’s Handbuch, iv τ, 121; Lugebil, Das Wesen und die historische Bedeutung des Ostrakismos in Athen, in Jahro. f. εἰ, Phil, Suppl. Bd iv; 119g—175; Gilbert, Gr. St. i 168? £; Beloch, i 337; Abbott’s Hist. of Gr. i 481-3; and Smith, Dict. Ant. s.v. .

§ 2. ἔτει πέμπτῳ] The text, as it stands, implies 504/3 B.C., four years after the archonship of Isagoras, 508/7, But the archon of 504/3 is already known, Acestorides (Dionys. v 37), and not Hermocreon. The year is the r2th before the battle of Marathon 490/489, and must therefore be s01/o, the archon of which year has not hitherto been known. It is just conceivable that the reforms of Cleisthenes may have taken three years

to get into complete shape, but nothing is said to this effect in the text, and it seems therefore necessary (as suggested by Mr Kenyon) to alter the 5th year into the 8th into ἢ). See, however, Wilamo-

| witz, i 24 f.

τοῖς πεντακοσίοις] So called to dis- tinguish it from the Council of the Areopagus. The addition of these words _ is not inappropriate here, as the establish- ment of the Council of 500 was one of the recent reforms.

τὸν ὅρκον] Xen. Mem. i τ § 18, τὸν

βουλευτικὸν ὅρκον ὀμόσας, ἐν @ ἦν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους βουλεύσειν. Lys. 31 § 1, ὀμόσας εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον τὰ βέλτιστα συμβουλεύσειν τῇ πόλει, ἔνεστί τε ἐν τῷ ὅρκῳ ἀποφαίνειν εἴ τίς τινα οἷδε τῶν λαχόντων ἀνεπιτήδειον ὄντα βουλεύειν. [Dem.] 59 4, ὀμωμοκὼς τὰ βέλτιστα

βουλεύσειν τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων. In Solon’s time the βουλὴ swore τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους éutredwoew (Plut. So/. 25).

The oath included a clause, οὐδὲ δήσω ᾿Αθηναίων οὐδένα, bs ἂν ἐγγυητὰς τρεῖς καθιστῇ τὸ αὐτὸ τέλος τελοῦντας, πλὴν ἐάν τις ἐπὶ προδοσίᾳ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ κατα- λύσει τοῦ δήμου συνιὼν ἁλῷ, τέλος τι πριάμενος ἐγγυησάμενος ἐκλέγων μὴ καταβάλλῃ (Dem. 24 144). Arist. ._Thesm. 943. ἔδοξε τῇ βουλῇ σε δεῖν. Dem. ib. 148 refers the ὅρκος βουλευτικὸς to Solon ; but it was the Areopagus that had cognisance of high treason assigned to it by Solon (c. 8 4), and presumably did not lose it until B.c. 462/1 (c. 25 § 2). The statement that the oath in the times of Cleisthenes was the same as that in the times of the writer seems inconsistent with the account in c. 45, where we are told that the βουλὴ had meanwhile lost the right of imprisoning, &c. (Wyse).

στρατηγοὺς ἡροῦντο] Grote observes that ‘there were now created, for the

first time, ten s¢ratéyi or generals, one

from each tribe... The ten generals, annually changed, are thus (like the ten tribes) a fruit of the Kleisthenean con- stitution’ (c. 31, iii 116). Plut. Avzstid. 5, τῶν δέκα καθεστώτων τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον στρατηγῶν. Them. 6 § 1, τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων βουλευομένων περὶ στρατη- γοῦ, where mention is made of χειρο- τονία (Busolt, i 6167, n. 3). Unless we are prepared to accept the Dracontic constitution’ of c. 4, there is no reason for departing from the ordinary view that the institution of the στρατηγοὶ dates from the time of Cleisthenes.

τῆς ἁπάσης στρατιᾶς ἡγεμὼν --πολέ- ‘Even after the stratégi had

πὰς τὸ

a joint right of command along with them —as we are told at the battle of Marathon, where Kallimachus the polemarch not only enjoyed an equal vote in the council of war along with the ten s¢rategz, but even occupied the post of honour on the right wing’ (Hdt. vi rog—111; Grote, Z.c.).. In still closer accordance with the

10 ἔτει: δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα δωδεκάτῳ νικήσαντες τὴν ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχην 3

15

90

Harp. infra exscriptus.

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ 2 -

25 ΘΟΕ; Ὁ}. 16-23,

ἐπὶ Φαινίππου ἄρχοντος, διαλιπόντες ἔτη δύο μετὰ ΜῈ νίκην, Cappoor-res ἤδη τοῦ δήμον; τότε πρῶτον ἐχρήσαντὸδ᾽ τῷ νόμῳ TO

10 [ἐν] Bt. 14 ὉΤΕ: dubitante Kaibelio 175.

TESTIMONIA.

13 τοῦ ὀστρακισμοῦ quondam K-wl2, Kaibel 174: ὅτι (K coll. Harpocr., H-L, B, Th):

περὶ τὸν ὀστρακισμόν, ὃς ἐτέθη διὰ τὴν ὑποψίαν τῶν ἐν ταῖς δυνῶν μεσιν, ὅτε Πεισίστρατος δημωγωγὸς καὶ στρατηγὸς ὧν τύραννος ΄ 7 \ cal : ys A » 5

κατέστη. Kal πρῶτος ὠστρακίσθη τῶν ἐκείνου συγγενῶν Ἵππαρχος 4

textum defendit γὰρ K-W,

12—27 Harp."Immapxos (locus infra exscriptus).

fresh evidence of:the text, Busolt, i 6167; observes : der Polemarchos z0g nach wie vor an der Spitze des Heeres aus der Stadt. Aristotle does not tell us when the pole: march lost this privilege. § 3. ἐπὶ Φαινίππου ἄρχοντος] 490/489. διαλιπόντες ἔτη δύο] B.c. 489, 488.

Pol. 1299 37, τοὺς μὲν διαλείπειν πολὺν

χρόνον, Hist. Anim. 523 a 8, δ. ἕν ἔτος. For two successive years, under the archonship of Phaenippus and Aristeides in the sixth prytany, early in 489 and 488, the Athenians declined to make use of the law of ostracism:

θαρροῦντος-- τοῦ δήμου. The con- nexion here and elsewhere established (cc. 24, 27) ‘between moments of elation and. self-confidence at Athens: and con- stitutional changes for the worse’ may be compared with Isocr. Aveop. § 3 σφ. ἀπ Panath. 133 (W. L. Newman, Class. Rev. v τότ a).

περὶ τὸν ὀστρ.] c. gen. in 1. ‘Ad significandam eam rem, de qua agitur ac disputatur, περὶ etiam c. acc. ita usurpatur ut ab usu praep. περὶ c. gen, non videatur discerni posse, veluti...o/. 1300 a 8, 9; 1322 6 30, 31, 1286 6 34 et 128741; Riet. Igiga 28, 1418 a 2? Ind. Ar.

ἐτέθη διὰ" τὴν ὑποψίαν .--“ Faeries Xdppov] γεέδιλις in 496/5- Harpocr. s.v. Ἵππαρχος... ἄλλος δέ ἐστιν Ἵππαρχος Χάρμου, ὡς φησι Λυκοῦργος ἐν τῷ κατὰ 'λεωκράτους 117, Ἵππαρχον τὸν Τιμάρχου, who, in his absence, was condemned to death for προδοσία: nothing else is known of him and it is not impossible that Tiudpxov in Lycurgus may. be a mistake for Xdpuwov, a proposal independently suggested by Heller and Wilamowitz, 1 114, τ. 27): περὶ δὲ τούτου ᾿Ανδροτίων ἐν τῇ β' (frag. 5) φησὶν ὅτι. συγγενὴς μὲν ἦν Biba θι. τοῦ τυράννου καὶ πρῶτος ἐξωστρακίσθη τοῦ περὶ τὸν. ὀστρακισμὸν νόμου τότε πρῶτον τεθέντος διὰ τὴν ὑπο- ψίαν τῶν περὶ Πεισίστρατον; ὅτι δημα- γωγὸς ὧν καὶ στρατη γὸς ἐτυράννησεν. :

. It will, be observed that language almost identical with the text is quoted by Harpocration from the ᾿Ατθίς of Androtion. . The historian of that name is almost certainly identical with the orator attacked in Dem. κατὰ ’Avdpo-- τίωνος, in 355 B.C. He had-then beena prominent politician for 30 years (Dem. Z. c. 66). The authorities in favour of this identification are Westermann, Arnold Schaefer, and Blass; against it are Ruhnken, Dindorf and. C. Miiller (FHG, i p. Ixxxiii) and recently M. Weil, Journal des Savants, 1891, p. 203. ΑἹ] the extant quotations from the ᾿Ατθίς (except the present) just cover the period of Androtion’s political caréer, and.a few more years which he may have passed in exile: the latest event noticed is the “διαψήφισις.. ἴῃ. B.C, 346-5.’ left Athens soon after B.C. 355, retired to Megara, and there wrote his ᾿Ατθίς in the enforced leisure of banishment, Plut. de extl. t4, Ὁ. 605 C, (συνέγραψεν) Avdpo- τίων ᾿Αθηναῖος ἐν Μεγάροις (Wayte, Dem, Androt. p. xlix, 1). If the present work was written about 325 B.C., the passage in the text may well have been borrowed from Androtion, who was probably no longer alive at the time. If he began public life at 30, he must have been born in B.C. 415 (355+30+ 30) and, if alive, would have been go at the date assumed forthe present work. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 123 1.3, 277: j

δημαγωγὸς] Lol. τ [305 7, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ἀρχαίων, ὅτε γένοιτο αὐτὸς δημα γωγὸς καὶ στρατη γός, εἰς τυραννίδα μετέβαλλον" σχεδὸν γὰρ οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀρχαίων τυράν: νὼν ἐκ δημαγωγῶν γεγόνασιν,. and (on

Peisistratus in particular) 26. 1310 6 2737 148; Dio Chrys. i 303» ~

Isocr. Pauath. 13 D.

§ 4. πρῶτος ὠστρακίσθη κτλ.] Plut. Nic. 11, πρῶτος δ᾽ (ἐξωστρακίσθη) Ἵππαρ- xos “Χολαργεὺς (probably a mistake for Κολλυτεύς, or for Χάρμου) συγγενής τις ὧν

He probably

ve

PTW Lae τ μι ἔν νὶ setae ha

CH: 22, 1. t1o—21. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ.

Or Χάρμου Κολλυτεύς, du’ ὃν καὶ μάλιστα τὸν νόμον ἔθηκεν Κλει-

σθένης, ἐξελάσαι βουλόμενος αὐτόν. ᾿ οἱ γὰρ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τοὺς τῶν

. τυράννων φίλους, ὅσοι μὴ συνεξαμαρτάνοιεν ἐν ταῖς ταραχαῖς, εἴων

> “Ὁ \ / ὦ" ial 7 »“ 7 = οἰκεῖν τὴν πόλιν, χρώμενοι: γῇ εἰωθυίᾳ τοῦ δήμου πρᾳότητι" ὧν ἡγεμὼν καὶ προστάτης ἦν Ἵππαρχος. εὐθὺς δὲ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἔτει ἐπὶ Τελεσίνου ἄρχοντος ἐκυάμευσαν τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας κατὰ

16 KOAYTTEYC: 18 C(YN)EZAMAPTANON : Guveenudpravoy K, K-w!, 814; συνεξαμαρτάνοιεν Poste (H-L, ΚΑ, Β28. κέ, Th); ἐν om. K-w?. 19 TTPAOTHTI (K1); cf. 16, 5 et 39. 20 Ἵππαρχος: hine incipit fr. Berol. 11 ὁ. YCTEPWI (K, Β΄, Th): ὕστερον K-W, mY “SO, 55 ch 34 8:3, :

by the ἐκκλησία. The eenaral δι principle of the Solonian’ system was now revived

by introducing a combination | οἵ selection

τοῦ τυράννου. According to Οὐμιοῤείους, ap. Athen. 609 Ὁ, Hippias had married a daughter of Charmus. Hipparchus was

ostracised early in 487, under Aeschines (the name is given by Dion. Hal. viii 1).

ὅσοι μὴ συνεξαμαρτάνοιεν ἐν ταῖς ταραχαῖς] The present optative, pro- posed by Poste, is defended by Kaibel, who supports his own omission of ἐν by- quoting Pelyb. v 11, 1 (Philip) τοῖς Αἰτωλῶν ἀσεβήμασι συνεξαμαρτάνων καὶ κακῷ κακὸν ἰώμενος οὐδὲν ᾧετο ποιεῖν ἄτοπον.

τῇ εἰωθυίᾳ τοῦ δήμου πρᾳότητι] Dem. Timocr. 51, 6 τὸν νόμον τοῦτον...θεὶς ἤδει τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν καὶ πρᾳότητα τὴν ὑμετέ- pay. It may be doubted whether any such praise as that of πρᾳότης is ever ascribed to the δῆμος in the extant works of Ar. The laws against the tyrants are described as mpgo in 16 9, and, else- where, we read of the διρ νη (28 § 3) and the σωφροσύνη (40 § 3) of the people. Isocr., De Perm. 20, describes the Athe- nians as being (in certain cases) πρᾳοτά- τους.

“ς: τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἔτει] τὸ 34 § 2 we have τῷ ὕστερον ἔτει. In 42 4 τὸν ὕστε-

. pov (ἐνιαυτὸν) iscontrasted with τὸν πρῶτον

and the former is found in 45 § 3.

. ἐπὶ Τελεσίνου ἄρχοντος] © The last date mentioned having been 488 B.C. (i.e. ‘two years after Marathon’), the archonship of T. may be placed in 487/6. The only years after B.c. 496 (down to 292) for which the archons are not already known are 487 and 486. 482 may be assigued- to Themistocles, and 481 to Hypsichides (c. 22 end).

. ἐκυάμευσαν τοὺς ἐννέα & ἄρχοντας κτλ.] Under the the Solonian constitution (c. 8) the

archons had been appointed by lot out of forty candidates nominated by the four tribes. From the close of the τυραννίς the archons had been elected (οἱ δὲ πρότεροι πάντες ἤσαν αἱρετοί), by whom we do not know, possibly (as Mr Kenyon suggests)

and sortition.

The successive changes in the method of appointment to this office (as summed up by Mr Kenyon) were as follows: (1) the archons were originally nominated by the Council of the Areopagus, c. 8 § 2; (2) under the Draconian constitution’ they were elected’ by the general body of citizens (c, 4 § 2); (3) under the Solonian constitution, they were in ordinary course appointed by lot from forty candidates selected by the four tribes (c. 8 § 1 (4) under the τυραννὶς this system was perhaps practically in abeyance, though nothing had been formally done to repeal appointment by lot (Peisistratus, son of Hippias, was archon, Thuc. vi 54, and there was always one of the ruling house holding office) ; (5) under the constitution of Cleisthenes they were elected by the’ ecclesia (of δὲ πρότεροι πάντες ἧσαν ai- perol); (6) from 487 B.c. they were appointed by lot from 100 (or 500) candidates selected by the tribes; (7) subsequently, from an uncertain date down to the time of the writer, the lot was applied to the preliminary nomination by the tribes as well as to the actual appointment (c. 8 § 1).

As appointment to the archonship by)\

lot was apparently done away with by Cleisthenes in 508, and was re-introduced in 487, it follows that the archons in 490 were not appointed by lot, and that Herodotus was therefore mistaken in describing the polemarch of that year as τῷ κυάμῳ λαχών (vi 109). This had already been maintained by Grote (c. 31, ili 126), Busolt (ii 338") and others, and their opinion is now found to be correct. Cf. Lugebil in Jahrb. f. class. Philol., Suppl. Bd v 564—699; Holm, Gr. Gesch, ii 140, note 18.

Aristides was archon in 489 when the

25

92

AOHNAIQN

COL. 9, 1. 23—27.

\ a fi A a J φυλὰς ἐκ τῶν προκριθέντων ὑπὸ τῶν δημοτῶν πεντακοσίων τότε \ \ , ie ς. \ μετὰ THY τυραννίδα πρῶτον" οἱ δὲ πρότεροι πάντες ἦσαν αἱρετοί"

καὶ ὠστρακίσθη Μεγακλῆς “Ἱπποκράτους ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν.

95 v / 5 \ a , t » e , e οὖν ἔτη τρία τοὺς τῶν τυράννων φίλους ὠὡστράκιζον, ὧν χάριν

22 AHMOT(WN) Lond.: AHMON Berol.

τῶν δημοτῶν πεντακοσίων (K, K-wh?,

B): τῶν δήμων πεντακοσίων K-W®, Th: τοῦ δήμου -- ἐκ- τῶν πεντακοσιομεδίμνων J W Headlam (C7. Rev. 1891, p. 112); (ἐκ τῶν προκριθέντων) ὑπὸ τῶν δημοτῶν πεντεκοσιο-

μεδίμνων Wyse: τοῦ δήμου πεντακοσιομεδίμνων H-L. Weil) : τότε Whibley, Β, K-w, H-L, kK’, ΤῊ.

TOIC (πεντεκαιεικοστῷ ἔτει

office was still elective, yet Demetrius

Phal. makes him archon in 478, and, consistently with this, describes him as κυάμῳ λαχὼν (Plut. Arést. 1, 5). On the other hand, Idomeneus (fl. B.c. 310— 270), having in view the archonship of 489, as it appears correctly, speaks of him as having held office οὐ κυαμευτὸν ἀλλ᾽ ἑλομένων ᾿Αθηναίων. It was Aristides who, shortly after the battle of Plataea, carried a proposal that they should thenceforth choose (αἱρεῖσθαι) the ἄρχοντες (in the widest sense of the term) from all the Athenians alike. Duncker, G. α΄. A. vi 593, holds that it was on this occasion that appointment. by lot was introduced : before it, we find the office of archon filled by leading statesmen; not so, after- wards. He also holds that the reforms

of Cleisthenes did not touch the method the-archons,—

of appointing

_ There is a difficulty as to the persons by whom the preliminary selection was made. The text, as it stands in the Ms, speaks of them. as 500 selected by the members of the demes. The practice down to the writer’s time was for each tribe to nominate ten by lot, or roo in all (c. 8). Now if each tribe ever nominated

50, it is improbable that its privilege |

would be reduced to that of nominating 1o. Hence Mr Kenyon proposes to alter 500 (¢’) into 100 (p’).

‘It seems possible that Demetrius Phal. accepted this date (B.c. 487) for the introduction of the lot: he placed the archonship of Aristides the year after Plataea (Plut. Avzs¢. c. 1 and 5) and spoke of ἐπώνυμος ἀρχὴ ἣν ἦρξε τῷ κυάμῳ λαχὼν ἐκ τῶν γενῶν τῶν τὰ μέγίστα τιμήματα κεκτημένων ods πεντακοσιομεδίμνους προσ- ηγόρευον (2b. c. 1): the admission’ of ἱππεῖς then, according to Demetrius, is after 478. We see now that there is not necessarily any conflict between Idomeneus of Lampsacus and Demetrius, except as to the year when Aristides was archon. Idomeneus, like Plutarch, may have as- signed Aristides tothe year after Marathon

(2b. c. 5): in which case his statement (tb. c. 1, ἄρξαι γε τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην οὐ κυα-

μευτὸν ἀλλ᾽ ἑλομένων ᾿Αθηναίων) agrees

with the ’A@. Πολ.᾽ (Wyse).

Μεγακλῆς] son of Hippocrates (Hdt. vi 131), grandson of Megacles (the opponent of Peisistratus c. 14 and 15), and nephew of Cleisthenes. Through his sister, Agariste, he was the uncle of Peri- cles. There was another Megacles in the same generation (victor in the Pythian games, Pind. Py¢h. vii 15), a son of Clei- sthenes, and grandfather of Alcibiades. The ostracism of this second Megacles is mentioned in Lysias, Adc. 14 39. According to Pindar (/. ς.) the house of Megacles was subject to φθόνος on account of its εὐπραγία. The actual ostracism fell in the sixth prytany of 487-6, 2.6. early in 486.

It is remarkable that δὴ institution founded by Cleisthenes should have thus

been_brought into play against his_son. and his nephew. According to Aelian,

Var. Hist. xiii 24, Cleisthenes himself was ostracised, but of this there is no proof. As to the ostracism of the nephew there is no doubt. Even one of the pieces of pottery used in voting on the question. has been found. It bears the name of Μεγακλῆς [‘Immo]xpdrous ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν (published in Benndorf’s Gr. u. Sze. Vasenbilder p. 50, pl. 29, no. 10). It is a fragment of black-glazed ware, ap- parently cut into a circular form for the purpose. It was discovered in the pre- Persian stratum to the E. of the Par- thenon (Class. Rev. v 278 a). CIA iv 3 no. 569.

$6. ἔτη τρία]Ί Mr Kenyon holds that the three years are B.C. 489-87, 1.6. the two after the battle of Marathon and the

ἐπὶ μὲν 6

.

year in which Hipparchus son of Charmus ~ was ostracised ; but, unless we press the

meaning of the imperfect ὠστράκιζον, and apply it to the purpose and desire of the people, rather than to their acts, it seems

better to consider the period of three years to begin with that in which Ηρ:

es OE ee

TTL fo ΔΜ 1

SE OR a0 ll git eee

CH. 22,:1, 22—28;

TIOAITEIA 93

νόμος ἐτέθη, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα TO τετάρτῳ ἔτει καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἴ τις

/ θί \ a“ b] / θ ᾿ a » θ δοκοίη μείζων μεθίσταντο" καὶ πρῶτος ὠστρακίσθη τῶν ἄπωθεν

Ν

27 ΜΕθιοτᾶτο : μέθίστατο Β (51); -ἰσταντο ceteri.

7τῆς τυραννίδος Ἐάνθιππος ᾿Αρίφρονος. ἔτει δὲ τρίτῳ μετὰ

ἄποθεν πὲ appendix.

parchus was banished, 2.6. early in 487. Thus the three years, at the beginning of which the ostracism took place, would be B.c. 487 (Hipparchus), 486 (Megacles), and 485, the name of the person ostracised in 485 being unknown. The elder Alcibiades has been suggested (cf. Beloch, i 361 n. 2). Then the ostracism of Xanthippus, τῷ τετάρτῳ ἔτει, would be early in 484 and ‘the third year after this,’ 483/2, the archonship of Nicodemus, which is in accordance with the chronology adopted in Clinton’s Fasti. ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς (z.e. not necessarily under Nicode- mus, but in the previous year 484/3, early in 483) Aristides was banished ; and, in the ‘fourth year after,’ he was recalled, 481/0, z.e. in the summer of 480, the season in which Xerxes invaded Attica (Bauer, p. 59).:

τῷ ταθρῳ ἔτει) Early in 484.

εἴ τις δοκοίη μείζων] In Pol. 1302 6 15, στάσις arises ὅταν τις τῇ δυνάμει μείζων, and the correction of this (says Ar.) was the object of ostracism.

ἄπωθεν τῆς τυραννίδος] Po/. ii 3, 1262 a 29, ὧν οὐδὲν ὅσιόν ἐστι γίνεσθαι πρὸς πατέρας καὶ μητέρας καὶ τοὺς μὴ πόρρω τῆς συγγενείας ὄντας, ὥσπερ πρὸς τοὺς ἄπωθεν (distant in relationship), iii 9, 1280 9, γίνεται γὰρ κοινωνία συμμαχία τῶν ἄλλων τόπῳ διαφέρουσα μόνον τῶν ἄπωθεν συμμαχιῶν (alliances, of which the members live apart), 25. 18, εἴ τινες οἰκοῖεν χωρὶς μέν, μὴ μέντοι τοσοῦτον ἄπωθεν (so far off) ὥστε μὴ κοινωνεῖν. “οἱ ἄπωθεν, syn. οἱ ἀγνῶτες, opp. οἱ γνώριμοι, οἱ συνήθεις, οἱ συγγενεῖς. Rhet. i τι, 1371 @ 12 οἱ συνήθεις καὶ οἱ πολῖται (μᾶλλον) τῶν ἄπωθεν : c. gen. ἴῃ Thuc. iii iit 1, ἄπωθεν τῆς Ὄλπης, Aristoph. Plut. 674 ἄπωθεν τῆς κεφαλῆς.

ἘΞάνθιππος ᾿Αρίφρονος] During the excavations on the Acropolis in 1886, a fragment of a late black-figured vase was found in the pre-Persian stratum E. of the Parthenon, with the following inscription clearly incised upon it.

ΧΟΑΝΘΙΠΙΠΟ 9 ARRIDPONOS

The fragment was published by Stud- niczka, Arch. Jahrb. 1887, p. 161, who

observed that the position in which it was found proved that. the ostracism of Xan- thippus took place before B.c. 480 (Class. Rev. v 277 6). CIA iv 3, 568. In March, 1801, after the first publication of this treatise, another fragment was found at Athens in the ὁδὸς Πειραιῶς with the first five or six letters of the father’s name written (with the double p) above that of the son (CIA iv 3, 571). The name Ariphron was misspelt, apparently be- cause it was unfamiliar at the time. It had belonged, however, to one of the ancient authorities of Athens (cf. Wila- mowitz, ii 86, n. 25).

Xanthippus impeached Miltiades in 490/89 (Hdt. vi 136; Grote, c. 36, iii 312). The present passage shews that his ostracism falls early in 484, defore that of Aristides (early in 483). Of its causes we know nothing; but it is natural to suppose that the friends of Miltiades had. something to do with it. In 480 Xanthippus left Athens with the other inhabitants at the approach of Xerxes: Plutarch, Zhem. το, tells the story of his dog, which could not endure to be left behind on this occasion. Xanthippus was the archon of 479 (Diod. xi 27). He commanded the Athenians at Mycale (479, Hdt. ix 114) and at the siege of Sestos (ix 121). By Agariste, daughter of Hippocrates, and sister of the Megacles mentioned above, he became the father of Pericles (Hdt. vi 131) and Ariphron (Plut. 4é. τ, Plat. Protag. 320). The elder of the two legitimate sons of Pericles was named after his grandfather, Xanthippus, (Plut. Per. 24, 36).

Near the Acropolis a potsherd has. been found bearing the name of Themistocles:

OEMISOOKLE$ dPEAPPlo$

This refers either to the early part of 483, when Aristides was ostracised, or to a date some ten years later, when Themistocles was sent into exile (repro- duced in G. F. Hill’s //dustrations, No. 240).

§ 7. ἔτει... τρίτῳ after 485/4, would bring us to 483/2 for the archonship of Nicodemus. It was ἐρ τούτοις τοῖς και-

94

ΑΘΗΝΆΙΩΝ

COL. 9, .1..27----28.

29 ταῦτα Νικοδήμου ἄρχοντος; ὡς ἐφάνη τὰ μέταλλα τὰ ἐν Mapo-

29 NIKOMHAOYC (K-W, H-L, Β) : N(IKO)AHMO(y) Berol. et Dion. Hal. witi 83

(kK, Th).

<émwi> Nix. Papageorgios; an ἄρχοντος Nixod.? Th.

Aéorepa> ἐφάνη Richards coll. Xen. Red. iv 31; ἀπεγράφη Wyse.

pots that Aristides was ostracised, and early in 480 all the citizens who had been ostracised were recalled διὰ τὴν ἹΞέρξου στρατείαν (8 8). Nicodemus, according to Dionysius Hal. viii 83, p- 1711 Reiske, was archon in the ‘con- sulship of L. Aemilius MamercuS ‘and K. Fabius, 270 A.u.c. (Cato)... In Baiter’s Fastz Consulares this is identified as A.U.C. 269=B.C. 484.

. Νικομήδους is the reading in the papy- rus; N(««o)AHMO(v) that of the Berlin fragment, and similarly in Dionysius, Mr Kenyon, perhaps rightly, holds that, in this conflict between the two Mss, the au- thority of Dionysius may turn the scale.’ ᾿ς The name Νικομήδης (" victor in coun- sel’) is formed from μήδομαι on the analogy of ᾿Αγαμήδης, ᾿Αλιμήδης, ᾿Αμφιμήδης, Ανδρομήδης, ᾿Αριστομήδης, ᾿Αστυμήδης, Αὐτομήδης, Διομήδης, Εὐμήδης, Εὐρυμήδης, Θεομήδης, Θρασυμήδης, Καλλιμήδης, Κλει- Κλεο)μήδης, Κλυτομήδης, ΔΛαομήδης, Λυκομήδης, Νεομήδης, Ξενομήδης, Ονασσι- (22. ᾽οΟνασι-)μήδης, Παλαμήδης, Περιμήδης and Πολυμήδης (Pape-Benseler, Zigen- namen, Ὁ. xxx). It cannot be interpreted as ‘conqueror of the Medes,’ which would be Μηδόνικος. Similarly, the alternative name Νικόδημος means ‘with victorious army or people’ 22. s. Ὁ.

ὡς ἐφάνη τὰ μέταλλα κτλ.] Hat. vii. 144, ᾿Αθηναίοισι “γενομένων χρημάτων

'μεγάλων ἐν τῷ κοινῷ, τὰ ἐκ τῶν μετάλλων σῴι προσῆλθε τῶν ἀπὸ Λαυρείου, ἔμελλον 'λάξεσθαι ὀρχηδὸν ἕκαστος δέκα δραχμάς. τότε Θεμιστοκλῆς ἀνέγνωσε Αθηναίους τῆς ᾽διαιρέσιος ταύτης παυσαμένους νέας τούτων τῶν χρημάτων ποιήσασθαι ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, τὸν πρὸς Αἰγινήτας λέγων. (Plut. Them. 4, τὴν Λαυρεωτικὴν πρόσοδον ἀπὸ τῶν ἀργυ- ρείων μετάλλων ἔθος ἐχόντων ᾿Αθηναίων διανέμεσθαι κτλ.) This account, esp. the word παυσαμένους, implies that therevenue for the mines had /7ztherto been distributed among the people (to the extent of to drachmas a head),

ἐφάνη can only mean were discovered,’ which may possibly be supported by εὑρέθη in Bekker’s Axnecdota, Ὁ. 279, Μαρώνεια: τόπος ἦν τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ὅπον τὰ μέταλλα εὑρέθη. φανῆναι may be used of a discovery, made either un- expectedly, as in ἑρμαῖον ἐφάνη (Pl. Rep. 386 D); or after long search (26. 3368, ei μὲν χρυσίον ἐζητοῦμεν, followed by

“narrow passages.’

φανῆναι, applied to δικαιοσύνη (Kaibel, pp- 49, 176). The mention of the revenue of 100 talents from the works comes somewhat suddenly after the first announcement of the discovery of the mines, and possibly some other word ‘was really written by the author. The author of the tract περὲ πόρων implies that they were of immemorial antiquity, but there are indications that they had only recently come into prominence. Aeschylus in the FPersae, 238, the dramatic date of which is 480 B.c., makes the chorus answer an inquiry of the wife of Darius as to the wealth of Athens by the reply ἀργύρου πηγή τις αὐτοῖς ἐστι, θησαυρὸς χθονός: ‘At what time they first began to be worked,’ says Grote (c. 39, iii 406), ‘we have no information; but it seems hardly possible that they could have been worked with any spirit or profitable result, until after the expulsion of Hippias and the establishment of the democratic constitution of Kleisthenes.’ It is quite conceivable that a very recent discovery of a very productive mine at one parti- cular place, Maroneia, may have given a new importance to the question of the best disposal of the revenue.—It has even been suggested that the mines had originally belonged to Aegina and had been wrested from her by Athens (Ma- haffy, Rambles and Studies in Greece, Ὁ. 163); but neither the text nor the parallel passages in Hdt. and Plut. lend any support to this. had to rely on the revenue from the mines to make way against the Aegine- tans.

τὰ ἐν Mapwvela] ‘The mining dis- trict, besides the demz Anaphlystus, Besa, Amphitrope, and Thoricus, contained several places which were not dem, as

Laureium, Thrasyllum [ἐπὶ Θρασύλλῳ,

Dem. 37 825, Aeschin. 1 § ro1], Maroneia,

Aulon [Aeschin. ἢ. ¢.]’ (Leake’s Demi,

p- 274). Laurium may have been the

general term for the district, derived from

its numerous shafts and tunnels, λαῦραι, lit.

haps be identified with some ruins five miles N. of Sunium. In Dem. fant, 37§ 4, Nicobulus and his partner Euergus allege that they lent to Pantaenetus 105

minae, ἐπ᾽ ἐργαστηρίῳ τε ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ἐν Mapwvrelg καὶ τριάκοντα ἀνδραπόδοις. On

EPANH: -«λυσιτε- ©

The Athenians ©

Maroneia may per-

272 δ “- γον»,

CH... 22, 1. 29—30.

TIOAIT EIA, 95

/ \ ν , oe / “? κι ΠΡ Ν > A 4 Vela καὶ περιεγένετο Τῇ πολεί τάλαντα EKATOV EK τῶν ἔργων, 30

30—31 ἐκ ζῶν ἔργων (vel τοῖς | κεκτη[μένοις}) ἑκατ[ὁν τάλαντα dies asin! adie τί νῶν] τῷ δήϊμῳ διανείμασθαι τὸ ἀῤ]γύριον Berol. ..

ΤΕΒΘΤ. .30 Bekk.. An.

πο τὰ BONNE εὑρέθη; “Hap. ave

379 Μαρωνία (leg. ‘Manica’: pe ἣν τῆς ‘Arras, Fete Pant. § 4)» τόπος ἐστὶ τῆς ἀρξάυσον

the silver mines of Laurium, See Boeckh’s Dissertation, pp. 615-678, printed as Appendix to Boeckh’s Public Economy, trans. Lewis ; K. F; Hermann, Privata/t. + §-14, 17 3- Biichsenschiitz, Besitz..und | Erwerb, pp... 98—103; Select Private Orations of Dem. dp. τοι.

τάλαντα ἑκατὸν KTA.] _Polyaenus, i 30,

8 6 (5), Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐν τῷ πρὸς Αἰγινήτας

πολέμῳ μελλόντων ᾿Αθηναίων τὴν ἐκ τῶν.

ἀργυρίων πρόσοδον, ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, δια- νέμεσθαι, κωλύσας ἔπεισεν ἑκατὸν ἀνδράσι τοῖς πλουσιωτάτοις ἑκάστῳ δοῦναι τάλαντον" kav μὲν ἀρέσῃ τὸ πραχθησόμενον, τῇ πόχει τὸ ἀνάλωμα λογισθῆναι, ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ἀρέσῃ, τοὺς λαβόντας ἀποδοῦναι... ταῦτα - μὲν ἔδοξεν. οἱ δὲ ἑκατὸν ἄνδρες ἕκαστος μίαν τριήρη κατέστησαν, σπουδῇ χρησάμενοι κάλλους καὶ τάχους. ᾿Αθηναῖοι καινὸν στόλον 'ποιήσαντες. ἥσθησαν, καὶ οὐ μόνον κατὰ Αἰγινητῶν ταῖς τριήρεσι ταύταις, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ Περσῶν ἐχρήσαντο. The date of the announcement of the surplus was eebebly May, 482, the ninth prytany

eing the time of the year when such

Οὐ business was brought forward (cf. c. 47,

21—28).

The anecdote in the text, and in the above passage of Polyaenus, is not to be found in Herodotus (vii 144), where we are simply told that. Themistocles per- suaced the Athenians to spend the surplus from the silver-mines of Laurium on building ships for the war against Aegina. _ The amount available for distribution is - stated by Hdt. as ro drachmas a head. _ Elsewhere (in v 97) he reckons the _ citizens at 30,000. This gives us 50 _ talents for distribution. He also speaks _ Of 200 ships (an exaggeration suggested _ by the number of the fleet in 480). But ΠΡΟ talents is far too small a sum for a fleet, even if only 100 ships were built. at _ the cost of only one talent each. It has accordingly been suggested that Hdt. _ founded his calculation on the diminished _ returns of the mines at a later date, about 430 B.C. (Stein ad loc.) Boeckh con- . siders that the population was probably ᾿ς 20,000 at the time meant by the historian. _ The amount to be distributed, at τὸ dr. a - head, would in that case be 200,000 dr. ᾿ = 333 talents.

_ It was Boeckh’s opinion that all the

ublic money arising from the mines was divided among the members of the community (Dissertation, § 8, p. 652 Lewis ed. 2).. Grote himself held that the sum for distribution only formed part of a larger sum lying in the treasury, arising from the mines. the people to employ the who/e sum in

ει Ship-building, which of course. implied

that the distribution was to be renounced. Whether there had been-distributions of a similar kind in former years...is a

matter on which we have no evidence’

(c. 39, iii 407 n). The evidence of thé text supports Grote’s view. The date of the building of the fleet is discussed by Busolt, ii 123 f. (ed. 1887), but the text

was then represented by the Berlin frag-

ment only. He now (ii 650?) places the beginning of the building in 483/2 and its completion in the autumn of 481... Θεμιστοκλῆς was evidently not in the position of archon efomymus in the year of the proposal to distribute the revenue from the silver mines. The archon of that year was Nicodemus (483/2). He was in office, however, at the time when he proposed the fortification of the Peiraeus, Thuc. i 93 § 2, ὑπῆρκτο δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρότερον ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκείνον ἀρχῆς ἧς κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ᾿Αθηναίοις ἦρξεν, and he may have been archon eponymus at that time. The archon for 481/o was Hypsichides (tzfra 8). Hence some have placed the archonship of Themistocles in 482/r. But Dionysius Hal., Anz. Rom. vi 34, makes Themistocles archon in 493/2 B.C.,

- and this date is accepted by Curtius,

Holm, Beloch, Busolt, and Wilamowitz.

The chronology suggested by Bauer is as follows: according to Plutarch ( 7hem. 31 and Cim. 18) Themistocles died at the age of 65 at the time of Cimon’s expedition against Cyprus (448/7). This would give us 513 for his birth. He would be 30 in 483/2, and this was the year in which he brought about the formation of a fleet. His archonship should probably be placed in 482/1, a year that is not yet filled by any name. This is supported by the scholiast on Thuc. πρὸ δὲ τῶν Μηδικῶν ἦρξεν Θ. ἐνιαυτὸν ἕνα, Hat. vii 143 describes him ἂϑ ἀνὴρ ἐς πρώτους νεωστὶ παρών, which is unfavourable to placing

Themistokles persuaded ©;

35

40

96 AOHNAIQN COL. 9, 1. 28—38. συμβουλευόντων τινῶν τῷ δήμῳ διανείμασθαι τὸ ἀργύριον, Θεμι- στοκλῆς ἐκώλυσεν, οὐ λέγων τι χρήσεται τοῖς. χρήμασιν ἀλλὰ δανεῖσαι κελεύων τοῖς πλουσιωτάτοις ᾿Αθηναίων ἑκατὸν ἑκάστῳ τάλαντον, εἶτ᾽, ἐὰν μὲν ἀρέσκῃ τὸ ἀνάλωμα, τῆς πόλεως εἶναι τὴν δαπάνην, εἰ δὲ μή, κομίσασθαι τὰ χρήματα παρὰ τῶν δανεισα- μένων. λαβὼν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐναυπηγήσατο τριήρεις ἑκατόν, ἑκάστου ναυπηγουμένου τῶν ἑκατὸν μίαν, αἷς ἐναυμάχησαν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους. ὠστρακίσθη δ᾽ ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς ᾿Αριστείδης Λυσιμάχου. τετάρτῳ δ᾽ ἔτει κατεδέξαντο πάντας τοὺς ὠστρακισμένους ἄρχοντος “Ὑψιχίδου, διὰ τὴν Ἐέρ-

: / \ Ν a fou στρατείαν" Kai τὸ λοιπὸν ὥρισαν τοῖς ὀστρακιζομένοις ἐκτὸς

84---36 ἐὰν μὲν ἀρέσκῃ, τὸ ἀνάλωμα τῆς πόλεως εἶναι, deletis τὴν δαπάνην (supra versum ab alia manu scriptis), H-L, B!~* (Th), coll. Polyaen. i 30 κἂν μὲν ἀρέσῃ τὸ πραχθησόμενον, TH πόλει τὸ ἀνάλωμα λογισθῆναι: τὴν δαπ. etiam Berol. habuisse videtur. 36 ἑκατόν : hic desinit Berol. 39 τετάρτῳ (K, Bt, Th): τρίτῳ ex Plut. Ar. 8 K-w? (813). 40 ὙΨΗΧΙΔΟΥ ante corr. (H-L): Ὑψιχίδου (K, K-W, B, Th), 41 CTPATIAN (B): στρατείαν (K-W, H-L, K’, Th). In titulis (velut etiam in codicibus)

‘et στρατεία et στρατιά expeditionem significat (στρατεύεσθαι---τὰς στρατείας, B.C. 325 3

—ras στρατιὰς B.C. 330) Meisterhans, p. 558. ΕΝΤΟΟ---κατοικεῖν K, K-W, H-L, Th: ἐκτὸς---κατοικεῖν Wyse (BL%4, 31); ἐντὸς--- -- μὴ κατοικεῖν Kaibel (B*, Th); utrumque egregie confirmat Philochorus in Lex. Rhet. Cantab. ὀστρακισμοῦ τρόπος :

μὴ ἐπιβαίνοντα ἐντὸς Γεραίστου.

his archonship as far hack as 493: νεωστὶ is more likely to denote an interval of two, than of 13 years. The Themistocles of 493 (Dionysius) would in this case be another of the samename. Or Dionysius may have simply made a mistake.

6 τι Xpyoerar] Plat. Crit. 45 C, οὐκ ἔχω τι χρήσομαι τῷ ἀργυρίῳ.

ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς) Jerome has, under Ol. 74.-1 (=484/3), Aristides cum ignominia eicitur. On the ostracism of Aristides, cf. Plut. Avzst. 7. $8. τετάρτῳ ἔτει] 481/o. This fixes the date of the archonship of Hypsichides, a name that is now known for the first time. Plut., Avist. 8, says that the Athenians recalled Aristides, Ξέρξου διὰ Θετταλίας καὶ Βοιωτίας ἐλαύνοντος, 2.6. in the spring of 480 B.c. He adds that the vote for the recall was passed in the third year after the banishment. This note of time may be explained by the fact that, if the vote for ostracising Aristides took place at the 6th (or 8th) rpuraveia ic. 43 § 5), this would fall early in B.c. 483, and the corresponding date in 480 would be the end of the third year after.

κατεδέξαντο] Andoc. 1 § 107 (of the same incident), ἔγνωσαν τούς τε φεύγοντας καταδέξασθαι καὶ τοὺς ἀτίμους ἐπιτίμους ποιῆσαι.

τὸ λοιπὸν] [Dem.] 26 6, ᾿Αριστείδην

μὲν γάρ φασιν ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων μεταστα- θέντα ἐν Αἰγίνῃ διατρίβειν ἕως δῆμος αὐτὸν κατεδέξατο. Hdt. viii 79, ἐξ Al- γίνης διέβη. Suidas, s. v. ᾿Αριστείδης, διέτριψεν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ φυγών. Ἐέρξου δὲ ws αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ πρεσβευσαμένου καὶ τρισ-᾿ χιλίους δαρεικοὺς...διδόντος, οὐδὲν ἐπιστρέ- φεσθαι ἔφη τοῦ Περσικοῦ πλούτου κτλ. The fact that Aristides remained in Aegina explains the provision that henceforth persons ostracised were to reside outside Geraestus and the Scyllaean promontory. According to Plutarch (Czm.'17), Cimon when ostracised appeared at Tanagra (Wyse in Class. Rev. v 2746).

ἐκτὸ)]) Mr Kenyon, retaining ἐντὸς, suggests that the object of the regulation ᾿ς was to keep the ostracised person within | very narrow boundaries,’ so as to obviate the danger of a banished citizen entering into communication with Persia. But, ~ as Aristides had remained within these: limits, it is more reasonable to suppose) that the line deyond which the ostracised person was to withdraw was _ thencefor- ward made the subject of special regu- lation. Banishment had in fact to be) defined more strictly. Otherwise the! exile might remain within a very short! distance of Attica and carry on intrigues) against his opponents.

Themistocles, while under ostracism,

CH. 22, 1. 3I—CH. 23,1.7. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α 97

Γεραιστοῦ καὶ Σκυλλαίου κατοικεῖν ἀτίμους εἶναι Kab- 42 ἀπαξ.

, / nr a

23. τότε μὲν οὖν μέχρι τούτου προῆλθεν πόλις ἅμα TH δημοκρατίᾳ κατὰ μικρὸν αὐξ ἕνῃ " 2 δὲ τὰ Μηδικὰ πάλ,

μοκρατίᾳ μικρὸν αὐξανομένη" μετὰ δὲ τὰ Μηδικὰ πάλιν

ς 5] 7 , \ \ ͵ Ud > \

ἴσχυσεν ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴ καὶ διῴκει τὴν πόλιν, οὐδενὲ

\ ἐς ,ὔ Ν Ν \ , a \

δόγματι λαβοῦσα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ γενέσθαι THs περὲ

a 7 , a a é Σαλαμῖνα ναυμαχίας αἰτία. τῶν γὰρ στρατηγῶν ἐξαπορησάντων τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ κηρυξάντων σῴζειν ἕκαστον ἑαυτόν, πορίσασα

σι

Ζ δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ ὀκτὼ διέδωκε καὶ ἐνεβίβασεν εἰς τὰς ναῦς. διὰ

1

lived in Samos (Thuc. viii 73 § 2).

42 ἀτίμοις Hude.

XXIII 1 tote: τὸ Poste (H-L). (Th). (edd.), cf. Meisterhans, p. 179%.

-χρήματα:- πορίσασα Papageorgios.

2 AYZANOMENH (plerique), -μένῃ Richards 5 διαπορησάντων Richards, coll. Cobet V. Δ. f. 219.

6 CWZEIN: σῴζειν 7 inter

ἑκάστῳ et ὀκτώ lacunam sine causa indicat B, coll. Plut. Zhem. το, ἑκάστῳ τῶν orpa-

τευομένων ; ‘non recte’ Bt appendix.

TESTIMONIA. XXIII 6—7 *Plut. 7hem. το οὐκ ὄντων δὲ δημοσίων χρημάτων τοῖς

᾿Αθηναίοις ’Ap. μέν φησι τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν πορίσασαν ἑκάστῳ τῶν στρα-

τευομένων ὀκτὼ δραχμὰς αἰτιωτάτην γενέσθαι τοῦ πληρωθῆναι τὰς τριήρεις, Κλείδημος δὲ καὶ τοῦτο τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους ποιεῖται στρατήγημα.

lived at Argos, Thuc. i 139, ἔχων δίαιταν μὲν ἐν ΓΑργει (Plut. Zhem. 23 § 1), ἐπι- φοιτῶν δὲ καὶ és τὴν ἄλλην Πελοπόννη- σον, and afterwards went to Corcyra, and Epirus, to Pydna in Macedonia, and

thence to Naxosand Ephesus. Heclearly

kept outside the limits described in the text as emended. Hyperbolus, again, Both these cases exemplify the rule. According

to the Schol. on Aristoph. Vesp. 947,

one of the differences between those who are banished for life and those who are ostracised is that the former ‘have no fixed place of abode, no time of return assigned, but the latter have’ (καὶ τόπος ἀπεδίδοτο καὶ xpdvos).

Τεραιστοῦῇ The cape at the 8. E. extremity of Euboea. (Hdt. viii 7, ix

XXIII τ. προῆλθεν πόλις--αὐξα- vopévn]

S. A.

Hdt. v 76, ᾿Αθηναῖοι μέν νυν

τἠδξην τὸ, and v 66, ᾿Αθῆναι... ἐγίνοντο

μέζονες. αὐξανομένη is the opposite of ὑποφερομένη (25§1). This is supposed by Kaibel (48) to be a medical metaphor suggested by Hippocrates.

μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ---βουλὴ] fol. viii (v) 4, 1304 20, ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴ εὐδοκιμήσασα ἐν τοῖς Μηδικοῖς ἔδοξε συν- τονωτέραν ποιῆσαι τὴν πολιτείαν.

οὐδενὶ δόγματι κτλ. This is said of the Areopagus to contrast it with the Four Hundred (c. 29) and the Thirty (c. 34 end, and Isocr. Aveop. 67, οἱ.. .-Ψηφίσματι παραλαβόντες τὴν modu).

τῆς περὶ Σαλαμῖνα ναυμαχίας] Pol. 1304 @ 22, ναυτικὸς ὄχλος γενόμενος αἴτιος τῆς περὶ Σαλαμῖνα νίκης καὶ διὰ ταύτης (ταύτην Susemihl) τῆς ἦγε- μονίας διὰ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν δύναμιν τὴν

| 105, Thuc. iii 3 4.) ΣκυλλαίουῇἹο δημοκρατίαν ἰσχυροτέραν ἐποίησεν.

i) the cape at the eastern extremity of the ἐξαπορησάντων τοῖς πράγμασι] Isocr. i) territory of Troezen(Thuc.v53),themost /Paneg. 147, ἀπορήσας τοῖς παροῦσι πράγ- ¢} easterly point of the Peloponnesus, and μασι. Similarly διαπορεῖν c. dat.; for εἰ forming (with the opposite promontory of ἐξαπορεῖν c. dat. cf. Polybius i 62, 1, 4) Sunium)the entrance to the Saronic gulf. ἐξαπορεῖν τοῖς λογισμοῖς (Kaibel, 40). ¢) ἀτίμους-- καθάπαξ] The penalty is For the general sense of the context, cf. ¢) that of perpetual ἀτιμίαᾳ. For καθάπαξ Cic, de Of. i 75, et Themistocles quidem 4) im this connexion cf. Dem. 2714. §§ 32, nihil dixerit, in quotpse Areopagum adiu- w) 87, Aristog. i 30. The various disa- verit, at tlle vere a se adiutum Themis- 4 bilities in such a case are enumerated by ζοείθηε; est enim bellum gestum consilio | Aeschines, c. Zimarch. 18 (see Smith, senatus eius gui a Solone erat constitutus. ip) Dict. Ant. i 242 a). Cf. also Wilamowitz, i 139 f.

wi) XXITL, XXIV. The supremacy of the πορίσασα Spaxpas] Probably from τὸ β Areopagus. Aristides and Themistocles. the sacred treasure on the Acropolis;

cf. Philippi, Areopag, 293; Oncken,

Staatslehre, 468.

98 AQHNAIQN

. COL..9, 1. 38—10, l. 2.

: ΄ ΝῊ, 5 Oe / Oe n> , cs ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν αἰτίαν παρεχώρουν αὐτῆς τῷ ἀξιώματι, καὶ ἐπολι- 4 al τεύθησαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι καλῶς καὶ κατὰ τούτους τοὺς καιρούς. συνέβη \ > \ \ / al a

10 yap αὐτοῖς περὶ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τά TE εἰς TOV πόλεμον ἀσκῆσαι F A \ a _ ¢ EAX 1) a \ \ fal 7 ε καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ησιν εὐδοκιμῆσαι καὶ τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἡγεμο-

/ a > / νίαν λαβεῖν ἀκόντων Λακεδαιμονίων.

ἦσαν δὲ προστάται τοῦ

/ \ / \ \ > Λ ς ΄ \

NOU κατὰ τούτους τοὺς καιροὺς ᾿Αριστείδης Λυσιμάχου καὶ : - e =

Θεμιστοκλῆς Νεοκλέους, μὲν τὰ πολέμια * δοκῶν, δὲ τὰ πολι-

ἀγτ(ην)τωιδξιωλιᾶτι:

αὐτῇ τῷ ἀξιώματι K;

αὐτῆς ἀξιώματι Rutherford ;

αὐτῆς τῷ ἀξιώματι Blass (H-L, K-w%, Kaibel 178, Bt, κι, Th); αὐτῇ τοῦ ἀξιώματος

Joh. Mayor (K-w, 51). κϑ, Th: περὶ B, K+.

ἘΣ Th}: 14 πολελλιὰ (K, K-W, H-L; Th):

κατὰ (vel περὶ) τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον secl. K-W. in πίερι) corr. manu 1, probante K’ (Th): ἑκόντων Jos. Mayor (Class. Rev. v 1126), Gennadios: πολεμικὰ Blass, Richards, E S Thompson (st) 5)

9 καὶ secl. Poland, Radinger, K, K-W; retinent H+L | (B, Th), coll. 33 3; defendit Keil, So/. 206.

10 K(aTa) supra scripto tre[pi]. κατὰ

evs inter scribendum .

12 AKONTWN (K, K-W, εἰκόντων Naber (H-L), ©

ceteri eds.

πολέμια defendit kK coll. Thuc. i 18 εὖ παρεσκευάσαντο τὰ πολέμια, et iv 80 ἐν Trois)

πόλεμίοις γεγενῆσθαι σφίσιν ἄριστοι.

ΔΌΚΩΝ retinent K, K-w}, B®, cf. Xen. Cyrop.i-

5, 9, οἱ ταῦτα τὰ πολεμικὰ ἀσκοῦντες ; δοκῶν Richards, E Thompson, Kontos, Lipsius)

(H-L, K-w%, Bl4, Th); δοκῶν ἀσκεῖν conicit K (K*),

per errorem, COrr, K.

14—15 TTOAEMIKdAEINOC

§ 2. παρεχώρουν αὐτῆς τῷ ἀξιώματι] ‘yielded to its reputation.’ ἀξίωμα, which means ov Tis παρὰ τῶν πλειόνων ἠξιώθη, can be appropriately applied to the Areo- pagus, but not to the people (Kaibel, 178).

The most common construction of rapa- χωρεῖν is c. dat. pers. et gen. ret vel ἐρεῖ. Isocr. 118 ἢ, π. Tots ἐχθροῖς τῆς ἡμετέρας. Aeschin. 54, 21. Polyb. iv 5, 1 etc., π. τινὶ τῆς πολιτείας, THs ἀρχῆς (L and 5). Similarly εἴκειν τινὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ (Hdt. ii 80). For ἀξίωμα, cf. Thuc. vi 15 8 2, ὧν ἐν ἀξιώματι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀστῶν, and i I 30 § 1.

Mr Kenyon formerly printed παρεχώρουν αὐτῇ τῷ ἀξιώματι, " gave place (or pre- cedence’) to it in rank’ (or ‘reputation’). The simple dat. may here be equivalent to év—. The latter is found in Magn. Mor. ii τ, 1198 28, ἐν τούτοις παρα- χωρῶν ἐπιεικής, but I can find no exact ‘parallel for the dative alone.

ἐπολιτεύθησαν---καλῶς] With the sub- sequent context, cf. Isocr. Aveop. 51 (of the Areopagus), ἧς ἐπιστατούσης οὐ δικῶν οὐδ᾽ ἐγκλημάτων οὐδ᾽ εἰσφορῶν οὐδὲ πενίας οὐδὲ πολέμων πόλις ἔγεμεν... παρεῖχον γὰρ "σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς μὲν “Ἕλλησι πιστούς, τοῖς δὲ βαρβάροις φοβερούς" τοὺς μὲν γὰρ σεσω- κότες ἦσαν κτλ., and §§ 80, 82. Panath.151, Tas πράξεις Tas EK τοῦ καλῶς πολιτεύεσθαι ...1532, παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εὐδοκίμη- σαν. De Pace, 75----7 7. esp. τῆς πολιτείας τῆς παρὰ πᾶσιν εὐδοκιμούσης. ᾿ καὶ κατὰ τούτους. τοὺς καιρούς] καὶ ἰ5 perhaps added because Athens had been

‘Athens who smarted under the ovei

er 3°h 7.

well governed when the Areopagus was_ in power before, cf. § 1, πάλιν ἴσχυσενε (Newman).

τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἡγεμονίαν κτλ Isocr. Paneg. 72 (after the Persian wars),_ οὐ πολλῷ δ᾽ ὕστερον τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς θαλάτ TNS ἔλαβον, δόντων μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ‘Eh λήνων, οὐκ ἀμφισβητούντων δὲ τῶν νῦν vr

ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ζητούντων, de Pace 30, π' ἑκόντων τῶν ᾿ Ελλήνων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐλά βομεν, Panath. 67, οἱ σύμμαχοι τὴν ἡγε μονίαν ἡμῖν τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν ἔδοσαν Thuc. i 96, παραλαβόντες οἱ AO. τὴν tye ‘Movlay...€xdvTww τῶν ξυμμάχων διὰ τ΄ Παυσανίου μῖσος. Dem. 3 24, πέντ᾽ καὶ τετταράκοντα ἔτη τῶν ἜΝΝΟΝΟΝ ἦρξα ἑκόντων. In Xen. Hell. vi § 34 ϑρατίαι declares that the Athenians were chosel leaders at’ sea τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συ βουλευομένων. Noneof the above passage shews that the Lacedaemonians we really willing to surrender the supremacy and in Thuc, i 96 the reference is not t the Lacedaemonians, but to the allies «

bearing conduct of Pausanias. Hence» ἀκόντων should be retained. ;

§ 3. προστάται τοῦ δήμου] c. 2 2, ane c. 28. Holm, Gr. Gesch. ii 43, 110. ΕΣ Νεοκλέους] Plut. Zhem. 1, N. οὐ τά ἄγαν ἐπιφανῶν ᾿Αθήνησι.

τὰ πολέμια] πολέμιος is rare in Ais On the other hand, we have fol. 13 14, ἀπειρία τῶν πολεμικῶν, 1285 6 1 ἡγεμονία τῶν πολεμικῶν. Lund, Ar.

CH. 23, 1. 8--24..

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

09

Ν Φ ᾿ , a τικὰ δεινὸς εἶναι καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν διαφέρειν" διὸ

ἈΠ τῷ na A \ a An \ 4 4 καὶ ἐχρῶντο τῷ μὲν στρατηγῷ, τῷ δὲ συμβούλῳ.

τὴν μὲν οὖν τῶν

τειχῶν ἀνοικοδόμησιν κοινῇ διῴκησαν, καΐπερ διαφερόμενοι πρὸς

> / , τὸν \ \ > / \ > / , > ἈΝ el

ἀλλήλους, ἐπὶ δὲ THY ἀπόστασιν τὴν τῶν ᾿Ιώνων ἀπὸ τῆς TOY /

Λακεδαιμονίων συμμαχίας ᾿Αριστείδης ἦν mpotpé was, τηρήσας:

5 τοὺς Λάκωνας διαβεβλημένους διὰ Παυσανίαν...

\ \ \ διὸ. καὶ τοὺς

/ Φ 53 e / aS / \ / » / φόρους οὗτος ἦν τάξας ταῖς πόλεσιν τοὺς πρώτους ἔτει τρίτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχίαν ἐπὶ Τιμοσθένους ἄρχοντος, καὶ

10] τοὺς ὅρκους ὥμοσεν τοῖς ἤϊωσιν || ὥστε τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν εἶναι καὶ yf >4? @ \ εἶν 4 . a , an φίλον, ἐφ᾽ οἷς καὶ τοὺς μύδρους ἐν τῷ πελάγει καθεῖσαν. |

τς 15 δεινὸς εἶναι Β, K-w?, κί, Th.

MAXIAN :--ἀπὸ τῆς---συμμαχίας Blass, H-L, K-w, κϑ, Th. 22 λ(ιὰ) 7(HN) superscripto M(€TA) manu 1.

Thue. v 81. 21 πόλεσι H-L, Bt. 23 wuoce H-L, B.

18 IWNWNK(al)T(HN)T(@N)AQKEA— ἐκ τῆς Papageorgios coll.

᾿ δικαιοσύνῃ! Plut. Avzst. 3 fin., and 7, τὸν δίκαιον. τῷ μὲν στρατηγῷ, τῷ δὲ συμβούλῳ] In Plut. Aristeides c. 8, Aristeides says In his speech to Themistocles, σὺ μὲν ἄρχων καὶ στρατηγῶν, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὑπουργῶν καὶ συμ- βουλεύων. Aristotle obviously refers to the rival claims of Themistocles and Aristides in Po/. viii (v) 8, 1309 39, ἔχει δ᾽ ἀπορίαν, ὅταν μὴ συμβαίνῃ ταῦτα πάντα ᾿ (φιλίαν πρὸς τὴν καθεστῶσαν πολιτείαν... ᾿ δύναμιν μεγίστην τῶν ἔργων τῆς ἀρχῆς... i ἀρετὴν καὶ δικαιοσύνην) περὶ τὸν ἀὐγόν. ᾿ς πῶς χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν... ἐν στρα- ᾿ τηγίᾳ μὲν (δεῖ βλέπειν) εἰς τὴν ἐμπειρίαν “μᾶλλον τῆς ἀρετῆς... ἐν δὲ φυλακῇ καὶ τα- δες τοὐναντίον. On the other hand cr., Panath. 143, strangely maintains that the best σύμβουλος will also prove the best general (Class. Rev. v 161 a). § 4. τειχῶν ἀνοικοδόμησιν] Thuc. i 89 83, τὴν πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ τὰ τείχη. Themistocles went as envoy _ to Sparta to gain time while the walls - were being built (74. 90), while Aristides was one of the ξυμπρέσβεις who after- _ wards announced to Themistocles ἔχειν ᾿ ἱκανῶς τὸ τεῖχος (91 3). Cf. Busolt, ii 321-9", ili 41—50?. ᾿ ἀπόστασιν τὴν τῶν ᾿Ιώνων] Thuc. 3 δὼ {, ἐν τῇδε τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ ἤδη Ricki os αὐτοῦ (Pausanias) ot re ἄλλοι “Ἕλληνες ἤχθοντο Kai οὐχ ἥκιστα οἱ Ἴωνες.. ιφοιτῶν- Ν᾿ ξ. τε πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἠξίουν αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνας σφῶν γενέσθαι κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς ᾿ καὶ Παυσανίᾳ μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν. Plut. Arist. “23. On the other hand Hat. viii 3, πρό- φασιν τὴν Παυσανίεω ὕβριν “προϊσχόμενοι ᾿ ἀπείλοντο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τοὺς Λακεδαιμο- γνίους. On Pausanias cf. Pol. 1307 @ 2, 1 1333 32.

379).

85. τοὺς φόρους] ‘tributes.’ Thuc. i 96, ἔταξαν ds τε ἔδει παρέχειν τῶν πόλεων χρήματα πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον καὶ ἃς ναῦς.. καὶ ἑλληνοταμίαι τότε πρῶτον ᾿Αθηναίοις κατέστη ἀρχή, οἱ ἐδέχοντο τὸν φόρον" οὕτω γὰρ ὠνομάσθη τῶν χρημάτων φορά. v 18 8 4, τὰς πόλεις φερούσας τὸν φόρον τὸν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδου. Plut. Arist. 24. 5080]. Aeschin. 3 § 258, ᾿Αριστείδης τοὺς φόρους τάξας τοῖς Ἑλλησι. The φόρος was fixed in the first instance at 460 talents.

ἐπὶ Τιμοσθένους] B.C. 478/7-

_ The commencement of the Athenian

-ascendancy is placed by Diodorus (xi 41)

in the year of Adeimantus (477/6). This is the date accepted by Clinton. Ephorus appears to have placed the first payment of tribute in the spring of 476 (Busolt, Rhein. Mus. xxxvii 313), and accordingly this has been the date usually assigned to the formation of the Confederacy of Delos.

Dem., Piz. iii 23, makes the Athenian ascendancy last 73 years, and the Lace- daemonian 29. The 29 years are reck- oned from the battle of Aegospotami (July 405) to the battle of Naxos (Sept. As the first of these battles marked fhe end of the Athenian empire, it follows that Dem. reckoned the beginning of the Athenian empire from 478, the first year after the Persian wars. For further de- tails, see Clinton’s δῖ, Appendix, c. 6; and Busolt, i 11 345%, ili 69?.

τοὺς ὅρκους ὦμοσεν] Plut. Arzst. 25,

6 δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδης ὥρκισε μὲν τοὺς “Ελληνας καὶ ὥμοσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, μύδρους ἐμβαλὼν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀραῖς εἰς τὴν θάλατταν. The same symbol of an irrevocable oath is recorded in Hdt. i 165, of Φωκαιέες ἐποιήσαντο ἰσχυρὰς κατάρας τῷ ὑπολειπὸ-

"--2

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5

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COL. 10, ΤΣ

a 4 a .

24. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Oappovons ἤδη τῆς πόλεως καὶ χρημάτων ἠθροισμένων πολλῶν, συνεβούλευεν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς ἡγεμο- νίας, καὶ καταβάντας ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν οἰκεῖν ἐν τῷ ἄστει" τροφὴν γὰρ ἔσεσθαι πᾶσι, τοῖς μὲν στρατευομένοις, τοῖς δὲ φρουροῦσι,

- \ / τοῖς δὲ Ta κοινὰ πράττουσι, εἶθ᾽ οὕτω κατασχήσειν THY ἡγεμονίαν. πεισθέντες δὲ ταῦτα καὶ λαβόντες τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῖς τε συμμάχοις 2 : ἐχρῶ λὴν Χί t Λεσβί L Σαμί εσποτικωτέρως ἐχρῶντο πλὴν Χίων καὶ Λεσβίων καὶ Σαμίων"

Β a

XXIV 2 TIOAAWNHOPOICMENWN : ἠθροισμένων πολλῶν K, K-W?; ἦθρ. 7. BY, Ths

π. 0p. H-L, pi ; 6 τοῖς τε: τοῖς B2~ 4 sl,

ἀθροιζομένων π. K-w' (Kaibel 179).

5 πράττουσιν H-L.

μένῳ ἑωυτῶν τοῦ στόλου" πρὸς δὲ ταύτῃσι καὶ μύδρον σιδήρεον κατεπόντωσαν καὶ ὥμοσαν μὴ πρὶν εἰς Φωκαίην ἥξειν, πρὶν τὸν μύδρον τοῦτον ἀναφῆναι, in Calli- machus, frag. 209, and in Horace, Zfod. 16, 25.

τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν εἶναι καὶ φίλον] Possibly this phrase may have been due to Persian diplomatic phraseology. To the present day, the common Oriental form is: The friend of X’s friend, and the enemy of hisenemies’ (Sir Frederick Pollock).

XXIV § 1. Oappotons] c. 22 3. For the sense, cf. Pol. 1274 12, τῆς ναυαρχίας yap ἐν τοῖς Μηδικοῖς δῆμος αἴτιος γενόμενος ἐφρονηματίσθη, 1341 a 30, μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ φρονηματισθέντες ἐκ τῶν ἔργων (Kaibel, 37 ἢ.

καταβάντας ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν κτλ.] In contrast to Pesistratus who encouraged agriculture with a view to preventing his subjects from living in Athens (c. 16

§ 3).

§ 2. λαβόντες τὴν ἀρχὴν] The simple verb is similarly used in Isocr. 4 § 72; 5 § 613 7 § 73 8 88 30, 69, 74, 104; 16 § 103. He has παραλαβεῖν τὴν ἀρχὴν in 1003; 101; κατασχεῖν in 4 § 102, 8 § 126.

Seomotikwtépws] This comparative of the adverb is not in Land 5. ‘Pol. iv 10, 3, τὸ δεσποτικῶς ἄρχειν.

πλὴν Χίων καὶ Λεσβίων καὶ Σαμίων] Thuc. i 19, (in. the interval between the Persianand Peloponnesian wars)’ Αθηναῖοι δὲ (τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἡγοῦντο) ναῦς τε τῶν πόλεων τῷ χρόνῳ παραλαβόντες, πλὴν Χίων καὶ Λεσβίων, καὶ χρήματα τοῖς πᾶσι τάξαντες φέρειν. Even when (under Pericles) the confederacy of Delos was transformed into an empire on the part of Athens, with her former confederates degraded into tributary dependencies, Chios, Samos and Lesbos alone remained

on their original footing of autonomous’ » allies. It was after the revolt of Samos in 440 B.C. that that island was conquered ~ by an armament under ten generals, in- cluding Pericles and Sophocles, and after a prolonged contest disarmed and dis- mantled (Thuc. i 115—117). Lesbos

and Chios still remained in a privileged position (Thuc. iii 10). Ξ

Mitylene and the greater part of Lesbos Ξ revolted in 428 (2. 2), one of the reasons being that the Mitylenaeans ‘had πὸ. security that Athens would not degrade

them into the condition of subject-allies like the rest’ (6. 10 fiz.). The fortifi-

cations of Mitylene were razed, all her

ships of war captured, and the greater part of the island allotted to Athenian— settlers (zd. 50).

In 425 Chios incurred the suspicion of Athens by building a new wall, which implied an intention to revolt (Thuc. iv 51). The Athenians insisted on the ἄθ- struction of the wall (52). Chios actually revolted in 412 and was much harass by the Athenians (Thuc. viii 14—61).

It is to the result of these revolts that Aristotle refers in Po/. iii 13, 1284 @ 39> where, after speaking of ostracism as ap means of suppressing undue prominence, he adds: τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ περὶ τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὰ ἔθνη ποιοῦσιν οἱ κύριοι τῆς δυνάμεως, οἷον ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν περὶ Σαμίους καὶ Χίου! καὶ Λεσβίους (ἐπεὶ γὰρ θᾶττον aig ἔσχον τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐταπείνωσαν αὐτοὺς π' τὰς συνθήκαθ). But (as observed by» Schlosser) the remark in the Podvtics i untrue of Lesbos, and barely true 07 Samos and Chios. The account in he text correctly describes the position 07 privilege at first enjoyed by these thr islands. The passage in the Podétics refe to a later time and is therefore not i consistent with the text (cf. W. L. N

CH, 24, 1. I—1I1. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ ΙΟΙ

a nr a , τούτους δὲ φύλακας εἶχον THs ἀρχῆς, ἐῶντες τάς TE πολιτείας παρ 3 αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄρχειν ὧν ἔτυχον ἄρχοντες. κατέστησαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς

> | ee “Ὁ v4 > / > / / πολλοῖς εὐπορίαν τροφῆς, ὥσπερ ᾿Αριστείδης εἰσηγήσατο. συνέ- βαινεν γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν φόρων καὶ τῶν τελῶν [Kal τῶν συμμάχων

8 <rds> map’, Richards, Papabasileios, K-w. 9 ἄρχοντες <avrots ἐπιτρέ- movres, Kal —> ‘dictum erat de cleruchis’ K-w, e.g. <xal πόλεις οὐκ ὀλίγας ἀνθισ- ταμένας βίᾳ καταστρεψάμενοι κληρουχίαις κατελάμβανον -- Kaibel, 179 f. 10 συνέ- Bawe H-L. 10—22 ‘idoneam sententiam non praebent...certe ipsi auctori tribuenda

non videntur’ H-L; idem sentit Fr. Pollock. 11 POpWN: εἰσφορῶν Whibley (H-L). καὶ τῶν συμμάχων secl. K-w!?, tuentur B, K-w*, καὶ del. van Leeuwen,

τῶν «ἀπὸ Tav> συμμάχων Hude.

man, Class. Rev. v 162 6, and on Pol. ne.

On the relations of Athens to Chios, Lesbos and Samos, cf. Wilamowitz, Aus Kydathen, pp. 11, 12.

ἐῶντες] The two constructions of ἐᾶν are here combined, (1) the acc., as in Pol. v 7, 1307 τό, kwhoavras τὸν νόμον ἐάσειν τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν, and (2) the inf., as 2b. 3, 1302 20, ἐάσαντας γενέσθαι ἰᾶσθαι ὕστερον.

ὧν ἔτυχον ἄρχοντες] For Chian pos- sessions on the mainland, cf. Hat. i 160, vi 28, viii 106; cf. the ἀκταῖαι πόλεις of the Mitylenaeans, Thuc. iii 50, iv 52 (Wyse).

§ 3. ὥσπερ ᾿Αριστείδης εἰσηγήσατο] ‘If the policy of Aristides is placed in a less favourable light than we should expect, inasmuch as he is said to have * converted a citizen-body largely consist- ing of peasants into an urban citizen- body subsisting on pay and exercising a despotic authority over the subject states, and thus to have contributed to the establishment of an extreme democracy, we remember that we are taught in the Politics (iv 6, 5, 1292 41 sgg.) to con- nect the establishment of a τελευταία

᾿ς δημοκρατία with a large increase in the

size of the city and with the provision of pay, and also that Theophrastus’ opinion of Aristides was not an altogether favour- able one (Plut. Arist. c. 25). (W. L. Newman in Class. Rev. v 162 ὁ.)

TOV oper] See note on 23§5. ©

τῶν τελῶν] ‘taxes.’ With the ex- ception of the produce of plunder in war and sale of prisoners, the φόρος was at this time the only source of revenue from foreigners. (The duty on merchandise passing to or from the Euxine was not levied until 409.) Hence the reference in τελῶν is to taxes imposed by the Athenians and levied at home, whether

(1) ordinary taxes, such as harbour-dues, market-dues, court-fees, and payments made by resident aliens, or (2) extra- ordinary taxes. The latter were levied for special purposes, viz. the property- tax (εἰσῴφορά) which was practically a war-tax, and the λῃτουργίαι, or compul- sory services, These last did not contri- bute towards the support of the citizens except by relieving them of expenses which might otherwise have fallen on the public chest. Lastly, there was the income derived from rents of public lands, and from the mines at Laurium, In Thuc. vi 91, 6, Alcibiades enu- merates some of these sources of revenue, viz. the mines, the public land and the law-courts and the tribute paid by the allies (τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων προσόδου). There is fuller enumeration in Aristoph. Vesp. 656, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν λογίσαι φαύλως, μὴ ψήφοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ χειρός, τὸν φόρον ἡμῖν ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων ξυλλήβδην τὸν προσ- ἰόντα" κἄξω τούτων τὰ τέλη χωρὶς καὶ τὰς πολλὰς ἑκατοστάς, πρυτανεῖα, μέταλλ᾽, ἀγοράς, λιμένας, μισθοὺς καὶ δημιόπρατα (making a total.of nearly 2000 talents, of which the 6000 δικασταί received 150). As the σύμμαχοι contribute no payment except the φόρος, it is clear that the mention of them in the text is super- fluous. See, however, Wilamowitz, ii 206, ‘The text, as it stands, appears to imply that the citizens of Athens derived main- tenance from the allies over and above the φόροι and the τέλη paid by them; cf, [Xen.] Rep. Ath. i 16—18. Fees paid by the allies in lawsuits may be included in the reference, for these helped to main- tain the dicasts (Gilbert, i 3821, 4). There was also an ἐπιφορά (2. 397). The visits of the citizens of the allied states to Athens would be another source of profit’ (Newman), ᾿

102

. »᾿ , πλείους δισμυρίους ἄνδρας τρέφεσθαι. : ᾿ δ \ \ / : ἑξακισχίλιοι, τοξόται δ᾽ ἑξακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ᾿ ς al ' \ / \ δὲ : / \ : \ ο; ἑππεῖς χίλιοι καὶ διακόσιοι, βουλὴ δὲ πεντακόσιοι, καὶ φρουροὶ , A Ν / ? a / \ / 15 ψεωρίων πεντακόσιοι, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἐν TH πόλει φρουροὶ TEVTH-

12 λικὰοτὰι:

AOHNAIQN

ὁπλῖται van Leeuwen, Gennadios.

COL. 10,1: 12=—I7:

" 3 δικασταὶ μὲν yap ἦσαν

4

15 τῇ secl. K-w?, B.

πλείους δισμυρίους] The numbers actually specified amount to 15,750. If to this we add (with Mr Kenyon) ‘4000 men for the 20 guard-ships at the usual rate of 200 men to each ship,’ we obtain a total of 19,750, not including the orphans and other privileged persons men- tioned at the end of the chapter. 20,000 is the number, mentioned at another date, in Ar. Vesp. 709, δύο μυριάδας, and 30,000 in Eccl. 1132 πολιτῶν πλεῖον τρισμυρίων ὄντων τὸ πλῆθος (cf. Hdt. 1.97). Koehler, SB. Berlin Akad. 1892, 342 f, suggests that.it was only the total that the author found in his authority, and that the several items are guesses of his own. The number of the Athenian citizens. in the 5th century is discussed by Ostbye, Kristiania, 1894.

δικασταὶ As these were not paid until the time of Pericles, this must be (as Mr Kenyon notices) an anticipation of the results of the policy initiated by Aristides. ἑξακισχίλιοι] 2.6. 600 for each tribe. This is apparently the number of the dicasts in the times of the democracy after Cleisthenes. The HeHastae were instituted by Solon ; but their number in his days is unknown, though it was pro- bably not very small. 6000 dicasts appear in Ar. Vesp. 662. There is, however, no mention of any such number in the second part of the present treatise .(cf. Macan, in C/.. Rev. 1896, 201).

τοξόται] The context shews that cé¢z- zens serving as bowmen are’meant. The figures in the text are partly borrowed from Thuc. ii 13 § 7, where Pericles, on the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war, estimates the number of the τοξόται at 1600, and the ἱππεῖς at 1200 ξὺν ἱπποτο- ξόταις. In Thuc. vi 25 Nicias requires for the Sicilian expedition τοξοτῶν τῶν αὐτόθεν καὶ ἐκ Κρήτης. Gilbert, 67. St., 1 3051, quotes CIA i 79, τοξόται οἱ ἀστικοί; i 45, (κατὰ) φυλὰς τοχ(σόται δέγκα ; and i 55, 433, 446; 26. i 79, οἱ τόξαρχοι. The 1600 freeborn bowmen in the text must be distinguished from the 1200.Scythian bowmen of Andocides (dé Pace, 7) and Aeschines (7. Z. §§ 173-4). The latter were a police force instituted in 480 B.C. when 300 were purchased for this purpose by the state (Andoc. /. ¢. 5).

‘tained in the fourth century (Xen. Hip- |

ἱππεῖ] The same number is found in Thuc, ii 13 7, and in Andocides and Aeschines (/. c.). In 490 Athens had no cavalry (Hdt. νὶ 112). The number gra- ~ dually rose to 1000, Arist. Hg. 225, Phi- lochorus ἐν τετάρτῳ (B.C. 456-404) ap. Hesych. s. v.; and this number was main-

parch. 9,3; Dem. 14 813). Thenumber 1200 in Thuc, includes the ἱπποτοξόται. ~ As the latter were Scythian slaves, it was a discredit to an Athenian citizen to serve in this force (Lys. 15 § 6). The fact that © only 1000, out of the total 1200, are really 4 citizens is apparently overlooked in the text. Gilbert, Gr. Sz., 1305", n. 5, quotes “4 Philochorus, ὦ. ¢., διάφορα γὰρ ἦν ἱππέων πλήθη κατὰ xpbvor ᾿Αθηναίοις, but holds that little credit can be given to any statements giving 1200 as the total num- ber of the ἱππεῖς alone. = φρουροὶ νεωρίων] I cannot find any ~ other passage in which these are ex- 4 pressly mentioned. In Thuc. ii 13 86 half the circuit of the Peiraeus and Mu- = nichia is described as ἐν φυλακῇ, and the total number of ὁπλῖται τῶν ἐν τοῖς φρου: | ρίοις καὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἔπαλξιν is 16,000 (tb. = § 3). This number is the force employed on the outbreak of war. 5 - ἐν τῇ πόλει φρουροὶ] The mention of = the νεώρια in the previous clause might at first sight suggest that these ppoupol were concerned with the upper πόλις in contrast with the Peiraeus: but, if so, we = should expect ἐν τῷ ἄστει as the normal term to express this.contrast. It is there- - fore probable that τῇ πόλει refers to the Acropolis, and itis so translated by Th. Reinach (cf. K. Wernicke, in Hermes, 1891, 51—75). This view (as Mr Wyse suggests to me) is supported by an inscry ~ of the 5th cent. published in the Bulletin de Corr. Hellénique, 1890, 177—180, and = ascribed A: +47 B.C. in CIA iv 3, 264, Chee πόλιν. . [o]ixo[ δ]ομῆσαι ὅπως} ἂν δραπέτης: “ὦ σῦν μηδὲ λωποδύτ[η9] ταῦτα δὲ ξυνγρί[ά7ψαι μὲν Ἐαλλικρί ΑἸ Ν Ε ὅπως ἄριστα Kall] εὐτελέστατα σκ[ εἸ [σ]αιν[τ]ο, pio Oo alc] δὲ τοὺς πωλητὰς ὅπως Ξ - ἂν ἐντὸς ἑξή[κ]οντα ἡμερῶν ἐπισκ[εἸνασθῇ, φύλακας δὲ [εἶναι τρεῖς μὲν τοξό[τ]ας ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς τῆς [π]ρυτανευούσης. M. Fou- cart understands the three τοξόται who |

οἷ ie Ash

cH. 24. 1: 12---17.

ΠΌΛΙΤΕΙΑ

103

3 Y 8 4 : \ > ς / BA ς , 8. κοντα, ἀρχαὶ δ᾽ ἔνδημοι μὲν εἰς ἑπτακοσίους ἄνδρας, ὑπερόριοι δ᾽ ΄. r. 3 \ ; . ; eis + ἑπτακοσίους" πρὸς δὲ τούτοις, ἐπεὶ συνεστήσαντο TOV πόλεμον

10 M(EN) HCAN EC. _ putant K-w (B, K*, Th).

17 ἑπτακοσίους" numerum 6 v. 16 male repetitum ‘an -«τὰ els> τὸν médepov?’ Κ- 12; κατέστησαν és τὸν

πόλεμον Richards ; nihil mutandum putat Kaibel 181.

are to act as φύλακες to be ¢rots. Scythes, on the ground that the police was not re- cruited from the citizens, but it will be observed that they belong to a φυλή and are therefore citizens. They are appointed to guard the approach to a particular part of the Acropolis and to prevent runaway slaves from seeking sanctuary in the tem- ples. πόλις, or πόλις, is regularly used ‘ofthe Acropolis in the 5th century. Thuc. ii 15 fin. (καλεῖται) ἀκρόπολις μέχρι τοῦδε ἔτι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις. Cf. c. 8 1. 24.

. ‘Aristophanes always uses ἐν πόλει (27. 267), πρὸς. πόλιν (Nub.. 69), without the

article, when he means the Acropolis. In

rose writers, however, there are places where the Mss give the article: Xen. Anab. vii τ, 27, ὑπαρχόντων πολλῶν χρη: μάτων ἐν τῇ πόλει, Aeschin. 1 § 97, οἰκίαν ὄπισθεν τῆς πόλεως, Antiph. 6 § 39, διηλ- “λάγην τούτοις ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐναντίον μαρτύ- ρων, [Xen.] de Red. 5 § 12, πολλὰ χρήματα els τὴν πόλιν ἀνενεχθέντα, Phil. Per. 32, ὅπως... οἱ δὲ δικασταὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ φέροντες ἐν τῇ πόλει κρίνοιεν. ἐμ πόλει is no doubt the normal form in CIA i’

(Wyse).

st dexal...frSqpor] The total number is darge (Wilamowitz, ii 203), and there is nothing to shew that the higher officers of state are excluded. Schémann (Azz. p- 147, E. T.) says: ‘so far as our know- tedge extends, the offices of government Were unpaid.’ Again, on p. 402, official functionaries,’ as contrasted with sub- ordinates, ‘served without pay’ (cf. 2d. 436). But in c. 62 the archons’ receive for maintenance 4 obols a day each, and I c. 29 (under the constitution of 411) the archons and πρυτάνεις are excepted from the rule that all offices should be Without pay. The large number of the ἀρχαὶ ἔνδημοι (700), criticised by Kohler, __ Is intelligible, if it includes all the minor _ Officials, such as heralds and clerks, etc. - (Kaibel, 181). .

ο΄ ὑπερόριοι] In ol. iii 14, 12856 14, we have τὰ κατὰ πόλιν καὶ τὰ ἔνδημα καὶ τὰ ὑπερόρια συνεχῶς ἦρχον, and the term ὑπερόριος occurs again in 618. Cf. law ‘quoted in Aeschin. c, Timarch. το, μηδὲ “ἀρχὴν ἀρχέτω μηδεμίαν, μήτε ἔνδημον μήτε ὑπερόριον. Mr Kenyon’s translation dis- tinguishes between magistrates within

the city’ and ‘those whose jurisdiction lay outside it’; Mr Poste’s (more satisfac- torily) between ‘home’ and ‘foreign? magistrates. The latter would naturally include the officials in the Athenian κληρουχίαι. The first κληρουχία was that settled on Salamis about 508/7 (Busolt, ii 444 nD. 27); the next, near Chalkis in 506 B.C. (6. 442-4). The number of cleruchs sent out between 460 and 410 amounted to 9,950, not including those sent to Lemnos, Imbros and Aegina (Gilbert, 07. St. i 5043, note 3).

The cleruchs were subject to military orders, and we sometimes hear of civil magistrates being sent out by Athens, e.g. ἄρχοντες sent to Lesbos (Antiphon, de Caede Her. 47). Cf. the ἐπίσκοποι of Aristoph. Av. 1022, 1050 (see Wilamo- witz, Aus Kydathen, p. 75), the. ém- μεληταὶ sent to Miletus (CIA iv 1, 224) and in later times to Delos, Haliartos and Paros (Boeckh, i 508 a, and ἢ. 709 Fran- kel), and the ἐκλογῆς.

The ἀρχαὶ ὑπερόριοι would also include the φρούραρχοι, as at Erythrae, CIA ig (Ditt. no. 2), and το. gpovpapxta is mentioned in Xen. Mem. iv 4, 17, and φρούραρχοι possibly in [Xen.] de Rep. Ath. i 18, τοὺς ἐκπλέοντας ᾿Αθηναίων éri- μων ἂν μόνους, τούς τε στρατηγοὺς Kal τοὺς φρουράρχους (MSS τριηράρχους) καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις (Wilamowitz, Aus Kydathen, pp. 73—76). Cf. inscr. ascribed to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war (CIA iv 3, 27.¢), οἵτινες ᾿Αθηναίων ἄρχουσι ἐν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ.

Here, as.in the case of the ἀρχαὲ ἔνδη- not, Wilamowitz regards the total as too high (ii 204). :

συνεστήσαντο τὸν πόλεμον] The phrase συστῆσαι Or συστήσασθαι πόλιν or πολε- τείαν is found in the Polztics and. τὰ πράγ- ματα συνίστασθαι (of tragic: poets) in the Poetics 6, p. 1450a@ 37. Again, in Thuc. i 15 2, we find κατὰ γῆν δὲ πόλεμος... οὐδεὶς ξυνέστη, and Hadt. vi 108 has συν- εστεῶτας Βοιωτοῖσι for ‘engaged in conflict with’ the B. Here, if τὰ εἰς were to be inserted, it might mean organised,’ as in Xen. Anab. vii 6 26 ἱππικὸν συν- εστηκός, cf. τὸ στράτευμα συνεστηκός, of ‘a standing army,’ in Dem. p. 93 37... but this insertion is. not necessary,’ οἵ.

18

104

AOHNAIQN

COL. 10, ]. 17—24.

ς a \ , \ ΄ n ΝΣ ͵

ὕστερον, ὁπλῖται μὲν δισχίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι, νῆες δὲ φρουρίδες a \ a

εἴκοσι, ἄλλαι δὲ νῆες al τοὺς φρουροὺς ἄγουσαι τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ

19 opoyc Κ, et (lacuna post ἄγουσαι indicata) K-w, Wilamowitz ii 205, Kaibel 182: φρουροὺς van Leeuwen et Blass (Th), coll. 62 § 1; φόρους ‘vox aperte corrupta,’

H-L; μισθοφόρους" Herwerden.

Polyb, iii 25, 1, πρὸ τοῦ συστήσασθαι τοὺς Καρχηδονίους τὸν περὶ Σικελίας πόλεμον (Kaibel).

The war must be the Peloponnesian war. This is confirmed by Andocides, De Pace § 7, where he recounts the ad- vantages derived by Athens from the 30 years’ peace with Sparta: τριήρεις ἄλλας ἑκατὸν ἐναυπηγησάμεθα νεωσοίκους τε WKo~ δομησάμεθα, χιλίους τε διακοσίους ἱππέας καὶ τοξότας τοσούτους ἑτέρους κατεστήσα- μεν κτλ. (Kaibel). . Kohler, less satisfac- torily, identifies it with the war of 459—

52 B.C.

ὁπλῖται] The number 2,500 is difficult to reconcile with the figures mentioned elsewhere. The number of Athenians who fought at Marathon was 9,000 (Pausan. Χ 20, 2) Or 10,000 (Justin ii 9); at Pla- taea, 8,000. In Thuc. ii 13 § 2, Pericles estimates the number of hoplites at 13,000 fit for service in the field, and 16,000 (of the oldest and the youngest’ of the citi- zens) as fit to serve on garrison duty and to man the walls. In Thuc. ii 31 § 2,

᾿ς the Athenians march into Megara with

a force of not less than 10,000 hoplites who were citizens, and not less than 3,000 who were μέτοικοι. Acharnae (the largest of the demes) could put into the field 3,000 hoplites. Possibly these numbers are exceptionally large and represent the maximum number of hoplites available on an emergency; but the number in the text professes to be that of the hoplites on the outbreak of war. The armament for the Sicilian expedition included not less than 4,000 hoplites (Thuc. vi 31, 2). In Thue. vii 20 the hoplites ἐκ καταλόγου number 1,200.

It seems certain that these 2,500 hop- lites (as partly implied in πρὸς τούτοις) are in addition to such of the citizens who were available in time of war. Most of these have already been enumerated under previous headings. Thus, if we add to the 2,500 hoplites the 6,000 dicasts and the 500 members of the βουλή, we obtain a total of 9,000, the exact number of Athenians who (according to Pausanias) fought at Marathon. Again, if we further add the 700 home officials, we get a total of 9,700, only 300 less than the 10,000 Athenian hoplites who marched into Me-

gara early in the Peloponnesian war.

Blass understands by ὁπλῖται gut con- tinuo in praesidits erant,

νῆες---φρουρίδες] ‘guard-ships.’ In Thuc. iv 13 2 the Athenian fleet at Pylos includes τῶν φρουρίδων τινὲς τῶν ex Ναυπάκτου : the ships from Zacynthus are 50 in all; of these 35 were already at that island in c. 5, and 4 ships came from Chios, leaving eleven as the number of guard-ships from Naupactus, which had been an Athenian naval station ever since its capture in 455 B.C. (Thuc. i 103), The only other passages in which ‘guard- ships’ are mentioned are Xen. He//.i 3, 17, where they form part of the Spartan fleet in the Hellespont, ναῦς αἱ ἦσαν ἐν τῷ Ἑλλησπόντῳ καταλελειμμέναι ppovplies, and CIA iv 22, at Miletus, [ἀπο]στειλάν- των [δύο] ppovpide. Cf. Zenobius vi 32,... ᾿Αθηναῖοι γὰρ φρουραῖς διαλαβόντες τοὺς νησιώτας κτλ. See Wilamowitz, Aus - Kydathen, p. 73f.

The Athenian triremes were generally manned by about 200 each (Boeckh 1 xxii p. 376 Lamb; Gilbert, i 3657).

τοὺς-- ἄγουσαι) φόρους raises a serious difficulty. It has hitherto been supposed that the ‘tributaries’ of Athens paid in the money themselves to the Council (Boeckh | Il vii, p. 177 Lewis; Gilbert, i 398"), Pollux (viii 114) inaccurately says that the ἑλληνοταμίαι collected the tribute, but this duty (when necessary) was (after 446 ?) performed by the ἐκλογεῖς. It was ~ only the collection of arrears or fines that was enforced by means of νῆες ἀργυρολόγοι (Thue. iii 19; iv 50, 75) under the com- mand of one or more στρατηγοί (Gilbert, i 4787, and Seitrdge, p. 67). Further, © unless we suppose a lacuna, τοὺς ἄνδρας cannot be construed.

Hence the sug- gestion φρουρούς, which follows naturally after φρουρίδες and enables us to take τοὺς ἄνδρας in apposition with it. In addi- tion to the guard-ships stationed at places like Naupactus, there would be transports to take the φρουροί to the places where they were to be stationed. These ppov- pot were appointed by lot by the demes, Even when changes were made in other appointments, the βουλευταί and the Ppou- pot still continued to be thus appointed | (c. 62 § 1).

CH. 24,1, 18---ΟΗ. 25,1.4, TIOAITEIA

105

, , , »” κυάμου δισχιλίους ἄνδρας, ἔτι δὲ πρυτανεῖον καὶ ὀρφανοὶ καὶ δεσ- 20 an / vA \ , an fa! μωτῶν φύλακες: ἅπασι yap τούτοις ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν διοίκη-

? σις ἢν.

25. μὲν οὖν τροφὴ τῷ δήμῳ διὰ τούτων ἐγίγνετο.

ἔτη δὲ

aN ς ἑπτακαίδεκα μάλιστα μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ διέμεινεν πολιτεία προ- , a A εστώτων τῶν Ἀρεοπαγιτῶν, καίπερ ὑποφερομένη KATA μικρόν. av- 7 Ν fa) Xr qa] / a , ͵ὔ / ξανομένου δὲ τοῦ πλήθους, γενόμενος τοῦ δήμου προστάτης Edid)-

20 “πρυτανεῖον vix verum’ K-Ww!-?2, H-L. XXV 1 erin (K-W).

21 ἅπασιν 8].

AIOIKHCIC: διασίτησις

ΤΕΒΤΙΜΟΝΙΑ. XXV 4 Heraclidis epitoma (Rose, Frag. 611): Ἐφιάλτης.

δισχιλίους ἄνδρας] In Plutarch’s Pezi- cles, 11, we are told that 60 triremes were sent out in each year, manned for 8 months by citizens who thus obtained practice in naval affairs. It has been suggested that the text refers to these (Wilamowitz, ii 206 n. 8).

πρυτανεῖον] 2.2. the persons maintained in the prytaneum, e.g. citizens who had done good service and were entertained at the public expense, either on a special occasion or for life. Among the latter were victors in the panhellenic games, dis- tinguished generals or statesmen, and the representatives of Harmodius and Aristo- geiton. ‘The archons and other officials - are not included in this list, as they have already been included in the ἀρχαὶ év- δημοι; and besides, in historic times, the archons probably dined in the 7hesmo- thesion and the prytanes and certain other officials in the 7 Zolos (see Dict. Ant. 5. ν.). Cf. Thumser, Staatsalt. p. 494.

In this rapid enumeration.the article is omitted before πρυτανεῖον, as before ὀρ- ᾿ φανοὶ and φύλακες.

ὀρφανοὶ], The sons of citizens who |

had fallen in war were maintained during their minority at the public expense. The regular phrase for this was δημοσίᾳ rpé- dew. Cf. Thuc. ii 46, rods παῖδας ἀπὸ τοῦδε δημοσίᾳ πόλις μέχρι ἥβης θρέψει. Pol. ii 8, 1268 a 8 (τοῖς παισὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τετελευτηκότων ἐκ δημοσίου γί- νεσθαι τὴν τροφήν)... ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἐν ᾿Αθήναις οὗτος νόμος νῦν. Plat. Menex. 248 E.

τς The institution is said to have gone back

as far as the time of Solon (Diog. Laért. i 54). Cf. Schulthess, Vormundschaft, pp- 13—26. “ὀρφανοὶ are mentioned in an inscr, said to be not later than 460 B.c. CIA i 1, and iv p. 3, 4 (Dittenberger, no. 384, 1. 120), but the latter part is much mutilated’ (Wyse). With this, and the next item, cf. [Xen.] Rep. Ath. 3, 14,

ὀρφανοὺς δοκιμάσαι καὶ φύλακας δεσμωτῶν καταστῆσαι.

δϑεσμωτῶν φύλακες] The Eleven had the management of the prison and had under them subordinates, such as jailers, executioners and torturers; but as these were δημόσιοι, or public slaves, the refer- ence may possibly be to the Eleven them- selves, who are called δεσμοφύλακες in the Schol. on Dem. Androt. 26, 7imocr. § 210, and on Aristoph. P/ut. 1108 where the term is corrupted to θεσμοφύλακες.

ἅπασι---ἦν] 1.4. ἅπαντες ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν διῳκοῦντο.

διοίκησις] lit. ‘administration.’ Pod. iii 16, 1287 6, ποιεῖν ἕνα κύριον τῆς διοικήσεως, and 1331 9, περὶ γραφὰς δικῶν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τὴν τοιαύτην διοίκησιν. iv (vii) 10, 1530 7 (it is not easy for all the citizens to pay their share in the συσσίτια) καὶ διοικεῖν τὴν ἄλλην οἰκίαν. The word is often used in the Politics, of management or administration. The primary meaning is ‘to keep house,’ as in Plato Meno gt A, τάς Te οἰκίας καὶ Tas πόλεις διοικεῖν. διοίκησις means house- keeping’ in Dem. Steph. 45 § 32, τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν διοικήσεως. In the text it in- cludes maintenance (cirynots) and payment of money.

XXV. LZphialtes.

$1. διὰ τούτων] possibly preferred to ἀπὸ τούτων, for the sake of avoiding hiatus, as in 6 2 διὰ τῶν φίλων (Kaibel, 14).

ἔτη δὲ ἑπτακαίδεκα μάλιστα] From 4787 Β.6., the date of the Confederacy of Delos (23 § 5), in the first year after the Persian wars, to 462/1, the archonship of Conon. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 26.

προεστώτων τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν] See c. 23 § 1, and Politics there quoted. Isocr. rahi 51, ἧς ἐπιστατούσης κτλ.

ὕποφε Ἢ] ο, 36§ 1.

gs ea Σοφωνίδου] The father’s name is given (Zo@-) in Aelian Var. Hist.

106

AOQHNAIQN

COE. ὙΠ: 1-3}

τῆς Σοφωνίδου, || καὶ δοκῶν ἀδωροδόκητος εἶναι καὶ δίκαιος [6

πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν, ἐπέθετο τῇ βουλῇ..

πολλοὺς τῶν ᾿Αρέογημηντονο, ἀγῶνας ἐπιφέρων περὶ τῶν διῳκημέ-

νων" ἔπειτα τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ Κόνωνος ἄρχοντος ἅπαντα περιείλε(το)

5 καὶ δοκῶν, Β'-8, Th; [καὶ] δοκῶν H-L, K-w?23; 8 περιεῖλε (B24, Th):

κί... 6 ἀνεῖλε H-L. B! ; παρείλετο H-L.

δοκῶν καὶ Kaibel 182, K-w?, B4, περιείλετο Richards, K-w, K%,

ii 435 iii 173 xi g (πενέστατος jv). last of these passages illustrates ἀδωροδό- κητος. He declined an offer of to talents from his friends, saying: ταῦτά με ἀναγ- κάσει αἰδούμενον ὑμᾶς καταχαρίσασθαί τι τῶν δικαίων, μὴ αἰδούμενον δὲ μηδὲ χαριζό- μενόν. ὑμῖν ἀχάριστον δόξαι. Cf. Plut. Cim. 10. On Ephialtes, see Duncker, G. d. A. viii; Holm, Gr. Gesch. ii 176

δίκαιος πρὸς τὴν modttelav] The phrase reminds us of the Politics; v 9 81, 1309 36, τρίτον δ᾽ ἀρετὴν καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἐν ἑκάστῃ πολιτείᾳ τὴν πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν (Class. Rev. ν 160a). Aelian Var. Hist. xiii 39, Ed. στρατηγοῦ ὀνειδίσαντος αὐτῷ τινος πενίαν ‘Td δὲ ἕτερον ἔφη διὰ τί οὐ λέγεις, ὅτι δίκαιός εἶμι ;᾽

§ 2. ἀγῶνας ἐπιφέρων] Cf. αἰτίαν, πόλεμον, δίκην ἐπιφέρειν (Kaibel, 39). On the fact, cf. Plut. Per. 10 6, ᾿Εφιάλτην ...poBepdy ὄντα τοῖς ὀλιγαρχικοῖς καὶ περὶ τὰς εὐθύνας καὶ διώξεις τῶν τὸν δῆμον ἀδικούντων ἀπαραίτητον. Ephialtes had made himself feared by his opposition to Cimon in particular; Cimon’s party was in a minority, as may be inferred from his being ostracised, probably in the spring of 462 (Busolt, i 4541 n).—Cf. Oncken, Staatslehre, pp. 492—505, Ephi- altes und die Gerichtsreform.’

ἐπὶ Κόνωνος] B.c. 462/1, Diod. xi 74. Hitherto the date of this attack on the Areopagus has not been accurately known. It has sometimes been assigned to B.C: 460 (Diodorus xi 77, followed ¢.g. in

- Peter’s Zetttafelm) or about 458 (e.g. in

Smith, Dict. Ant. s. v. Areopagus). Cf. Philippi, Areop. p. 256-9.

περιείλετο] 7217. § 4, περιείλοντο. . See note on παραιρεῖσθαι and περιαιρεῖσθαι in 49 551: ' On the overthrow of the Avebpagas by Ephialtes, cf. Pol. ii 12, 1274 a 7, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἐν Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴν ᾿Εφιάλτης ἐκόλουσε καὶ Περικλῆς (καὶ Il. bracketed by Sauppe). It was ποῦ. until a later date that Pericles deprived the Se of some of its: remaining privileges, c 27 $1. The text implies that he-was not

‘the leader of the present attack, . Philo-

The -

chorus (FHG i 407), "Ed. μόνα κατέλιπε τῇ ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλῇ τὰ ὑπὲρ τοῦ σώματος. Theopompus is supposed to be the authority followed on this point by Plutarch: Pericles 7, (Eph.) κατέλυσε τὸ κράτος τῆς ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλῆς, πολλὴν (κατὰ τὸν Πλάτωνα, Rep. 562 C, D) καὶ ἄκρατον Τοῖς πολίταις ἐλευθερίαν οἰνοχοῶν, and 20. 9, (of the Areop.) ὥστε τὴν μὲν ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὰς πλείστας κρίσεις δι’ ᾿Εφι- άλτου. Cimon 10, (Cimon) πρὸς ᾿Εἰφιάλ- την ὕστερον χάριτι τοῦ δήμου καταλύοντα τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν διηνέχθη, 7b. 15, Ἐφιάλτου προεστῶτος ἀφείλοντο τῆς ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλῆς τὰς κρίσεις πλὴν ὀλίγων ἁπάσας, καὶ τῶν δικαστηρίων κυρίους ἑαυτοὺς ποιήσαντες εἰς ἄκρατον δημοκρατίαν ἐνέβαλον τὴν πόλιν... Praec. Ger. Reip. 10 § 15 (II 805), βουλήν τινες ἐπαχθῆ καὶ ὀλιγαρχικὴν κολούσαντες, ὥσπερ ᾽᾿Ἐφιάλτης ᾿Αθήνησι..., δύναμιν ἅμα καὶ δόξαν ἔσχον, 2b. 15 § 18, ws Περικλῆς...δι ᾿ἘἘφιάλτου τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν ἐταπείνωσε. Pausan. i 29, 15, "Ed. ὃς τὰ νόμιμα τὰ ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ μάλιστα ἐλυμήνατο. Cf. Philippi, Der Avreopag, pp. 256-—271; Busolt, ii 460%, iii (1) 261.

In the Zumenides (681—706) we have a well-known defence of the jurisdiction of the Areopagus in matters of homi- cide, the main point which was left untouched by the reforms of Ephialtes. The date of the play is fixed by the hypothesis to the Agamemnon as the archonship of Philocles, Ol. 80, 2= 459/8; and the list of νῖκαι Διονυσιακαὶ

found on the Acropolis in 1886 describes

Aeschylus as exhibiting in that year, Ζ.6. in March, 458: CIA iv 971, quoted in Haigh’s Attic Theatre, p. 353; ed. 1907; [ἐπὶ Φιλ]οκλέους...τρωγωδῶν, Ξενοκλῆς ᾿Α- φιδναῖ[ος] ἐχορή[γει], Αἰσχύλος ἐδίδασκεν. It was held by Meier, Boeckh and K. O. Miiller that even the cognisance of cases

of homicide was taken away from the 3

Areopagus by Ephialtes.and not restored until after the expulsion of the Thirty. Miiller (Dissertation on .Eum. § 36) went so far as to affirm that the motion of Ephialtes was carried after the represen- tation of the ELumenides, whereas Dio-

καὶ i ite μὲν ἀνεῖλεν 2

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙᾺΑ

CH. 25, |. 5—II. 107

ie : \ a τὰ ἐπίθετα Sv ὧν ἦν τῆς πολιτείας φυλακή, Kal τὰ μὲν τοῖς A » ͵ J πεντακοσίοις, τὰ δὲ τῷ δήμῳ. Kal τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἀπέδωκεν. » Ν a / / / 3 \ ἔπρα[ξ]ε δὲ ταῦτα συναιτίου γενομένου Θεμιστοκλέους, ὃς ἦν μὲν

11 ettpa-e?, ἔπραξε Β, Κ-νν, κί, Th; ἔπραττε K etc, Kaibel 182. Richards, γιγν- H-L.

TEN : γιν-

TEST. 11 *Isocr. Areop. argumentum (ed. Benseler, p- Iviii; Schol. in Aeschin. etc. Dind. p. 111; Orat. Att. ed. Turicensis, ii p. 6): ᾿Εφιάλτης ris καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς χρεω- στοῦντες TH πόλει χρήματα Kai εἰδότες ὅτι, ἐὰν δικασθῶσιν (δικάσωσιν Bens.) οἱ ’Apeo- παγῖται, πάντως (‘an πάντα Wentzel) ἀποδώσουσι, καταλῦσαι αὐτοὺς ἔπεισαν τὴν πόλιν, οὕτως οὔπως τινὸς μέλλοντος κριθῆναι. ““ὁ γὰρ ᾽Αρ. λέγει ἐν τῇ πολ. τῶν ᾽ΑΘθ. ὅτι καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς αἴτιος ἦν μὴ πάντα (πάντως cod. Mustoxydis) δικάζειν τοὺς ᾿Αρεοπαγίτας᾽᾽ (Rose, Frag. 3667, 404%): εἶτα οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀσμένως ἀκούσαντες τῆς

τοιαύτης συμβουλῆς κατέλυσαν αὐτούς..

dorus places it two years earlier (460) and the text four years earlier. The fact that they retained their jurisdiction in cases of homicide is clearly stated by Philochorus (Z.c.)} and has been conclusively proved by Forchhammer (1828). The very privi- lege that the reformers left untouched is prominently brought forward by the poet. Cf. Philippi, Aveop. pp. 264, 290, and Grote, c. 46 (iv 112 n).

F. Cauer suggests that it was probably against the new law of 457/6, admit- ting the fevyira to the archonship and eventually to the Areopagus, that Aeschy- lus raises a warning in Aum. 690-5 (Rhein. Mus. 1895, pt 3).

τὰ ἐπίθετα! These ‘additional privi- leges’ include almost everything except the ancient prerogatives of the Areopagus in connexion with trials for homicide. The legend of Orestes and the history of the first Messenian war (B.C. 743) alike imply that it had jurisdiction in such cases ‘from of old,’ Pausan. iv 5 § 2, δίκας τὰς φονικὰς... δικάζειν ἐκ παλαιοῦ. Cf. Meier’and Schémann, “4121. Process, ed. Lipsius, p. 11.

Harpocr. 5. v. ἐπιθέτους ἑορτάς defines

them as τὰς μὴ πατρίους (cf. c. 3, 16—18),

and adds :' ἐλέγετο δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄλλα ἐπίθετά τινα, ὁπόσα μὴ πάτρια ὄντα ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴ ἐδίκαζεν, ὡς σαφὲς ποιεῖ Λυσίας κτλ. (cf. Philippi, Aveo. 157). The reference to Lysias shews that the ἐπίθετα meant by Harpocr. are after the time of the Thirty and are not the same as those meant in the text.

φυλακή] c. 4 § 4 φύλαξ, and 8 § 4, ἐπίσκοπος. Schomann’s “4222. pp. 332 and 493, E.T. Among the privileges now taken away from the Areopagus would be the general superintendence of educa- tion and of public morals, e.g. the en- forcing of the ancient νόμος ἀργίας. Grote, c. 46, iv 112; Schémann, p. 498;

Philippi, Aveop. pp. 162—170, 268—272.

τῷ δήμῳ] Cic. de Rep. i 43, Atheni- enses quibusdam ‘temporibus sublato Areopago nihil nisi populi scitis ac decre- tis agebant.’

τοῖς δικαστηρίοις] Thus, the jurisdic- tion in cases of ἀσέβεια seems in general to have been transferred to the law- courts; but certain forms of ἀσέβεια con- tinued to be tried by the Areopagus, esp. the offence of doing damage to the sacred olive-trees (Lys. Ov. 7). Schdémann, p. 498. On the general question, cf. Phi- lippi, Aveop. pp. 272—289.

3. συναιτίου γενομένου Θεμιστοκλέ- ovs] Hitherto, the attack on the Areopagus has been generally attributed to Ephialtes and Pericles (Po/. 1274 a 7); the present passage assigns a prominent part to The- mistocles. The only other authority for associating Themistocles with Ephialtes on this occasion is to be found in the argument to the Arcopagiticus of Isocrates (see Zestimonia), probably due toa Chris- tian writer in the sixth century (Rose, A. P., p. 423). Duncker, G. a. A. viii 258—260, discusses the account just men- tioned. He attributes the attack on the part of Themistocles to a change of

policy in the Areopagus due to its now.

containing a large number of ex-archons who had been merely appointed by lot and not by open election.

The text implies that Themistocles was still at Athens in 462 B.C., whereas, ac- cording to the current view, he was ostracised in 471 B.C. (Diod. xi 54) and fled to. Persia.about 466 B.c. In his flight he passed trough the Athenian fleet. which was besieging Naxos (Thuc. 1 137 2, and Plut. Zzem. 25 1). The reduction of Naxos took place (possibly in 47£ or 470) before the battles at the Eurymedon (Thuc. i 100 § 1), which are assigned to 466. Xerxes died in ‘465

12

108

τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν, ἔμελλε δὲ κρίνεσθαι μηδισμοῦ.

AOHNAIQN

COL. 11, 1. 4—5.

βουλόμενος δὲ

καταλυθῆναι τὴν βουλὴν Θεμιστοκλῆς πρὸς μὲν τὸν ᾿Εφιάλτην

and, according to Thuc. i 137 3, The- mistocles on his arrival at the Persian court found Artaxerxes νεωστὶ βασιλεύ- ovra. Besides Thucydides, Charon of Lampsacus, one of the λογογράφοι prior to Herodotus, is quoted by Plutarch, Them. 27 § 1, as making Themistocles reach the court after the death of Xerxes (cf. Wilamowitz, i151), The authorities there quoted, as making him arrive before the king’s death, are Ephorus, Deinon, Cleitarchus and Heracleides; but the account of Thuc. is accepted as ‘agreeing better with the dates, although these again have not been firmly settled beyond dispute.’

If the narrative in the text is accepted, Themistocles was at Athens in 462, a- waiting his trial on the charge of Medism. This must be the first accusation, prior to his ostracism, and on this charge (ac-

_ cording to Diod. xi 54) he was acquitted

(Grote, c. 44, iv 36, 37). The second accusation, which is the only one men- tioned by Thuc. (i 135 1), and Plut. (Them. 23), was not brought forward until after his banishment. We should then be compelled to place his ostracism not earlier than 461, and his flight to Persia about 460, when Artaxerxes had been on the throne for about five years. To reconcile this with νεωστὶ in Thuc., Mr Kenyon suggests that ‘the fifth year of a king who ruled for forty might well be spoken of as in the beginning of his reign.’ But the incident connected with the siege of Naxos makes it impossible to make the narrative in the text agree with the account in Thuc. Mr Kenyon pro- poses two alternatives: either (1), the story of the flight of Them. should be connected with some operations about 460 B.c. and not with the siege of Naxos; or (2), there were two inconsistent accounts of the latter years of Them., that adopted by Thuc. and that in the present text. We can hardly hesitate in choosing the second alternative, and in following the authority of Thucydides. Cf. Abbott, Hist. Gr. ii 386-8. The chronology of this period has been investigated anew by Bauer, who- im- plicitly accepts the statement in the text, and accordingly alters the date of the siege of Naxos. His dates as compared with those of Clinton are as follows:

Clinton Bauer

Siege of Naxos 466 460 (spring) battle of Eurymedon yy) yy (autumn) revolt of Thasos 465 459 (spring) third Messenian war 464 ,, (summer?) defeat at Drabescus 465 ,, (autumn) Thasos subdued by Cimon 463 457 ecPring) expedition to Egypt 460 456 (spring)

ostracism of Cimon tS 6x 455 (spring)

recall of Cimon e456 452 (winter) end of Egyptian war © 455 450 (spring) death of Cimon 449 448

These dates involve setting aside the text of Thuc. iv 102 in two points: in § 1 we are told that the defeat at Dra- bescus was 32 years after the failure of Aristagoras to establish himself on the Strymon, and (24. § 2) 28 years before the founding of Amphipolis (in 437 B.c. )s Schol. Aeschines ii 31. It is more in accordance with the narrative in Hdt. v 126 to place the failure of Aristagoras in B.C. 497 than in 491. Again, the alliance with Argos is placed late in 457,

‘whereas the ELumenides of Aeschylus, .

which contains a clear reference to this alliance (l. 290, 757—766), was performed in March, 458, more than a year earlier (Athenaeum, 1891, Pp. 317). See also Mr E. M. Walker in Class. Rev. vi 95—99. Mr J. A. R. Munro (2d. 333 f) shews that, for the life of Themistocles, there were two distinct systems of chronology, separated se an interval of ten years:

A B (x) Themistocles’ archonship 493 483

(2) His ostracism 471 461 (3) The flight from Argos 467 [457] (4) His death 459 449

It is remarkable that in Plutarch’s Life of Themistocles not a word is said as to his having taken any part in the attack on the Areopagus. In this connexion Plutarch mentions Ephialtes and Pericles alone (note on § 2, περιείλετο). We must infer either (1), that Plutarch had no first- hand acquaintance with this treatise; or (2), that he carelessly omitted to notice

this narrative; or (3), that he had no such ~

narrative in his copy. Against (1) we may set the fact that in

ο 3 Plutarch quotes Aristotle as his authority for a statement found in c. 23. § 1, and also for the murder of Ephialtes mentioned at the end of this very chapter. But this makes Plutarch’s silence on The- mistocles all the more singular. (Cf, Abbott, Hzst. Gr. ii 518.)

. Against (2) it may be remarked that the

. of the time.

CH. 25, |. 12—16.

TIOAITEIA

109

ἔλεγεν ὅτι συναρπάζειν αὐτὸν βουλὴ μέλλει, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ᾿Αρεο- παγίτας ὅτι δείξει τινὰς συνισταμένους ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς πολι- εἰ ae \ \ \ ς , A a e , ε τείας. ἀγαγὼν δὲ τοὺς αἱρεθέντας τῆς βουλῆς οὗ διέτριβεν

16 ἀφὰιρεθεντὰο: αἱρεθέντας edd. ; αἱρεθέντας ὑπὸ Richards; ἐφαιρεθέντας H-L,

coll. Thuc. iv 38; ἐξ- Poland.

ΚΟΥ: οὗ H-L.

story would have admirably illustrated the

duplicity of Themistocles, and as such

would naturally have been welcomed by the biographer. Mr Kenyon suggests that the omission ‘can hardly be explained except on the theory that in actually writing his lives he used the notes and extracts he had previously made without having the complete work before him’; but this puts the difficulty only one stage further back, and compels us to ask how Plutarch came to omit to make any note of this narrative. He accepts the state- ment in Thucydides that Themistocles reached the Persian court after the death of Xerxes as in better agreement with the dates. This implies that the biographer had paid some attention to the chronology It seems possible therefore that he rejected the narrative on the ground that it did not fit in with the date of the siege of Naxos, which Plutarch, following Thucydides, mentions, in connexion with the flight of Themistocles. But even sup- posing he deliberately rejected the narra- tive, it is strange that he says nothing about it. His treatment of his authorities is, however, by no means systematic and uniform. In his Lzfe of Themistocles, he quotes no less than 30 different authorities of very various degrees of importance. Even Thucydides does not command his undivided allegiance. With regard to the adventures of Themistocles in Asia, while respecting the chronology of Thucydides, Plutarch disdains to reproduce the his- torian’s account of those adventures, fol- lowing by preference the untrustworthy romance of Phanias of Eresos (Holden’s Introd. §§ 17, 22). Such a fact detracts considerably from his authority as a judi- cious critic of the materials which he had before him.

As to (3), Prof. Tyrrell inthe Quarterly Review, 1891, p. 344, infers from the silence of Plutarch that he ‘never read the work before us. But he had certainly read some other treatise ascribed to Aristotle on the Athenzan Constitution; therefore there must have been other editions of the Athenian Constitution cir- culating under the name of Aristotle.’ Yet both the passages, which Plutarch in

‘tial citizen.

his Zhemistocles quotes as from this trea- tise, are to be found in the edition which we possess. Prof. Tyrrell regards the description of this attack on the Areopagus as ‘very bald and feeble.’ Such a con- sideration might point to its not being by the same hand as the main bulk of the treatise; and suggest that, without our assuming that it was absent in Plutarch’s copy, it might on this ground alone be regarded as an interpolation. But the style of the narrative does not appear to me to differ materially from that of the context, and I should therefore prefer to attribute it to the same author as the rest of the treatise. But, while the narrative may be genuine, we can hardly regard it as authentic. The celebrated story of the proposal of Themistocles to burn the Hellenic fleet at Pagasae is described by Grote (v 27, note 2) as probably the in- vention of some Greek of the Platonic age’; and the present narrative has pro- bably no earlier origin. It was apparently unknown to Aristotle when he wrote Pol. ii 12, and it is rejected by Beloch, i 460 n. 1, and by Wilamowitz, i 140 ἔ, 68. : ἦν τῶν Apeoraytrav] He owed this position to the fact that he had been archon; see note on c. 22 § 7.

συναρπάζειν] The object of Themisto- cles perhaps was to inveigle the Areo- pagus into exposing itself to a charge of attempting to ‘pounce upon’ an influen- It was one of the things remembered against the Thirty that they ‘pounced on’ citizens in this way, Lys. 12 § 96 (Newman).

ἔπὶ καταλύσει τῆς πολιτείας) 8 § 4, Plato, Zeg. 864 Ὁ, ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς παρούσης πολιτείας.

τοὺς αἱρεθέντας] τοὺς ἀφαιρεθέντας, if retained, means not ‘the persons de- spatched by the Areopagus,’ but ‘mem- bers of the Council of the Areopagus selected and set apart for the purpose.’ Hist. An. 6, 22, 5766 23, wpa δ᾽ οὐκ ἀφαιρεῖται οὐδεμία ἀφωρισμένη (Class. Rev. v 164a). ἀφαιρεῖσθαι, however, is very rarely used in this sense.

‘In Lys. 13 § 23 the Codex Palatinus has οἱ διαιρεθέντες τῶν βουλευτῶν, where

"20

IIO AOHNAIQN COL. II, 1. 5—12.

> U ΄ r Σ “Ὁ

Ἐφιάλτης, ἵνα δείξῃ τοὺς ἀθροιζομένους, διελέγετο μετὰ σπουδῆς αὐτοῖς. ee \ / tA 4 \ \ \ : \ ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν. θαυμασάντων δὲ πάντων τὸ γεγονὸς Kal μετὰ ταῦτα συναθροισθείσης τῆς βουλῆς τῶν πεντακοσίων κατηγόρουν τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν τ᾽ ᾿Εφιάλτης καὶ (0) Θεμιστοκλῆς, καὶ πάλιν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ἕως περιείλοντο αὐτῶν τὴν δύναμιν. καὶ (ὁ μὲν Θεμιστοκλῆς ---- —), ἀνηρέθη δὲ καὶ ᾿Εφιάλτης δολο-

δ᾽ ᾿Εφιάλτης ὡς εἶδεν καταπλαγείς, καθίζει μονοχίτων 4

φονηθεὶς μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον δι’ ᾿Αριστοδίκου τοῦ Tavaypaiov.

\ a a al / 26. μὲν οὖν τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν βουλὴ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον

fol > / ἀπεστερήθη τῆς ἐπιμελείας.

21 --ὸ-- Θεμ. edd. H-L; παρεῖλον B4,

23 καὶ <0 μὲν Θεμιστοκλῆς --- >, ἀνῃρέθη δὲ κτλ. K-W.

\ a y peta δὲ ταῦτα συνέβαινεν ἀνίεσθαι

22 πέερειλοντζτο: περιείλοντο K, K-W, B!—3, Th; παρείλοντο

καὶ

om. Jos. Mayor, Blass, (Kontos, Η-1} ; lacunam indicat Th.

TESTIMONIA. XXV 23, 24 *Plut. Per. τὸ (infra exscriptum).

Reiske’s correction οἱ αἱρεθέντες has been generally accepted; Weidner, however, prove oi δέκα αἱρεθέντες ᾿ (Wyse).

οὗ διέτριβεν] usually understood as ‘the house of’ Ephialtes. In c. 16 we have ἐν τῷ ἄστει διατρίβωσιν. It need not im- ply anything so definite as a house’: it may refer to any public place, such as the precincts of atemple. Ephialtes, on receiving the hint that the Council was intending to arrest him, may well have taken the precaution of being not only in the company of his friends but also within reach of sanctuary in the neighbourhood of a βωμός.

§ 4. καθίζει---ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν] On altars as places of refuge, cf. Thuc. viii 84, 3 (Astyochus) καταφεύγει ἐπὶ βωμόν τινα, and Eur. 7072, 1257—1260, ποῖ φύγω δῆτ᾽; οὐ ποῖ δ᾽ ἂν ἄλλοσ᾽, ᾽πὶ βωμόν ; μονο- χίτων] wearing his tunic only,’ instead of the ἱμάτιον as well. Such a guise would be appropriate to his position as a sup- pliant. Theword is formed on theanalogy of μονόπεπλος ‘wearing but one robe,’ wearing the tunic only,’ Eur. Hec. 933= ἄπεπλος, ‘without the upper garment’; Pind. V.i 74. But, hitherto, it has not been found earlier than Polybius (fragm. xiv t1, 2). It was also quoted from Pythaenetus, af. Athen. 589 F, Μέλισσα ἀναμπέχονος καὶ μονοχίτων ἦν. τὸν βωμόν] The article is peculiar. If the ‘house’ of Eph. is meant, it implies ‘the family altar.’ Otherwise, some notable altar may be intended, such as the ‘altar of the twelve gods’ (so Milchhéfer in Curtius, Stadtgeschichte, p. cxxi) or that of Ζεὺς ἀγοραῖος. The latter was near the στοὰ βασίλειος where meetings of the

4

Areopagus were sometimes held (Dem. 25 § 23). Cf. Lys. 13 § 4 καθίζουσιν ἐπὶ Tov βωμὸν Μουνιχίασιν and § 54, ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ ἐκάθητο. '

τῶν πεντακοσίων] added to contrast the βουλὴ of the Five Hundred with that of the Areopagus mentioned in the context.

ἀνῃρέθη] Plut. Per. το ad fin. ᾿Εφιάλτην «ἐπιβουλεύσαντες οἱ ἐχθροὶ dv’ ᾿Αριστοδίκου τοῦ Ταναγρικοῦ (v.. -αἰου) κρυφαίως ἀνεῖλον, ὡς ᾿Αριστοτέλης εἴρηκεν. In the same chapter Plutarch quotes and rejects the account of Idomeneus, κατηγοροῦντι τοῦ Περικλέους, ws τὸν δημαγωγὸν ᾿Εφιάλτην φίλον γενόμενον καὶ κοινωνὸν ὄντα τῆς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως δολοφονήσαντος διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν καὶ φθόνον τῆς δόξης. Diod. xi 77,6, τῆς νυκτὸς ἀναιρεθεὶς ἄδηλον ἔσχε τὴν τοῦ βίου τελευτήν. [Plat.] Axzoch. 368 Ὁ, ποῦ δ᾽ ᾿Εφιάλτης (τέθνηκε); Antiph. 5 8 68, οὐδέπω νῦν εὕρηνται οἱ ἀποκτείναντες.

XXVI. Cimon.

§ 1. ἀνίεσθαι---πολιτείαν] The meta- phorical use of ἀνίεσθαι is common in Ar. ¢.g. Rhet. i 4, 1360 a 24, πολιτεῖαι καὶ ἀνιέμεναι καὶ ἐπιτεινόμεναι φθείρονται (with Cope’s note), Pol. v 1, 13016 τῇ; ἵνα ἐπιταθῶσιν ἀνεθῶσιν αἱ πολιτεῖαι, vi (iv) 3, 1290a@ 28, πολιτεῖαι ἀνειμέναι καὶ μαλακαί (opp. to συντονώτεραι), iv (vii) ‘4; 1326 a 28, πολιτεία ἀνειμένη πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος. The origin of the metaphor (from the strings of a musical instrument)

may be seen in Foi. v (viii) 7, 1342 6 22, ©

ἁρμονίαι ἀνειμέναι opp. to σύντονοι.

For the facts, cf. Plut. Cimon 15, ὡς 'δὲ πάλιν ἐπὶ στρατείαν ἐξέπλευσε, τελέως ἀνεθέντες οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ συγχέοντες τὸν καθεστῶτα τῆς πολιτείας κόσμον τά τε πά- τρια νόμιμα, οἷς ἐχρῶντοπρότερον,᾽ ΕἸφιάλτουν

“ay

jew tk ii) aor ; ΡΥ ὙΓΡῸΣ ΡΨ

δὲ Won { eee een es

nin 1 3, PR TTT OPO RA 91 ssh ole aA) Bi ll ds bene μι

μὲς

CH. 25,1. 17—CH: 26, 1.8. TIOAITEIA III

μᾶλλον τὴν ποχιτείαν Sia τοὺς προθύμως δημαγωγοῦντας. κατὰ

; t \ yap τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους συνέπεσε μηδ᾽ ἡγεμόνα ἔχειν TOUS ETTLEL- ᾿

3 " : > na , : κεστέρους, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῶν προεστάναι Κίμωνα τὸν Μιλτιάδου, +vewrte- \ \ \ , res / \ \ ρον ὄντα καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν oe προσελθόντα, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ᾿ , 7 ἐφθάρθαι τοὺς πολλοὺς κατὰ πόλεμον" τῆς γὰρ στρατείας γυγνο- μένης ἐν τοῖς τότε χῤόνοις ἐκ καταλόγου καὶ στρατηγῶν ἐφίστα-

XXVI 4 Post ἡγεμόνα adiectivum (velut ἔμπειρον vel πολιτικὸν) desiderat Richards, . σπουδαῖον Gennadios; an ἡγεμόνα ἔχειν ἱκανὸν sed cf. Kaibel 183. 5 νεώτερον :

σι

νωθρότερον᾽ Kontos, K-w; idem mavult Herwerden qui ἀνούστερον coniecerat ; ‘fort. ᾿

νωθρὸν᾽ B; νωθέστερον vel ἐνεώτερον Weil ( Journal des Savants, Avril, 1891); aliquid eiusmodi desiderabat Wyse; quondam ἀβέλτερον conieci; στρατιωτικώτερον (coll. Polyb. 23, 10, 4 στρατιωτικώτερος πολιτικώτερος) vel πολεμικώτερον Richards, cf. Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. c. τό § 22 ἦν γὰρ 6 μὲν (Περικλῆς) πρὸς πολιτείαν, δὲ (Κίμων)

'πρὸς πόλεμον εὐφυέστερος.

6 πολιτείαν Kontos.

7 TIN (K-W).

προεστῶτος ἀφείλοντο τῆς €& ’Apelov πάγου βουλῆς τὰς κρίσεις πλὴν ὀλίγων ἁπάσας, Kal τῶν δικαστηρίων κυρίους ἑαυτοὺς ποιή- σαντες εἰς ἄκρατον δημοκρατίαν ἐνέβαλον τὴν πόλιν, ἤδη καὶ Ilepixdéovs δυναμένου “καὶ τὰ τῶν πολλῶν φρονοῦντος. The time ‘to which Plutarch refers is later than Cimon’s subjugation of Thasos (463 Clin- ton; 457 Bauer). He is following those who place the beginning of the influence of Pericles at an earlier date than that assumed in the present treatise. ᾿ς rois—Sypaywyotvras}] Poi. 14, δημαγωγοὺς ἔλαβε φαύλους. ᾿ς ψΨεώτερον] possibly means ‘rather young’ to be the leader of a great political party. But, as Cimon had fought at Salamis 18 ‘years before (Plut. Czm. 5), he could hardly have been less than 36 in 8.6. 462; and was probably more than 40, if -we place his birth in 504 (the date given on p. 39 of Ekker’s ed. of Plut. Cz). His birth should probably be placed earlier, as he was στρατηγὸς (and there- fore over 30) at Eion in 476 (Thuc. i 98). Again, Pericles, who was probably born in B.C. 493, is described as a young man (νέος wy, 27 1), when he made his repu- tation by accusing Cimon, presumably _after the expedition to Thasos, 463. How then can Cimon, who was obviously older -than Pericles, and who had won the battle of Eurymedon three years before, be de- scribed as ‘rather young’ shortly after B.C. 462? νεώτερον has therefore been generally regarded as corrupt, and various emenda- tions have been suggested, expressive -of -Cimon’s inadequacy for the position of a political leader. The fact that his intel- lectual development was somewhat tardy is implied in the story preserved by Aristides, 1i 203 Dind., according to which his guardians did not allow him to manage

1274

his own property until some time after he had come of age (μέχρι πόρρω τῆς HAtKlas), while in Plut. Czm. 4 he is said to have resembled his father in εὐήθεια. (Cf. Wyse in Class. Rev. v 274 ὁ.) The com- bination of νεώτερον and ὀψὲ προσελθόντα is in itself open to suspicion.

νωθρότερον (which has been suggested) is found in Ameipsias, frag. 16, Pollux ix 138; cf. the description of Chares in Theopompus, frag. 288, νωθροῦ τ᾽ ὄντος καὶ Bpadéos. See also Schol. to Aristides in iii 515, 8—r1o and 517, 28—3o0 Dind., and Ar. Rhet. ii 15 wlt., ἐξίσταται τὰ στάσιμα (γένη) εἰς ἀβελτερίαν καὶ νωθρότητα, οἷον οἱ ἀπὸ Κίμωνος κτλ. ᾿

νεώτερον is, however, retained by Bauer (p. tot), who suggests that, under the influence of the Areopagus, the leaders of the political parties. had generally been elderly men. Mr E. M. Walker (CZass. Rev. vi 98) holds that the epithet is consistent with c. 25 which implies that Themistocles was at Athens in 462: ‘it is only when we recognise that the author ...put the battle of Eurymedon some eight years too late, and that the interval be- tween Tanagra and the five years’ truce found no place in his historical retrospect, that we can understand how he came to apply to Cimon in the year 462 those much discussed words νεώτερον ὄντα καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὀψὲ προσελθόντα."

πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὀψὲ προσελθόντα] ‘having been rather late in entering on public life.’ c.27 1, πρὸς τὸ δημαγωγεῖν ἐλθόντος, Dem. Theocrin. 30, πρὸς τὴν πόλιν προσελθών, Isoc. Panath. 140, πρὸς Ta THs πόλεως προσιέναι. Similarly διοικεῖν τὴν πόλιν and τὰ τῆς πόλεως (Kaibel, 183).

ἐκ καταλόγου] ‘from the roll of hop- lites,’ as contrasted with the mercenary

Io

15

112

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL. 11, l. 12—19

> ,ὔ A n μένων ἀπείρων μὲν τοῦ πολεμεῖν τιμωμένων δὲ διὰ τὰς πατρικὰς

΄ι 4 -“ δόξας, ἀεὶ συνέβαινεν τῶν ἐξιόντων ἀνὰ δισχιλίους τρισχιλίους

3 / ef > - - ἀπόλλυσθαι, ὥστε ἀναλίσκεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ

a Bay \ 5 ͵ τῶν εὐπόρων. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα πάντα διῴκουν οὐχ ὁμοίως καὶ

lot , , n πρότερον τοῖς νόμοὶς προσέχοντες, THY δὲ τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων > / αἵρεσιν οὐκ ἐκίνουν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕκτῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὸν ᾿Εφιάλτου θάνατον

4 \ a vs ἔγνωσαν καὶ ἐκ ζευγιτῶν προκρίνεσθαι τοὺς κληρωσομένους τῶν ἘΞ ΤΑΙ 4 ᾿ , ν κα > > A / e On ἐννέα ἀρχόντων, καὶ πρῶτος ἦρξεν ἐξ avT@v Μνησιθείδης. οἱ δὲ

10 alel (K, K-w, Th). Blass (H-L): ἀλλ᾽ Bt etc.

12 οὐχ quondam delebat Wyse.

14 ἀλλ᾽ <q>

troops that came into vogue at a later date, and with the θῆτες, as being ἔξω καταλόγου and serving in the fleet. The Egyptian disaster must have affected the θῆτες more than the other classes (Wyse). For κατάλογος, cf. Xen. Mem. iii 4, 1, ἐκ καταλόγου στρατευόμενος, Arist. Hg. 1369, ὁπλίτης ἐντεθεὶς ἐν καταλόγῳ, Thuc. vi 26, 25 31, 3.

matpikas| here ‘ancestral.’ Seec. 28 § 5. Cf. [Xen.] Resp. Ath. i 3; Eupolis, fr. 117 Kock (Beloch, i 475).

τῶν ἐξιόντων] Pl. Rep. 374 A, ἐξελθόν, abs. ‘to take the field.’

ἀνὰ δισχιλίους---ἀπόλλυσθαι] Isocr. De Pace § 87 (of the losses sustained by Athens in her pursuit of supremacy at sea), τοὺς κατὰ χιλίους καὶ δισχιλίους ἀποθνήσκοντας τίς ἂν ἀριθμήσειεν; and § 88, Pol. viii (v) 3, 1303 @ 9, καὶ ἐν ᾿Αθήναις ἀτυχούντων πεζῇ οἱ γνώριμοι ἐλάττους ἐγένοντο διὰ τὸ ἐκ καταλόγου στρατεύεσθαι ὑπὸ τὸν Λακωνικὸν πόλεμον.

ἀπόλλυσθαι] Between 462 and 457 B.C. the Athenians were defeated by the Corinthians at Halieis (458; Thuc. i 105, 1), and by the Lacedaemonians at Tanagra (457; 26. 108, 1). The opera- tions in Egypt, which had been begun in 460, came to an unsuccessful conclusion in 455 (2d. 110, 1). On the other hand, they were victorious over the Pelopon- nesians on the sea at Kekryphaleia, and over the Aeginetans in a naval engage- ment in 458 (Thuc. i 105, 1—2). During the absence of the main body of the Athenian soldiers in Egypt and Aegina, Myronides defeated the Corinthians in the territory of Megara (458, i 105, 4). In 456 the Athenians defeated the Boeotians at Oenophyta, and in the same year Aegina yielded to Athens.

§ 2. οὐχ dpolws—mpocéxovtes] The main change was the reduction of the power of the Areopagus. But while, in this and other respects, Athens departed

from her previous constitutional arrange- ments, she retained the limitations under which the archons were appointed from among the first and second classes of citizens. It was not until 457 that the archonship was thrown open to members of the third class.

ἕκτῳ ere] It was in 462 B.C. that Ephialtes overthrew the Areopagus; and 457 is the date of the change in the archonship immediately before the ar- chonship of Mnesitheides. The latter event is 5 years (or in the sixth year) after the former. The change in the archonship is here described as happen- ing in the sixth year ‘after the death of Ephialtes.’ It follows (as observed by Mr Kenyon) that Ephialtes was put to death in the year in which he overthrew the Areopagus.

ἐκ ζευγιτῶν] Originally the office of archon was open to members of the first class only (cf. c. 7 §3 and Plut. “4722. 1). In course of time it became open to the second class, possibly after the Persian wars, when, according to Plut. Arist. 22, the archonship was made accessible to ‘all the Athenians,’ on the motion of Aristides, who (after the battle at Plataea) γράφει Ψήφισμα κοινὴν εἷναι τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων πάντων αἱρεῖσθαι (this implies e/ection, but appoint- ment by /of is really meant). Lastly, in 457 we here have the office open to the third class. It was never /ega//y open to the fourth class (c. 7 ad jfin.). Cf. Abbott, “27:52. Gr. ii 385-6. The state- ment in the text ought to have been made earlier, inc. 7 3.

tmpokpiver Oar] 8 § τ; 22§ 5. 1

κληρωσομένους τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων] sc. ἀρχήν. Lysias 6 4, ἐὰν ἔλθῃ κληρωσό-

μενος τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων καὶ λάχῃ βασι- fe

Aeds, and 26. 24 13, τί we κωλύει κληροῦ- σθαι τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων ;

Μνησιθείδης) B.c. 4576.

CH. 26, 1. 9—CH. 27,1. 2.

TIOAITEIA

113

/ 3 ς

πρὸ τούτου πάντες ἐξ ἱππέων καὶ πεντακοσιομεδίμνων ἦσαν, οἱ / 3 al lal >]

(δὲ) ζευγῖται. τὰς ἐγκυκλίους ἦρχον, εἰ μή TL παρεωρᾶτο τῶν ἐν

3 τοῖς νόμοις.

Ψ \ / \ n } a. bd ͵ ἔτει δὲ πέμπτῳ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπὶ Λυσικράτους ἄρχον-

e , Ν τος οἱ τριάκοντα δικασταὶ κατέστησαν πάλιν οἱ καλούμενοι κατὰ

4 δήμους" καὶ τρίτῳ μετὰ τοῦτον ἐπὶ ᾿Αντιδότου διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Ὁ“ nr / A πολιτῶν, Περικλέους εἰπόντος, ἔγνωσαν μὴ μετέχειν τῆς πόλεως ὃς

rN «22 a > an νῷ , av μὴ ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ἀστοῖν γεγονώς.

27. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τὸ δημαγωγεῖν ἐλθόντος ἹΠερικλέους, καὶ πρῶτον εὐδοκιμήσαντος ὅτε κατηγόρησε τὰς εὐθύνας Κίμωνος

18 δὲ add. Kk (edd.). ὑπὸ τῶν δημοτῶν Papageorgios. τοῦτον post corr. (K-W, K?).

post παρεωρᾶτο deletum ὑπὸ τῶν δήμων retinent H-L, Th; 21 METAYTON ante corr. (K!, H-L, B, Th); μετὰ 23 HN: corr. K.

XXVII 2 trpwtoy: πρὸ τοῦ Jackson, van Leeuwen; πρῶτον F T Richards,

Campbell, Blass (edd.).

᾿ τὰς ἐγκυκλίους] sc. ἀρχάς, ‘the ordinary (2.6. inferior) offices.’ Pol. i 7, 1255 25, τὰ ἐγκύκλια διακονήματα, ii 5, 1263 a 21, Tas διακονίας τὰς ἐγκυκλίους, 11 9, 1269 35, χρησίμου δ᾽ οὔσης τῆς θρασύτητος πρὸς οὐδὲν τῶν ἐγκυκλίων ἀλλ᾽ εἴπερ, πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. The term had already been similarly used by Isocr. 3 § 22, ἐν τοῖς ἐγκυκλίοις καὶ τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἑκάστην γιγ- νομένοις, and de Pace, 87. Inf. c. 43, 1. 1. εἰ μή τι tapewparo] ‘assuming the laws were strictly observed’; in other words, the members of the third class were, strictly speaking, eligible for the ordinary offices alone; but occasionally by an oversight they were elected to the office of archon. Similarly, in later times even members of the fourth class became archons, although not legally qualified. § 3. ἐπὶ Λυσικράτους] B.C. 453/2. οἱ τριάκοντα] τό 5. 84. ἐπὶ ᾿Αντιδότου] B.c. 451|ο.

διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολιτῶν] Fol. iii 5, 1278 4 32, εὐποροῦντες ὄχλου. The reason is regarded as erroneous by Busolt, iii (1) 338 n.

Περικλέους εἰπόντος--- γεγονώς] Pol. iii 5, 1278 a 34, τέλος δὲ μόνον τοὺς ἐξ ἀμ- φοῖν ἀστῶν πολίτας ποιοῦσιν. Plut. Peri- cles 37, ἀκμάζων Περικλῆς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ πρὸ πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων καὶ παῖδας ἔχων «««γνησίους, νόμον ἔγραψε μόνους ᾿Αθηναίους εἶναι τοὺς ἐκ δυεῖν ᾿Αθηναίων γεγονότας. Aelian Var. Hist. vi 10, xiii 24, frag. 68, - Cf. Isaeus 8 § 19; 12 § 9; Aeschin. 1

§ 39. Philippi, Burgerrecht, p. 69 seq. The text places this event early in the ublic career of Pericles: Plutarch places it later. It had been argued that no such law could have been proposed by Pericles ᾿ (see Buermann, Fahrd. f. cl. Phil. Suppl. Bd ix 624-, 1878; Gilbert, Gr. St.i179';

Se A.

Schenkl, Wiener Studien, iit71 ; Duncker, Bericht d. Berl. Akad. 1883, p. 9353 Busolt in Miiller’s Handbuch tv 1, 141"). According to these, the ‘law of Pericles’ was really a revision of the list of citizens in 445/4 (Athenaeum, 1891, 435). See also Westermann’s Introduction to Dem. Eubulides.

The text shews that the law was really proposed by Pericles (Busolt, /.c. Iv 1, 2037), and Gr. Gesch. ili (1) 337 f.

XXVIII. Fericles.

§ 1. κατηγόρησε-- Κίμωνος νέος ὦν] Plutarch, Czm. 14 (probably on the authority of Theopompus), states that, on Cimon’s return from the reduction of Thasos, he was put on his trial on the ground that he had been bribed not to follow up his success by an invasion of Macedonia: δίκην ἔφυγε (ἔφευγε cf. Plut. Per. 10, ὅτε---δίκην ἔφευγε) τῶν ἐχθρῶν συστάντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. (Cimon’s mother was the daughter οὗ a Thracian prince.) He also quotes from Cimon’s contemporary, Stesimbrotus, the story of Cimon’s sister Elpinice appealing to Pericles (οὗτος yap ἦν τῶν κατηγόρων σφοδρότατος) in favour of her brother. The result was that Pericles ἔν γε τῇ δίκῃ πρᾳότατον γενέσθαι τῷ Κίμωνι καὶ πρὸς τὴν κατηγορίαν ἅπαξ ἀναστῆναι μόνον, ὥσπεῤ ἀφοσιούμενον. In Plut. Pericles 10, he is described as εἷς τῶν κατηγόρων.. ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου προβεβλημένος, and as having done less than the rest of the prosecutors to damage the cause of Cimon. Cimon’s expedition to Thasos has generally been placed in B.C. 465-3. The date sug- gested by Bauer for the revolt of Thasos is 459, and for its reduction (τρίτῳ ἔτει, Thuc. i ror) 457.

. εὐθύνας] 59 2, στρατηγοῖς εὐθύνας.

8

114 AOHNAIQN COL, 11, l. 19g—25.

στρατηγοῦντος νέος ὦν, δημοτικωτέραν ἔτι συνέβη γενέσθαι τὴν a aA 4 πολιτείαν" καὶ yap τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν ἔνια παρείλετο, Kal μάλιστα \ 3... \ \ ΄ > Φ ΄ 5 προύτρεψεν τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ναυτικὴν δύναμιν, ἐξ ἧς συνέβη i \ \ “4 \ / A θαρρήσαντας τοὺς πολλοὺς ἅπασαν τὴν πολιτείαν μᾶλλον ἄγειν 5 ς ΄ \ δὲ \ > s λ a / ae val Γ εἰς αὑτούς. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχίαν ἑνὸς Set(v) πεντη- 2) el »” 3. κ , cA ς \ / κοστῷ ἔτει ἐπὶ Πυθοδώρου ἄρχοντος πρὸς Πελοποννησίους ἐνέστη πόλεμος, ἐν κατακλεισθεὶς δῆμος ἐν τῷ ἄστει καὶ συν- \ 3 o / a \ \ tN \ \ » 10 εθισθεὶς ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις μισθοφορεῖν, τὰ μὲν ἑκὼν τὰ δὲ ἄκων a \ lal προῃρεῖτο τὴν πολιτείαν διοικεῖν αὐτός. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ μισθοφόρα 3 4 TrapelAeTO (Κ, H-L, B, Th): περιείλετο K-W, cf. 25 vv. 8,22. δ προύτρεψε H-L.

oO 6 TTACAN: πᾶσαν B!, ἅπασαν B2-4, ceteri.

7 Ael (H-L, B, K-w’, Th, K4): δεῖν Joh.

Mayor, K-w!?, K3; cf. το § 6. 9 ENECTH: συνέστη H-L: confert K c. 5 vv. 11, 223; 17 V. 15; 41 Vv. 2, quibus omnibus in locis H-L συνέστη malunt. -KAICOEIC : «κλεισθεὶς K, cf. 19, 32; -κλῃσθεὶς K-W, H-L, B, Th. 10 CTpaTIdaIC: στρατιαῖς B?4,

᾿ τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν ἔνια παρείλετο] Plutarch, Pericles 9, describes Pericles as attacking the Areopagus after he had instituted pay for the law courts at the instance of Damonides.’ He also states that it was by the aid of Ephialtes that he deprived the Areopagus of the greatest part of its jurisdiction. In the text, which Plutarch professes to follow, by quoting Aristotle as his authority for *‘Damonides,’ the present attack on the Areopagus is placed defore the account of the payment of the law courts; and wie altes is no longer alive (c. 25 § 4). Wilamowitz, i 68 n. 40. παραιρεῖσθαι, in mid. -, is used of ‘dzs- Sranchising persons’ in Pol, ΠῚ 5, 1278 Bg, εὐποροῦντες δὴ ὄχλου κατὰ μικρὸν παρ- αἱροῦνται τοὺς ἐκ δούλου πρῶτον δούλης, 14, 1285 τό, τῶν ὄχλων παραιρουμένων (of the withdrawal of royal privileges on the part of the people), viii (v) 10, 1311 4 6, γυναῖκα παρελέσθαι, to seduce. In Hdt. ii 10g π. ri τινος is used*in the general sense of ‘taking away from,’ ‘stealing away from.’ In Ὁ. 15 §§ 3, 4: and twice in 37 2, it is applied to ὅπλα. περιαιρεῖσθαι is similarly used of ‘strip- ping off’ and taking away,’ ¢.g. Dem. p. 246, 23, ἁπάντων... ἐλευθερίαν περιείλετο, Pol. vii (vi) 2, 1318 1, (τὰ τοιαῦτα δημο- τικά)...ἐὰν δέ τις καταλειφθῇ ἐξ ἀρχαίας μεταβολῆς, τότε περιαιρεῖσθαι τὴν δύ- ναμιν αὐτῆς καὶ ἐξ αἱρετῶν κληρωτοὺς ποιεῖν. Both words are equally defensible and the MS reading may therefore be re- tained. We have περιαιρεῖσθαι τὰ ἐπίθετα in 25 2, and τὴν δύναμιν in 25 4; we also have περιαιρεῖσθαι στέφανον in c. 57

ναυτικὴν δύναμιν] Pol. vii (vi) 7, 1321

@ 14, δὲ ψιλὴ δύναμις καὶ ναυτικὴ δημοτικὴ πάμπαν. vill (v) 4, 1304 @ 22 (immediately after mention of the in- ~ fluence of the Areopagus), καὶ πάλιν ναυτικὸς ὄχλος γενόμενος αἴτιος τῆς περὲ Σαλαμῖνα νίκης καὶ διὰ ταύτης (ταύτην - cont. Susemihl) τῆς ἡγεμονίας διὰ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν δύναμιν τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἰσχυρο- τέραν ἐποίησεν. ‘The inhabitants of the " Peiraeus, consisting mainly of the ναυτικὸς ὄχλος, were distinctively democratical.

θαρρήσαντας] c. 22 and 24 1.

§ 2. ϑεῖν] c. 19 end.

ἐπὶ ΤΤυθοδώρου] B.C. 432/1, 48 years | after 480/79. Thuc. ii 2, τ fixes the date _ of the beginning of the war as the Spring ~ of 431, Πυθοδώρου ἔτι δύο μῆνας ἄρχοντος.

ἐνέστη] συνέστη has been proposed, οα΄ the ground that ἐνέστη refers to a bellum _ instans, and συνέστη to a bellum ortum. Thuc. i 15 § 2, κατὰ γῆν δὲ πόλεμος... ad οὐδεὶς Evvéoryn. It is true that in Tsocr. |

82 B τὸν πόλεμον τὸν ἐνστάντα.. τῇ πόλει refers to an imminent war, but it 15. equally true that in Dem. 255, 10 (cf. 274, | 6) the beginning of a war is expressed by δ᾽ τότε ἐνστὰς πόλεμος. Cf. Aeschin. 7.58, ἔτι τοῦ πολέμου.. «ἐνεστηκότος. The latter phrase is contrasted, in the Rhet, ad Alex, 3, 1425 36, with γίγνεσθαι μέλλων. Ar. Rhet. i 9, 1366 23, κατὰ τὸν ἐν- εστῶτα καιρόν. Φυσικὴ ᾿Ακρόασις, iv 13, 222 14, χρόνος ἐγγὺς τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος, viv. See also Kaibel, 62. :

κατακλεισθεὶς- ἄστει] Thuc, ii 13 § 2,_ (Pericles) παρήνει τὴν πόλιν εἰσελθόντας. φυλάσσειν, 1. 14—17.

8:4. ἐποίησε- -μισθοφόρα τὰ δικασ- τήρια] Pol. 11 12, τὰ δὲ δικαστήρια μισθο- φόρα κατέστησε Περικλῆς. Plut. Per. ge Aristides, ii 192 Dind. Boeckh, II xv;_

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 115

CH. 27, 1. 3—1. 16. τὰ δικαστήρια Περικλῆς πρῶτος, ἀντιδημαγωγῶν πρὸς τὴν Κίμω- vos εὐπορίαν. γὰρ Κίμων, ἅτε τυραννικὴν ἔχων οὐσίαν, πρῶτον μὲν τὰς κοινὰς λῃτουργίας ἐλῃτούργει λαμπρῶς, ἔπειτα τῶν δημο- τῶν ἔτρεφε πολλούς" ἐξῆν γὰρ τῷ βουλομένῳ Λακιαδῶν Kal? δ... \ ς / / 5 > imal 4 \ / ΝΜ Ν ἑκάστην τὴν ἡμέραν ἐλθόντι παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔχειν τὰ μέτρια, ἔτι δὲ τὰ

15 τογοπόλλογο, deleto Toyc, quod retinet 84,

TESTIMONIA, scriptum.

12—21 *Plut. Cim. το, Per. g (Ar. Frag. 3657, 403°), infra ex-

14—18 Heraclidis epitoma (Rose, Ar. Frag. 611, 5%): τοὺς ἰδίους ἀγροὺς ὀπωρίζειν παρεῖχε τοῖς βουλομένοις, ἐξ ὧν πολλοὺς ἐδείπνιζε.

Grote, c. 46, iv 103 ; Gilbert, Gr. .52. 13852. Plutarch, 2227. 9, places the payment of the jurors defore the attack on the Areopagus.

τυραννικὴν---οὐσίαν] Cimon, son of Miltiades, was (on the side of his mother, Hegesipyle) grandson of the Thracian king Olorus (Plut. Czm. 4). The fine of 50 talents inflicted on Miltiades was paid by Cimon.

λῃτουργίας ἐλῃτούργει] λητουργεῖν and λητουργὸς are quoted as Attic forms by ancient grammarians (Ammonius 89; Moeris 202; Bekker’s «θεά. 277, oi παλαιοὶ ᾿Αττικοὶ διὰ τοῦ ἔλεγον AnToup- γεῖν) ; and the forms in λῃ- are found in inscriptions of the fourth century. In 386 B.c. we have [λ]ηιτουργιῶν, CIA ii add. 554 4 14; in the time of Demo- sthenes and Aristotle, τὰς ἄϊλλας An- [roupy]ias καλῶς ληιτου[ργ]εῖ..., 26. 557, 51 in 340—332, ληιτού[ργ]ησαν, 26. 172, 4. Meisterhans, Grammatik αἰ. Attischen Inschriften, ed. 1900, Ρ. 37, note 198 (Introd. to Dem. Lez. p. iii).

τῶν δημοτῶν ἔτρεφε πολλούς κτλ.] Plut. Cim. το, τῶν τε γὰρ ἀγρῶν τοὺς φραγμοὺς ἀφεῖλεν, ἵνα καὶ τοῖς ξένοις καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν Τοῖς δεομένοις ἀδεῶς ὑπάρχῃ λαμβάνειν τῆς ὀπώρας, καὶ δεῖπνον οἴκοι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ λιτὸν μέν, ἀρκοῦν δὲ πολλοῖς, ἐποιεῖτο καθ᾽ ἡμέ- ρᾶν, ἐφ᾽ τῶν πενήτων βουλόμενος εἰσήει καὶ διατροφὴν εἶχεν ἀπράγμονα, μόνοις τοῖς δημοσίοις σχολάζων. ὡς δ᾽ ΓΑριστοτέλης φησίν, οὐχ ἁπάντων ᾿Αθη- ᾿ valwy, ἀλλὰ τῶν δημοτῶν αὐτοῦ Λακια- δῶν παρεσκευάζετο βουλομένῳ τὸ δεῖπνον. ᾿ς ~Pericl. 9, ἐν ἀρχῇ.. «πρὸς τὴν Κίμωνος δόξαν ἀντιταττόμενος ὑπεποιεῖτο τὸν δῆμον ἐλατ- Τούμενος δὲ πλούτῳ καὶ χρήμασιν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἀνελάμβανε τοὺς πένητας δεῖπνόν Te καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τῷ δεομένῳ παρέχων ᾿Αθη- Ψαίων καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἀμφιεννύων, Τῶν τε χωρίων τοὺς φραγμοὺς ἀφαιρῶν, ὅπως ὀπωρίζωσιν οἱ βουλόμενοι, τούτοις Περικλῆς καταδημαγωγούμενος τρέπεται

πρὸς τὴν τῶν δημοσίων διανομήν. The story of Cimon’s generosity appears in an exaggerated form in Theopompus, Pizlip- pica x (FHG ii 293, af. Athen. 533 A), Κίμων ᾿Αθηναῖος ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς καὶ τοῖς κήποις οὐδένα τοῦ καρποῦ καθίστα φύλακα, ὅπως οἱ βουλόμενοι τῶν πολιτῶν εἰσιόντες ὀπωρίζωνται καὶ λαμβάνωσιν εἴ τινος δέ- οιντο τῶν ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις. ἔπειτα τὴν οἰκίαν παρεῖχε κοινὴν ἅπασι" καὶ δεῖπνον ἀεὶ εὐτελὲς παρασκευάζεσθαι πολλοῖς ἀν- θρώποις, καὶ τοὺς ἀπόρους προσιόντας τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων εἰσιόντας δειπνεῖν. This exag- gerated account is recorded by Plutarch to be corrected on the authority of the present passage. Aristotle’s pupil, Theo- phrastus, was no less careful in adhering to the truth, Cic. de Of ii 64, ‘Theo- phrastus scribit Cimonem Athenis etiam in suos curiales Laciadas hospitalem fuisse: ita enim instituisse et vilicis im- peravisse, ut omnia praeberentur, qui- cumque Laciades in villam suam dever- tisset.? The excerpts ascribed to Hera- cleides tell the same story of Ephialtes: "Ed. τοὺς ἰδίους ἀγροὺς ὀπωρίζειν παρεῖχε τοῖς βουλομένοις, ἐξ ὧν πολλοὺς ἐδείπνιζε. The text is apparently the authority fol- lowed by the Schol. on Aristides, ili 517 1. 30 Dind., τοὺς yap φραγμοὺς ὑπανεῴγνυ τοῖς βουλομένοις ὀπωρίζεσθαι τῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἀριστοῦσιν αἱρεῖσθαι (?), and 2b. p. 4461. 18. Cf. Nepos, Crmon 4 8.1

The various forms which the story of the generosity of Cimon assumed have been examined in A/nemosyne, ix 58; see also Sauppe’s dusg. Schr. 491, and Wila- mowitz, 11 300.

«Λακιαδών] The δημόται of Cimon, Plut. Czm. 4. The deme itself was also called Λακιάδαι.

τὰ μέτρια] ‘moderate provision,’ Xen.

- Lac. 1 3, σῖτος μετριώτατος, Mem. ii 6, 22,

τὰ μ. κεκτῆσθαι, Cyr. V 2, 17, μετριότης τῶν σίτων. Supra τό 3.

3...

116

AOHNAIQN

COL..11, 1. 25—30..

χωρία πάντα ἄφρακτα ἦν, ὅπως ἐξῇ TO βουλομένῳ τῆς ὀπώρας

ἀπολαύειν.

Ν \ Vd \ / > / e πρὸς δὴ ταύτην THY χορηγίαν ἐπιλευπόμενος Περι- 4

n a / ,ὔ > ᾽ὔ an κλῆς TH οὐσίᾳ, συμβουλεύσαντος αὐτῷ Δαμωνίδου τοῦ Οἴηθεν (ὃς 7 n > \ 3 a a ᾿ ἈΝ 7 20 ἐδόκει τῶν πολλῶν εἰσηγητὴς εἶναι τῷ Περικλεῖ" διὸ καὶ ὠστράκι- ae > \ a 207 ς / lal a σαν αὐτὸν ὕστερον), ἐπεὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις ἡττῶτο, διδόναι τοῖς πολλοῖς

11 €ZHN (K!): ἐξῇ (K-W, H-L, κϑ, Β, Th). (H-L); cf. 20§ 2, 34 § 33; ‘an ὑπολειπόμενος Τ᾽ 51. Wyse (Class. Rev. v 227), cf. Wilamowitz, Hermes xiv 320, Kaibel 183. H-L, Κϑ (Meisterhans, 58°); Οἴηθεν K-w, B, Κ΄.

TTOAEMWN (K}), πολιτικῶν Wyse (H-L).

18 ETTIAEITT: ἀπολειπόμενος Richards 19 <Aduwvos> ΔαμωνίδουΟαθεν Οἰῆθεν 20 TTOAAWN (K-W, κ, Β, Th):

22 AIKACTAIC (Κ, K-W): δικαστηρίοις

Blass, Richards (H-L, Th), e c. 23, 1 exortum: propter X€IPW in versu proximo

positum. ἀφ᾽ οὗ Richards (H-L).

19 *Plut. 2». 9 (Ar. Frag. 3657, 403°), infra exscriptum.

ὅπως ἐξῇ] This implies that Cimon caused his fences to be pulled down zz order to allow his fellow demesmen to enter his orchards. This constr. is sup- ported by ὅπως ὀπωρίζωνταιϊῃ Theopompus and ὅπως ὀπωρίζωσιν in Plut. Per. 9. ὅπως ἐξῆν would be quite out of place here (Goodwin, Moods and Tenses, § 333°).

§ 4. ἐπιλειπόμενος] ἐπιλείπεσθαι in pass. c. gen., ‘to fall short of,’ is found in [Plat.] Apimomis 978 A. ἐπιλείπειν is far more frequently used in act. in the sense of ‘to fail.’ In Ar. we have 71}. iv 3, TI2I @ 34, 17, ταχὺ ἐπιλείψει αὐτοὺς τὰ ὑπάρχοντα, and there are several exx. of its intransitive use. ἀπολειπόμενος does not appear to be supported by the usage of Aristotle, as shewn in the /zdex Aris- totelicus. More probable than either is ὑπολειπόμενος. Cf. Pol. iv (vii) τό, 13346 39, δεῖ οὔτε λίαν ὑπολείπεσθαι ταῖς ἡλικίαις τὰ τέκνα τῶν πατέρων οὔτε λίαν πάρεγγυς εἶναι, and i 5, 1254 6 35, εἰ τοσοῦτον γένοιντο διάφοροι τὸ σῶμα ὅσον al τῶν θεῶν εἰκόνες, τοὺς ὑπολειπομένους (Ὧ7:- .),γ20γε5) πάντες φαῖεν ἂν ἀξίους εἶναι τούτοις δουλεύειν.

Δαμωνίδου] Damonides is mentioned in Plut. Per. 9, τρέπεται πρὸς τὴν τῶν δημοσίων διανομὴν συμβουλεύσαντος αὐτῷ Δαμωνίδου τοῦ Οἴηθεν (“Oabev Sintenis, collato Steph. Byz. s. v. “Oa, Δάμων Δαμωνίδου" Oaéer. vulg.), ὡς ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἱστόρηκε. Damon, ib. 4, δὲ Δάμων.. .7T@ Περικλεῖ συνῆν καθάπερ ἀθλητῇ τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀλείπτης καὶ ἔδιδάσκαλος.. «ἀλλ᾽ as μεγαλόφρων καὶ φιλοτύραννος ἐξωστρακίσθη, ib. 14,5 Nic. 6, and Avist. τ. Plat. Alc. i118 C, Each. 180 Ὁ, Rep. 400 B-C, 424 C. Duncker, G. @. A., ix c. 8; Holm, ii 345,17; Busolt, iii (1) 247 f, ed. 1897.

Δάμων and Δαμωνίδης appear to be two forms of name: belonging to one person

(cf. Duncker, Gesch.des Alt, ix p.12, n. 1).:

Δημωνίδου τοῦ ὌὍαθεν -

As other exx. of double names we have © Φιλιππίδης and Φίλιππος, Κλεανδρίδης and. Κλέανδρος, Φρασικλείδης and Φρασικλῆς, Εὐβουλίδης and Εὔβουλος, Τευταμίδης and Τεύταμος, Σιμιχίδης and Σίέμιχος, Μαιαν- δρίδης and Μαίανδρος, Θεσπιάδης and Θέσπιος (Hemsterhuys on Lucian, 7imon, Ρ τ 57). Καλλιπίδης and Κάλλιππος, ᾿Αγνωνίδης and ἽΛγνων, ᾿Εξηκεστίδης and ξήκεστος, Εϊὐφρονίδης and Εὐφρόνιος,Ἠ Μεγακλείδης and Μεγακλῆς, Μνησαρχίδης͵ and Μνήσαρχος, Ξανθιππίδης and Ξάν- θιππος (Ο. Crusius in ΔΛ Fahrd., τ8ρ1, pp. 385—394, ‘Die Anwendung von ~ Volinamen und Kurznamen bei derselben ~ Person’). Cf. Wilamowitz, Hermes, xiv 318, and cf. Kaibel, 183 f. Plutarch, © Per. 4 init., tells us that certain persons _ said that the first syllable of Δάμων was _ pronounced short. =

Mr Kenyon suggests that Plutarch con- fused two persons, the musician Damon, | son of Damonides of "Oa, and the politician Damonides of Oty, and transferred to the former some of the attributes of the latter. The demonymic of the former would be ραθεν; of the latter, Οἰῆθεν. This has - also been suggested by Gomperz, Dewtsche Rundschau, May 1891, p. 232, and is pro- bably the ‘best solution of the discre- - pancy. Cf. Sauppe, Ausg. Schr. 4920. Damon and Damonides are, however, regarded as identical by Wilamowitz, i 134 f, and Busolt, iii (1) 247 f. a

εἰσηγητὴς] apparently not found in Ar. Thuc. viii 48, τοὺς καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς--- ποριστὰς ὄντας καὶ εἰσηγητὰς τῶν κακῶν᾽ τῷ δήμῳ. Pol.ii 8, 1268 30, εἰσηγεῖσθ γεγόνει propose) νόμων λύσιν, and vi (iv) I, 1289 @ I, τοιαύτην εἰσηγεῖσθαι rae, and several times in [Ar.] Rhet. ad Alex. Thuc. iv 7; ἐσηγουμένου (riwéds), ‘on hist, proposal.’

διδόναι τοῖς πολλοῖς τὰ αὑτῶν] 2 offer the people what was their own

CH, 27,1, 17—CH. 28,1.2. .TOAITEIA 117

\ e / \ a a > e.2 > na ᾿ δ τὰ αὑτῶν, κατεσκεύασε μισθοφορὰν τοῖς δικασταῖς" ἀφ᾽ ὧν αἰτιῶν-

ταί τινες χείρους γενέσθαι, κληρουμένων ἐπιμελῶς ἀεὶ μᾶλλον τῶν τυχόντων τῶν ἐπιεικῶν ἀνθρώπων. ἤρξατο δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τὸ δεκάζειν, πρώτου καταδείξαντος ᾿Ανύτου μετὰ τὴν ἐν Πύλῳ στρατηγίαν. κρινόμενος γὰρ ὑπό τινων διὰ τὸ ἀποβαλεῖν Πύλον, δεκάσας τὸ δικαστήριον ἀπέφυγεν.

28.

; / 3 κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν ἦν, τελευτήσαντος δὲ Περικλέους πολὺ χείρω.

ἕως μὲν οὖν Περικλῆς προειστήκει τοῦ δήμου βελτίω τὰ

23 χειρὼ (Κ, H-L, Th), Kronert, δάξζιοί. 1xi 182: χείρους Newman, Hude, K-w; "τὰ πράγματα τὰ κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν, vel τὴν πόλιν, excidisse putant Jos. Mayor et Rutherford ; τὰ κατὰ τὰ δικαστήρια desiderat Bury. 25 ᾿Ανύτου : AYTOY corr. K.

Test. 25 *Harp. dexagwr:...’Ap. δ᾽ ἐν AO. πολ. ΓΑνυτόν φησι καταδεῖξαι τὸ δεκάζειν τὰ δικαστήρια. Bekk. An. p. 211, 31 ἼΑνυτος : οὗτος πρῶτος δικαστήριον < δεκάζειν > κατέδειξεν. Schol. Aeschin. i 87 ἐδέκα ζεν οὖν διέφθειρεν ἀργυρίῳ τοὺς δικαστάς" ἤρξατο δὲ τοῦ τοιούτου πρῶτος Ανυτος. Bekk. An. p. 236, 6 (= LZtym. M. p. 254, 31) πρῶτος δ᾽ ἐδόκει δεκάσαι Μέλης (leg. “Avuros) Tas εὐθύνας διδοὺς τῆς ἐν Πύλῳ στρατηγίας ἣν κακῶς ἐστρατήγησεν. Cf. Rose, 3713, 4098.

—an easy piece of liberality. In epi- Diodorus xiii 64. Plut. (ογέοαγιές 14,

grammatic point this phrase is somewhat of an exception to the ordinary style of the treatise and reminds one of Aristotle’s manner; but the epigram is ascribed to Damon and the writer does not necessarily claim it as his own. ‘The dry way in which the sarcastic counsel of Damonides of Oea, the Ahithophel of his time, is repeated is not unlike Aristotle’ (W. L. Newman, Class. Rev. v 159 6). Cf. Andoc. de red. 17, ὅσοι τῶν πολιτῶν... ἀργύριον ὑμῖν ἐκπορίζουσιν, ἄλλο τι τὰ ὑμέτερα ὑμῖν διδόασιν ; (Kaibel, 184).

χείρους γενέσθαι] The writer is possibly referring to Plato’s Gorgias 515 E, ταυτὶ yap ἔγωγε ἀκούω (from the Laconizers), Περικλέα πεποιηκέναι ᾿Αθηναίους ἀργοὺς καὶ δειλοὺς καὶ λάλους καὶ φιλαργύρους, εἰς μισθοφορίαν πρῶτον καταστήσαντα. Aristotle often refers to Plato in the Politics as τινες, e.g. in iv (vii) 7, 5, 1327 538 (Newman, 24. 5. 160 4).

8 5. δεκάζειν] Lys. 29 12, dedexac- μένοι, Isoc. 8 50, θανάτου τῆς ζημίας ἐπικειμένης, ἐάν τις ἁλῷ δεκάζων, Aeschin. I 87, μαρτυρεῖν τὸν μὲν ὡς ἐδέκαζε τὸν δὲ ὡς ἐδεκάζετο. Cf. note on Dem. 46 § 26, ἐάν τις.. συνδεκάζῃ τὴν ἡλιαίαν in Select Private Orations, ii 146, ed. 1910. Plut. Pericl. 9 § 3, συνδεκάσας τὸ πλῆθος.

*Avitov] In 409 B.C. Pylos, which had remained an Athenian post since 425, was retaken by the Lacedaemonians. The Athenians had sent to its relief 30 triremes under Anytus, who however came back without even reaching the place. On his

return he was put on his trial for having betrayed the trust confided to him.

᾿Αθήνησι δὲ λέγεται πρῶτος ἀργύριον δοῦναι δικασταῖς Ανυτος ᾿Ανθεμίωνος προδοσίας περὶ Πύλου κρινόμενος (Grote c. 63, ν 465). He is mentioned in c. 34 § 3 as one of the leaders of the moderate section of the oligarchical party. He was afterwards notorious as one of the prosecutors of Socrates (Azyti reus). Though Anytus is spared by Plato and Xenophon, this tradition to his discredit survived in the Socratic School. It should have been noticed that it was not until half a century had elapsed, that the assigning of pay to the jury was followed by the first case of bribery,—long after the death of Pericles. Wilamowitz i 128 f.

XXVIII. Zhe successors of Pericles.

§1. Περικλῆς προειστήκει τοῦ δήμου] From about B.c. 450 (ο: 28 § 1) till his death in the summer of 429. The writer’s praise of the policy of Pericles is so briefly expressed, that it hardly arrests our atten- tion. The text implies that the excellence of that policy was not absolute, but re- lative :---,᾽, ελτίω; as contrasted with that of his successors, which was xelpw. The merits of Pericles are here recognised with far less generosity than in the pages of Thucydides. In the text, Pericles is the last leader of the popular party who, owing to his high birth, was acceptable even to his opponents: the decadence begins with his successor, Cleon, who had no such advantages.

πρῶτον--οὐκ εὐδοκιμοῦντα] Fol. 1274 @ 13—15, δῆμος,. «δημαγωγοὺς ἔλαβε φαύλους ἀντιπολιτευομένων τῶν ἐπιεικῶν.

οἱ ἐπιεικεῖς. δημαγωγοῦντες]. Schol.

118 AOHNAIQN COL. 11, 1. 30—38.

πρῶτον yap τότε προστάτην ἔλαβεν δῆμος οὐκ εὐδοκιμοῦντα. παρὰ τοῖς ἐπιεικέσιν" ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρότερον χρόνοις ἀεὶ διετέλουν οἱ 5 ἐπιεικεῖς δημαγωγοῦντες. ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν γὰρ καὶ πρῶτος ἐγένετο 2 προστάτης τοῦ δήμου Σόλων, δεύτερος δὲ Πεισίστρατος, τῶν εὐγενῶν καὶ γνωρίμων: καταλυθείσης δὲ τῆς τυραννίδος Κλεισθένης, τοῦ γένους ὧν τῶν ᾿Αλκμεωνιδῶν, καὶ τούτῳ μὲν οὐδεὶς ἦν ἀντι- στασιώτης, ὡς ἐξέπεσον οἱ περὶ τὸν ᾿Ισαγόραν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ 10 μὲν δήμου προειστήκει Ἐάνθιππος, τῶν δὲ γνωρίμων Μιλτιάδης, ἔπειτα Θεμιστοκλῆς καὶ ᾿Αριστείδης: μετὰ δὲ τούτους ᾿Εφιάλτης μὲν τοῦ δήμου, Κίμων δ᾽ Μιλτιάδου τῶν εὐπόρων" εἶτα Ἰ]ερικλῆς μὲν τοῦ δήμου, Θουκυδίδης δὲ τῶν ἑτέρων, κηδεστὴς ὧν Κίμωνος. Περικλέους δὲ τελευτήσαντος τῶν μὲν ἐπιφανῶν προειστήκει 3 15 Νικίας ἐν Σικελίᾳ τελευτήσας, τοῦ δὲ δήμου Κλέων Κλεαι- νέτου, ὃς δοκεῖ μάλιστα διαφθεῖραι τὸν δῆμον ταῖς ὁρμαῖς, καὶ XXVIII 8 εὐδοκιμοῦντα τὰ K!; τὰ del. Wyseetc. 6—T7 τῶν εὐγενῶν καὶ γνωρίμων |

560]. K-w, Kaibel 184; τῶν εὐγενῶν -- ὧν :-- κτλ. Richards (H-L, B); <évtes> Gomperz. : 13 ἑτέρων : εὐπόρων Papabasileios. 16 OpMAIC, ἑκάστοτε χαριζόμενος vel aliquid

TESTIMONIA. XXVIII 15—18 *Schol. in Luciani Timonem 30 (i Pp. 100 ed. Bipontinae, P47 Jacobitz): δὲ Κλέων δημαγωγὸς ἣν ᾿Αθηναίων προστὰς αὐτῶν ἑπτὰ ἔτη, ὃς πρῶτος. δημηγορῶν ἀνέκραγεν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος καὶ ἐλοιδορήσατο... ἐπέστη δὲ καὶ τῇ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους εἰρήνῃ, ὡς Φιλόχορος καὶ ᾿Αριστοφάνης (’Apicro- τέλης Hemsterhuis quem sequitur Rose, Frag. 3687, 406%), προσθεὶς ἄρχοντα Εὐὔθυνον ᾿Αριστοτέλης δὲ καὶ περιζωσάμενον αὐτὸν λέγει δημηγορῆσαι, εἰς τὴν θρασύτητα αὐτοῦ ἀποσκώπτων. Schol. Aeschin. i 25... λέγεται δὲ Κλέων δημαγωγὸς παραβὰς τὸ ἐξ ἔθους σχῆμα περιζωσάμενος δημηγορῆσαι. Plut. Vc. 8 (ὁ Κλέων) τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος κόσμον ἀνελὼν καὶ πρῶτος ἐν τῷ δημηγορεῖν ἀνακρα γὼν καὶ περισπάσαἩ τὸ ἱμάτιον καὶ τὸν μηρὸν πατάξας καὶ δρόμῳ μετὰ τοῦ λέγειν ἅμα χρησάμενος τὴν ὀλίγν ὕστερον ἅπαντα τὰ πράγματα συγχέασαν εὐχέρειαν καὶ ὀλιγωρίαν τοῦ πρέποντος ἐνεποίησε τοῖς πολιτευομένοις.

16 Heraclidis epitoma, 611, 6, Κλέων παραβαλὼν διέφθειρε τὸ πολίτευμα.

Arist. Pax 681, πρότερον δημαγωγούντων τῶν πάνυ λαμπρῶν πολιτῶν.

§ 2. προστάτης τοῦ δήμου] a purely unofficial title, applied to the leader of the popular party. Cf. 2 § 2, and see Whibley’ 5 Political Parties, p. 51.

TOV εὐγενῶν καὶ γνωρίμων] We must either insert ὧν after εὐγενῶν, or under- stand the words to refer to Solon and Peisistratus, or remove them from the text. In any case Peisistratus, who is described as δημοτικώτατος in 13 4 and 14 § 1, is to be regarded as a προστάτης τοῦ δήμου and not as a προστάτης τῶν εὐγενῶν καὶ γνωρίμων. Below, τῶν γνω- ρίμων is contrasted with τοῦ δήμου. τῶν εὐγενῶν is never used to designate a political party in Athens. See also Kaibel, 184 f.

avrirracwrys| Hdt. i 92, iv 164, v 69. Not found in Ar.

Θεμιστοκλῆς καὶ ᾿Αριστείδης1 joint leaders of the popular party, c. 23 3.

Θουκυδίδης |son of Melesias, of Alopeke, mentioned below 5) with Nicias and Theramenes. He was ostracised in 444 B.C., and it has been considered worthy of note that the writer says nothing of this fact (Rhein. Mus. xlvi 455), but to mention it here would only impede the natural course of the narrative.

τῶν ἑτέρων] ‘the opposite party,’ used here, and below, to avoid the too frequent repetition of τῶν γνωρίμων, τῶν εὐπόρων, ΟΥ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν.

8. 8δό § 1

Κλέων] Gilbert, Bectrage, pp. 127— 146, Busolt, iii (2) 988---οοϑ (and the literature there quoted).

ταῖς oppais] hardly ‘his wild under- takings’ (Kenyon), or even ‘hisincitations’

Νικίας---τελευτήσας] Thuc. vii Ξ

CH. 28, 1, 3-- 20. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 110

Lal 9 \ a / > / \ / \ πρῶτος ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος avéxpaye καὶ ἐλοιδορήσατο Kal περιζω- σάμενος ἐδημηγόρησε, τῶν ἄλλων ἐν κόσμῳ λεγόντων. εἶτα μετὰ 4 a \ er: 2 Θ 3 ΓΑ aA δὲ / K τούτους τῶν μὲν ἑτέρων Θηραμένης Ayvwvos, τοῦ δὲ δήμου Kreo- φῶν λυροποιός, ὃς καὶ τὴν διωβελίαν ἐπόρισε πρῶτος" καὶ

eiusmodi desiderat Jos. Mayor. Scribendum fortasse διανομαῖς, coll. Plut. Arist. 24 (de demagogis post Periclem) τὸν δῆμον eis διανομὰς προαγαγόντες, Per. 9 μισθῶν dtavouds, Aeschin. 7. 2. 76 Κλεοφὼν διεφθαρκὼς νομῇ χρημάτων τὸν δῆμον, Eth. 11306 31 ἐν ταῖς διανομαῖς τιμῆς χρημάτων, 1131 30 ἀπὸ χρημάτων κοινῶν ἐὰν γίγνηται διανομή, 1131 a 25; νομαῖς Th, coll. Aeschin. ἦς. 20 AIWBOAIAN.

TEST. 20—23 Locum de pecunia theorica ad iudicum mercedem male transtulerunt interpretes antiqui. *Schol. Arist. Vesp. 684 τοὺς τρεῖς ὀβολούς: τὸν φόρον λέγει, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἐδίδοτο τὸ τριώβολον. τοῦτο δὲ ἄλλοτε ἄλλως ἐδίδοτο, τῶν δημαγωγῶν τὰ πλήθη κολακευόντων, ὡς φησιν ᾽Αρ. ἐν πολιτείαις (adde Schol. Κ52. 300, ἣν μὲν γὰρ ἄστατον τὸ τοῦ μισθοῦ: ποτὲ yap διωβόλου ἦν, ἐγίνετο δὲ ἐπὶ Κλέωνος τριώβολον, Vesp. 88 ἐδίδοτο χρόνον μέν τινα δύο ὀβολοί, ὕστερον δὲ Κλέων στρατηγήσας τριώβολον ἐποίησεν ἀκμάζοντος τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους). Cf. Rose, 4217, 4613. Ceterum Kenyon noster arbitratur schol. ad Arist. Vesf. 684 referre partim ad c. 62 § 1 (τὰ δικαστήρια τρεῖς ὀβολούς), partim fortasse ad locum tractatus nostri e fine deperdi-

tum ubi de iudiciis agitur.

(Poste), though the latter rendering may be preferred. Better ses emportements (Reinach), ‘his impulsive ways.’ Plut. i 1012, πρᾳότερος καὶ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς φύσει μαλακώτερος, Them. 2, ἐν ταῖς πρώταις τῆς νεότητος ὁρμαῖς. The pl. is found in Ar. Eth. i 13, 11026 21, ἐπὶ τἀναντία ai ὁρμαὶ τῶν ἀκρατῶν, Magn. Mor. i 35, 1197 39, ἀρεταὶ φύσει οἷον ὁρμαί τινες ἐν ἑκάστῳ. In contrast to Cleon, we read of Pericles (Plut. Per. 20) οὐ cuve- χώρει ταῖς ὁρμαῖς τῶν πολιτῶν. But the use of the word in the text is curious, and it is perhaps better to propose διανομαῖς which would obviously refer to Cleon’s raising the μισθὸς δικαστικὸς to three obols in 425/4 (Arist. Vesp. 88, Gilbert, i 3857), a fact not mentioned in the text.

ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος dvéxpaye] Plut. Vic. 8, τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος κόσμον ἀνελὼν καὶ πρῶτος ἐν τῷ δημηγορεῖν ἀνακραγὼν καὶ περισπάσας τὸ ἱμάτιον καὶ τὸν μηρὸν

πατάξας καὶ δρόμῳ μετὰ τοῦ λέγειν aua’

χρησόμενος. Neither βῆμα nor ἀνακράζω is found in the Jzdex Ar.

The Pnyx was first identified by Chandler in 1765 (Zvavels in Greece, ii _ 84, ed. 1825) as ‘a large semicircular area

or terrace, supported by stones of vast size cut into squares, nearly opposite the rock of the Areopagus,’ from the centre of which it is distant about a quarter of a mile to the S.W. The excava- tions directed by Lord Aberdeen in 1822 disclosed a projecting cubic block, hewn out of the rock, and approached on each side by steps. This was identified

as the βῆμα of the Athenian orators. It has, however, been maintained by Ulrichs (1842), Welcker (1852), E. Curtius (1862, 1868), that this block is an altar, and the semicircular area a τέμενος of Ζεὺς ὕψιστος. The site of the βῆμα is placed by Curtius on the slopes of the Museum’ hill, due S.of the Areopagus. See his Att. Studien, i 23—, and Stadtgeschichte, pp. 30 and 61. See also Prof. Crow and Mr Clarke in Papers of Amer. School, iv 205—277, and Judeich, Zofographie von Athen, 348 f.

ἀνέκραγε] Arist. Vesp. 596, Κλέων κεκραξιδάμας, Lg. 137, Κυκλοβόρου φωνὴν ἔχων.

περιζωσάμενος] ‘with his cloak girt up short about him’ (Kenyon), with his robes fastened or tucked up, as if he were en- gaged in some manual labour’ (Poste, n). Cf. Plut. Mic. 9, περισπάσας τὸ ἱμάτιον (with Holden’s n), and contrast Mor. ii 800 (of Pericles), τὴν χεῖρα συνέχειν ἐντὸς ἮΝ περιβολῆς.

vys] 2722.. § 5. jy λυροποιός] He is so styled

by Andoc. de Myst. 146; Aesch. 2. 2. § 76; and the Scholiast on Aristoph. Thesm. 805, Ran. 681 (as restored by Taylor). Cf. Suidas, s.v. φιλοτιμότεραι Κλεοφῶντος. Aelian, Var. Hist. xii 43, says that his father’s name was unknown (Mayor: similarly, Wilamowitz, i 130 ἢ. 14). Cf. Lysias 13 88 8, 9, 12; 19 § 48; 30 §§ r1—13; and Ζῶ 34 § 1. For further details see Holden’s Onomasti- con to Aristophanes.

τὴν διωβελίαν] Pol. ii 7, 1267 1,

120

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

COL. 11, 1. 38—42.

/ / fal E 21 χρόνον μέν τινα διεδίδοτο, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα κατέλυσε Καλλικράτης Παιανιεὺς πρῶτος ὑποσχόμενος ἐπιθήσειν πρὸς δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν

ἄλλον ὀβολόν.

21 λιελιλου (B, Th): διεδίδοτο Wyse, Rutherford, K-w, H-L (Κ8). 22 πρῶτον van Leeuwen.

edd. : κατηύξησε Whibley. δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν ἄλλον ὀβολόν ? Bt appendix.

4 \ 9S > / / f τούτων μὲν οὖν ἀμφοτέρων θάνατον κατέγνωσαν

KATEAYCE ὑποσχόμενος ἐπὶ τοῖν

TEsT. 21 *Zenob. vi 29 (Athous iii 151 apud K-w laudatus) ὑπὲρ τὰ Καλλικράτους infra exscriptus = *Photius et Suidas, s.v.; fere eadem habet Pseudo-Plut. Proverbia, 111. Cf. Boeckh 11 xv p, 299 Frankel; Meineke, Com. Gr. Iv p. 700. Macarius iv 68... ἐπὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ὑπερβολήν τι ποιούντων, ἐπὶ τῶν τοὺς πρωτεύοντας ἔν τισιν ὑπεραι-

ρόντων.

πονηρία τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἄπληστον, καὶ τὸ πρῶτον μὲν ἱκανὸν διωβολία μόνον, ὅταν δ᾽ ἤδη τοῦτ᾽ πάτριον, ἀεὶ δέονται τοῦ πλείονος, ἕως εἰς ἄπειρον ἔλθωσιν. This must refer to the ¢heoricon, the fund for paying the price of admission to the theatre at the rate of 2 obols for each of the ordinary seats (Dem. de Cor. p. 234, 24, ἐν τοῖν δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν). The payment of the ¢heoricon out of the treasury of the State is attributed to Pericles in Plutarch, Pericl. 9, ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου φασὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ κληρουχίας καὶ θεωρικὰ καὶ μισθῶν διανομὰς προαχθῆναι, and Ulpian on Dem. O/. i ἐγ. τὰ χρήματα ταῦτα τὰ δημόσια θεωρικὰ ἐποίησεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς Περικλῆς, ... βουλόμενος ἀρέσαι τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τοῖς πένησιν. Cf. Gilbert, i 3832, and Busolt in Miiller’s Handbuch, 171.

It cannot refer to the μισθὸς δικαστικός, for it was long before the time of Cleophon that Cleon (about 428 8.6.) raised the. dicast’s fee to three obols: Schol. on Ar. Plut. 330; Vesp. 80, 300; Eg. 51, 255 (425 B.C.); Vesp. 607, 682, 688, 797, 1116 (423 B.C.); Aves 1540(415B.C.). Boeckh, II xv p. 326 Lamb. Probably it was originally one obol and nevertwo. Again, it cannot be the μισθὸς ἐκκλησιαστικός as this was introduced by Agyrrhius at the rate of one obol, increased by Heracleides to two obols, and again by Agyrrhius to three (c. 41 end).

καὶ χρόνον μέν---τῶν μὴ καλῶς ἐχόν- των (1. 25)] a digression from the general subject of the chapter (Kaibel, 19).

διεδίδοτο] ‘(the fee) continued to be paid.’ κατέλυσε] either (1) ‘over- threw him,’ ‘ousted him’ (K.), ‘outbid him’ (Reinach); or (2) ‘abolished it’ (Kaibel and Kiessling, Poland and Haus- soullier). (2) is probably right; but we should have expected some notice of the subsequent restoration of the ¢heoricon. This omission may, however, be only accidental. Philochorus, ap. Harp. s.v. θεωρικόν, says that it was restored by Agyr- rhius; but this is doubtful. Agyrrhius

was certainly concerned with the μισθὸς ἐκκλησιαστικός (c. 42 end).

Καλλικράτης] In Zenobius vi 29, and elsewhere (Boeckh, 11 xv p. 327 Lamb), we read of a proverbial phrase ὑπὲρ τὰ Καλλικράτους applied to excessive wealth by the inhabitants of Carystus in Euboea. This explanation of the proverb is quoted from Clearchus. Then follows an inac- curate reminiscence of the present passage in the following form: ᾿Αριστοτέλης δέ φησιν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείᾳ Καλλικρά- τὴν τινὰ πρῶτον τῶν δικαστῶν -.τοὺς μισθοὺς εἰς ὑπερβολὴν αὐξῆσαι, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν παρ- οιμίαν εἰρῆσθαι. Possibly the last clause, ὅθεν---εἰρῆσθαι, has got displaced and should be placed at the end of the previous sentence, immediately after the mention of the proverb. The first part of the explanation will then run as follows: φησὶ Κλέαρχος ὅτι Καλλικράτης τις ἐγένετο ἐν ἹΚαρύστῳ πλουσιώτατος" εἴ ποτε οὖν ἐθαύμαζόν τινα οἱ ρύστιοι ἐπὶ πλούτῳ, ὑπερβολικῶς ἔλεγον, ὑπὲρ τὰ ΚΚαλλικράτους" ὅθεν καὶ τὴν παροιμίαν εἰρῆσθαι. In any case it is not absolutely necessary to suppose that the proverb was ever quoted in this treatise. Zenobius misunderstood the passage as referring to the pay of the dicasts, which had been increased to 3 obols in 425/4 B.Cc., whereas Cleophon, and a fortiort Callicrates, belong to a much later date.

ὑποσχόμενος-- ἄλλον ὀβολόν] If the grant of the fee of two obols a head out of the theoric fund was sufficient to enable all the poorer citizens to attend the theatre, it is not easy to see what object there was in increasing it. But the ¢heoricon was not confined to the Dzonysza, it was also paid at the Panathenaea and at all the great festivals (Boeckh, 11 xiii p. 305 ‘Lamb). Harpocr. s.v. θεωρικὰ χρήματα" «ἄλλοτε μέντοι ἄλλως ὡρίσθη τὸ διδόμενον εἴς τε τὰς θέας καὶ εἰς τὰς θυσίας καὶ ἑορτάς, ws ἔστι δῆλον ἐκ τοῦ a’ Φιλιππικῶν Δημοσθένους (z.e. Οἷ, i). '

-

.

ΤΠ ΚΣ per iy BLU: ὙΠ ΠΡ Pe

Ψ.

ΣΝ

Pa et Ne TER th meet

RR AE AUT ATS TT OE LT ae PDR PE, Saco wat mr AAO ΡῚ

CH. 28, |. 21—31.

TIOAITEIA

121

Ν a ὕστερον" εἴωθεν yap, κἂν ἐξαπατηθῇ τὸ πλῆθος, ὕστερον μισεῖν

a aA \ a b] / 4 τούς τι προαγαγόντας ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς τῶν μὴ καλῶς ἐχόντων.

> \ ajvro

δὲ Κλεοφώντος ἤδη διεδέχοντο συνεχῶς τὴν δημαγωγίαν οἱ μάλιστα βουλόμενοι θρασύνεσθαι καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς πολλοῖς,

δ᾽ πρὸς τὰ παραυτίκα βλέποντες.

δοκοῦσι δὲ βέλτιστοι γεγονέναι

an , \ τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι πολιτευσαμένων peta τοὺς ἀρχαίους Νικίας καὶ

Θουκυδίδης καὶ Θηραμένης.

καὶ περὶ μὲν Νικίου καὶ Θουκυδίδου

͵ Ν ς fa) 7 > / \ πάντες σχεδὸν ὁμολογοῦσιν ἄνδρας γεγονέναι οὐ μόνον καλοὺς

24 εἴωθε H-L. KAN: ἐὰν H-L.

28 τὰ K, K-wW; τὸ Kontos, Gennadios (H-L, -B, Th) ‘lectio non omnino certa; sed videtur a esse,’ K‘.

Ae ex λέοι correctum.

29 SOHNHICI, in titulis semel tantum apparet anno 302 A.C. (Meisterhans, p. 146°). 28—30 *Plut. Wic. 2 (infra exscriptum).

θάνατον] We know nothing of the death of Callicrates. That of Cleophon is well attested. In 404 B.c., not long before the establishment of the Thirty, he was condemned and put to death on the plea of having neglected his military duty; Lys. 13 § 12, πρόφασιν μὲν ὅτι οὐκ ἦλθεν εἰς τὰ ὅπλα ἀναπαυσόμενος, τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς ὅτι ἀντεῖπεν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν μὴ καθαιρεῖν τὰ τείχη. The Council, whose temper -and proceedings he had denounced, illegally constituted itself part of the ‘tribunal that tried him (24, 30 §§ ro—14). According to Xenophon, /e//. i 7 § 35, ‘Callixenus and others, who had prompted ‘the people to put to death the generals -who had neglected their duty at Argi- nusae, made their escape before they ‘could be put on their trial, στάσεώς τινος “γενομένης, ἐν Κλεοφῶν ἀπέθανεν (Grote, Ὁ: 65, ν 552).

μισεῖν] Ar. Rhet. ii 4. Similarly in Xen. Hell. i7 35 Callixenus, the pro- -poser of the motion against the generals -who fought at Arginusae, who is there included among those who τὸν δῆμον ᾿ ἐξηπάτησαν, returned on the restoration of ‘the democracy, and μισούμενος ὑπὸ 'πάντων λιμῷ ἀπέθανεν.

Mr W. L. Newman suspects a tacit reference to the death of Socrates, cf. Diod. xiv 37, and Diog. Laért. ii 43.

τούς ti—tovetv] τι would naturally ‘have followed ποιεῖν, and perhaps owes its present position to the desire to avoid hiatus (Kaibel, 14).

8.4: ἀπὸ δὲ Κλεοφῶντος κτλ. Isocr. Panath. 132 sq.

διεδέχοντο... τὴν δημαγωγίαν] Schol. ‘Arist. Pax 681, οὗτος (Ὑπέρβολος) μετὰ “τὴν τοῦ Κλέωνος δυναστείαν διεδέξατο τὴν δημαγωγίαν (Wyse).

οἱ μάλιστα βουλόμενοι θρασύνεσθαι]

‘who, above all, are ready to speak boldly.’ Cf. Wilamowitz, i 125 n. πρὸς τὰ παραυτίκα] The article is found in the simgular in ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα, as in ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα, where we may supply one of the cases of χρόνος. We also find és τὸ παραυτίκα, but this does not prevent the use of the plural in the present passage, which may be explained as referring to the several occasions of θρασύνεσθαι and χαρίζεσθαι (Kaibel, 185). παραυτίκα has hitherto been found only in spurious writings of Ar., esp. in the De Plantis and in the Rhet. ad Alexandrum

(Eucken, Sprachgebrauch des Ar., Prae-

positionen, Ὁ. 62, quoted in Class. Rev. v 160 a). It occurs (without the article) in Thuc. viii 48, 3 and iv 76, 5.

§ 5. δοκοῦσι--βέλτιστοι γεγονέναι τῶν...πολιτευσαμένων] This is some- what carelessly paraphrased in Plut. Nic. 2, ἔνεστιν οὖν περὶ Νικίου πρῶτον εἰπεῖν γέγραφεν ᾿Αριστοτέλης, ὅτι τρεῖς ἐγένοντο βέλτιστοι τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πατρικὴν ἔχοντες εὔνοιαν καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, Νικίας Νικη- ράτου καὶ Θουκυδίδης Μελησίου καὶ Θηραμένης 6“Ayvwvos. The text describes the three as reputed to be the best politicians: Plutarch describes them as actually being the best cztézems. The text describes Nicias and Thucydides as ruling the State in a paternal spirit; ‘Plutarch ascribes to them a hereditary affection for it. βέλτιστοι here has a political sense; cf. οἱ ἐπιεικεῖς in § 1, and καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς in 5; and see Holm, Gr. Gesch. ii 583.

Θουκυδίδης] Plut. Per. 11, (in opposition to Pericles, the aristocrats set up) Θουκυ- δίδην τὸν ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν, ἄνδρα σώφρονα καὶ cB: Κίμωνος. Cf. Wilamowitz, ‘i 126 n.

20

a

122

AOHNAIQN

COL. 11,1. 42—48.

> \ > \ \ \ \ A / / tal κἀγαθοὺς ἀλλὰ καὶ πολιτικοὺς καὶ TH πόλει πάσῃ πατρικῶς χρω-

4 \ δὲ Θ 4 ἈΝ \ “a > δ | μένους, περὶ 0€ Θηραμένους διὰ τὸ συμβῆναι κατ᾽ αὐτὸν Tapa-

χώδεις τὰς πολιτείας ἀμφισβήτησις τῆς κρίσεώς ἐστι.

δοκεῖ

7 a \ ¢ 35 μέντοι τοῖς μὴ παρέργως ἀποφαινομένοις, οὐχ ὥσπερ αὐτὸν δια-

, \ / βάλλουσι πάσας Tas πολιτείας καταλύειν, ἀλλὰ πάσας προάγειν

\ al t ἕως μηδὲν παρανομοῖεν, ὡς δυνάμενος πολιτεύεσθαι κατὰ πάσας,

7 a 4 a ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἀγαθοῦ πολίτου ἔργον, παρανομούσαις δὲ οὐ συγχωρῶν

ἀλλ᾽ ἀπεχθανόμενος.

. 5 4 \ 29. ἕως μὲν οὖν ἰσόρροπα Ta πράγματα κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον 3 / / > \ \ \ \ 3 / nv, διεφύλαττον τὴν δημοκρατίαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ

KAAWC 32 TTATPIKWC.

K-wl-?, 51, sed cf. Kaibel 189: τὰς πολιτείας <elvac> Richards (H-L). 35 M(EN)TOICMH: μέντοι τοῖς μὴ K! (H-L, B3); μέντοι μὴ K-W, Kaibel 186; <twes> διαβ. Kontos.

Th. δὲ τοῖς μὴ Β', Th; μὴν τοῖς μὴ Bi.

84 τὰς πολιτείας Β, K-W*, Κ2, Th; --εἶναι:- τὰς πολιτείας

‘an ἐδόκει

88 ἔργον ἀγαθοῦ

πολίτου hiatu vitato Β΄, qui ἔργον olim secludebat.

XXIX 1 πράγματα secl. H-L.

πατρικώς] ‘paternally’; not, ‘they acted |

in all their public life in a manner worthy of their ancestry’ (Kenyon), but ‘they ruled the state as a father rules his household’ (Poste). o/. viii (v) 11, 1315 α 21, (δεῖ) Tas κολάσεις πατρικῶς φαίνεσθαι ποιούμενον.

Similarly Aristides, ii 161 Dind. (quoted by Mr Wyse, Class. Rev. v 275, a), describes Pericles as, in certain respects, ἐν πατρὸς ὧν τάξει τῷ δήμῳ.

Cf. Pol. iii 14, 1285 a 19 (βασιλεῖαι) καὶ κατὰ νόμον καὶ πατρικαί. i 2, 1253 το and 12, 1259 38, (οἰκονομία) πατρική.

δοκεῖ μέντοι--ἀπεχθανόμενος] This eulogy of Theramenes is all the more welcome as the traditional opinion re- specting him is unfavourable. ‘It is certain that Theramenes, from the very beginning, desired to organise a polity, with democracy and oligarchy duly mixed ; his acquiescence in a temporary oligarchy was a mere matter of necessity ; and the nickname of Cothurnus—the loose buskin that fits either foot—given to him by the oligarchs was not deserved’ (Bury’s History of Greece, 1900, p. 496). He is one of those who have been suggested as the politician referred to in Pol. vi (iv) 11, 1296 α 38, εἷς yap ἀνὴρ συνεπείσθη μόνος τῶν πρότερον ἐφ᾽ ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων ταύτην ἀποδοῦναι τὴν τάξιν (sc. τὴν μέσην πολιτείαν). See Newman’s Politics, i p. 470. But it seems more probable that Solon is meant (cf. Susemihl? note 1303). Solon and Theramenes are

the only politicians specially eulogised in the present treatise.

μὴ παρέργως] Fol. (vii) 11, 13304 11, ἐπιμέλειάν τινος ἔχειν μὴ παρέργως. ἀπο- φαινομένοις] Pol. i ad fin. πρῶτον ἐπι- σκεψώμεθα περὶ τῶν ἀποφηναμένων περὶ τῆς ἀρίστης πολιτείας. vi (iv) 1, 1288 35, οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀποφαινομένων περὶ πολιτείας. (vii) 14, 13330 12, ἀπεφήναντο τὴν αὐτὴν δόξαν. Rhet. ii 21, 1395 ἢ» ῥᾳδίως ἀποφαίνονται.

διαβάλλουσι] Critias is one of those referred to, Xen. He//. ii 3, 30. Cf. Lys. 12 § 78 (Newman).

παρανομούσαις ov συγχωρῶν] See Meineke’s notes in Frag. Com. Gr. ii 867 and 1165, where he quotes Hesych. τῶν τριῶν Ev: Θηραμένης ἐψηφίσατο τρεῖς τιμωρίας κατὰ τῶν παράνομόν τι δρώντων. The text dwells on the kindly feeling of Theramenes towards the whole city : we may contrast with this Lys. 13 Io (Newman).

XXIX—XXXIII. The Revolution of the Four Hundred.

XXIX § 1. ἰσόρροπα] Compare Z¢h. Q, I, 1164 4, τιμή τε ἰσόρροπος οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο, De Part. Anim. iv 12, 605 @ 12, ἰσορρόπου ὄντος τοῦ βάρους. 6, μάχης γενομένης ἰσορρόπου.

μετὰ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ---συμφορὰν] Thuc. Vill 24, 5, μετὰ τὴν Σικελικὴν ξυμφοράν (26. vii 85---87), viii 106, 2, διὰ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ ξυμφοράν. Dem. Left. 42, Isocr. 16 § 15.

Thue. i 105,

ἐν

ΤΕ Bel dh tem aap) i) ὥ» "ἢ ab Lett. 162 Rn) Biwi 1 shed ee

ia

ΕΝ,

CH. 28, 1. 32—CH. 29,1.9. TIOAITEIA 123

γενομένην συμφορὰν ἰσχυρότερα τὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐγένετο διὰ τὴν πρὸς βασιλέα συμμαχίαν, ἠναγκάσθησαν κι[νήσα]ντες τὴν δημοκρατίαν καταστῆσαι τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τετρακοσίων πολιτείαν, εἰπόντος τὸν μὲν πρὸ τοῦ ψηφίσματος λόγον Μηλοβίου, τὴν δὲ

νώμην γράψαντος Πυθοδώρου το[ῦ ᾿Αναφλ)]υ[σ]τίου, μάλιστα δὲ ᾿ ἰσυμπεισθέντων τῶν πολλῶν διὰ τὸ νομίζειν βασιλέα μᾶλλον ἑαυτοῖς συμπολεμήσειν, ἐὰν δι’ ὀλίγων ποιήσωνται τὴν πολιτείαν. ||

3 λ(ια) φορὰν (ΚΙ, ‘discrimen’ B*): συμφορὰν Richards, K-w (e Schol. Ar. Zys. 421), H-L (K°, B18, Th). 1CxypoTata (K): ἰσχυρότερα Jos. Mayor, Blass, K-W, H-L,

κι, Th. 4 με[ταστήσα]ντες K ; με[ταβαλό]ντες Hultsch (H-L) ; κ[|νήσα]ντες K-W et B, qui in papyro recte legunt Ke..... NTEC (-Ξ κεινήσαντες) K4, Th. 6 προ : epi Wyse. 7 ᾿Αναφλυστίου 82, probante Wilcken (K-w®, Th, ‘cum vestigiis congruit’

K4) ; [[Ἐπι͵ζήλου K-wl? (B}, 51), coll. Ath. Mit. xiv 398; [Πολυζήλ]ου Poland coll. Diog. Laért. ix 8, 5 Πυθόδωρος Πολυζήλου, εἷς τῶν τετρακοσίων (H-L, K%). 8 μᾶλλον Jos. Mayor (K-w, K*, B, Th) quod confirmat Thuc. viii 48, 1; θᾶττον H-L; μέλλειν

σι

Marchant ; [ἄσμενο]ν ΚΙ. 9 αὑτοῖς Bt. TESTIMONIA.

XXIX 3 v. notam proximam.

βασιλέα] After the Persian wars βα- σιλεύς, without the article, is the ordinary designation of the king of Persia (e.g. Hdt. vii 174, Thue. viii 36). βασιλεὺς is found in this sense in Hdt. i 132, 137 (L and S).

συμμαχίαν] in allusion to the succes- sive treaties with Tissaphernes on behalf of Persia. For the first of these, see Thuc. viii 18: for the second, 2b. 37; for the third, 2b. 58 (Grote c. 62, v pp. 330, 346, 373). See also Andoc. 2 § 11—17.

τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τετρακοσίων πολιτείαν] Thuc. viii 54—97, esp. 67.

πρὸ] either ‘in favour of’ (Reinach), like ὑπὲρ; or, more probably, ‘previous to’ (Kenyon, Kaibel 186). Poste vaguely renders: ‘the orator who prepared the public mind for the change.’ The re- solution .was moved by Pythodorus ; ‘thereupon a speech was made by Me- lobius, immediately before the formal ee was put to the vote. Cf. Kaibel, 186.

ἹΜηλοβίου] almost certainly identical with the Melobius who was afterwards one of the Thirty and who joined in the attack on Lysias and his brother Pole- marchus, Lysias 12 §§ 12, 19.

Πυθοδώρου] Pythodorus is the name of the archon in whose year of office the Peloponnesian war began (Thuc. ii 2, 1). It is also the name of a στρατηγός (a son of Isolochus) in B.c. 426/5 etc., Thue. iii 115, I, 33 iv 2, 1, and 65, 3, who is described in Plat. Parm. 126—130 as entertaining Parmenides and Zeno (A/c. i 110 A): this Pythodorus had among his friends one Aristoteles τὸν τῶν τριάκοντα γενόμενον (Parm. 127 Ὁ): it was hence

inferred by Bergk (Comment. de rel. Com. ant., p. 100) that he was identical with the archon of B.c. 404-3. The name of Pythodorus was also borne by a re- presentative of Athens in the treaty of B.C. 421 (Thuc. v 19 and 24). A Πυθό- δωρος ᾿Αλαιεὺς was first ταμίας THs θεοῦ in B.C. 418/7 (CIA i157). The date of the Pythodorus of Thuc. vi 105 (B.C. 414/3) makes it likely that he was identical with the Pythodorus who is mentioned in the text. This Pythodorus, the archon of B.C. 404/3, is identified as the prosecutor of Protagoras, Πυθόδωρος ἸΤολυζήλος, εἷς τῶν τετρακοσίων (Diog. Laért. ix 8, 54). But the name of his father was not Πολύ- ζηλος but ’Emigmdos. In an inscription ascribed to the early part of the fourth century Πυθόδωρος ᾿Ἐπιζήλου ἐχορήγει (CIA ii 1250); and a pre-Euclidean inscr. at Eleusis bears the name of a ἵππαρχος who was son of ’Ezifndos. The confusion between ἘἜἘπίζηλος and Πολύζξηλος is paralleled by the corruption of the ᾿Επίζη- dos of Hat. vi 117 into the Πολύζηλος of Diog. Laért. i 2, 56 and elsewhere. Cf. Athen. Mittheil. xiv 398.

But the son of ᾿Επίζηλος belonged to the tribe Aegezs, whereas Anaphlystus, the deme of the Pythodorus in the text, belonged to the tribe Aztiochzs. Probably the deme is added on purpose to dis- tinguish him from the other Pythodorus, who also belonged to the Four Hundred (Kaibel, 186).

συμπεισθέντων---πολιτείαν] In Thuc. viii 48, τ, Alcibiades assures the Athenian officers who had crossed over to the mainland from Samos, Τισσαφέρνην μὲν πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ βασιλέα φίλον

124

AOHNAIQN

COL. 12,-1,:I—10,

ro nv δὲ TO ψήφισμα τὸ Πυθοδώρου τοιόνδε' τὸν δῆμον ἑλέσθαι ᾿μετὰ τῶν προυπαρχόντων δέκα προβούλων ἄλλους εἴκοσι ἐκ τῶν

, / ὑπὲρ ἸαΥταράκον γα ἔτη γεγονότων,

> / 3 \ OLTLVES, ὀμόσαντες μὴν

οϑάγον ἂν ἡγῶνται βέλτιστα εἶναι τῇ πόλει, συγγράψουσι mept τῆς σΩΥΠρια δ: ἐξέδναι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῷ Bienen

15 γράφειν, ἵν ἐξ ἁπάντων αἱρῶνται τὸ ἄριστον.

10 hinc incipit volumen alterum B. Toy kK, B!, K-wl-2, sl: 13 συγγράψουσι: συμπράξουσι Kontos; συμβουλεύσουσι Rutherford (H-L).

-K-w’, Th. TEST. 10—14 Schol. Arist. Lys. 4521:

τὸ B2-4 coll. c. 40 § 2,

πρόβουλοι δὲ πρὸς τοῖς δέκα (Schoell, τοῖσδε

Schol., τοῖς οὖσι Suid., τοῖς οὖσι δέκα Η. Valesius) ἠρέθησαν ἄλλοι κ΄, εἰσηγησόμενοι τὰ δάκυντα βέλτιστα (om. Puteanus) τῇ πολιτείᾳ (τῇ πόλει Puteanus) μετὰ τὴν ἐν τῇ

Σικελίᾳ συμφοράν (cf. v 3).

ποιήσειν, εἰ μὴ δημοκρατοῖντο (οὕτω γὰρ ἂν πιστεῦσαι μᾶλλον βασιλέα). 70. 53 2, Peisander asks each of his opponents at Athens εἴ τινα ἐλπίδα ἔχει σωτηρίας... εἰ μή τις πείσει βασιλέα μεταστῆναι παρὰ σφᾶς. On their replying in the negative, he says plainly 3) that they cannot hope for any deliverance εἰ μὴ πολιτεύ- σομέν τε σωφρονέστερον καὶ és ὀλίγους μᾶλλον τὰς ἀρχὰς ποιήσομεν, ἵνα πιστεύῃ ἡμῖν βασιλεύς. Pol. viii (v) 4, 1304 12, (of the 400) τὸν δῆμον ἐξηπάτησαν φάσκον- τες τὸν βασιλέα χρήματα παρέξειν πρὸς τὸν

πόλεμον. .., ψευσάμενοι δὲ κατέχειν ἐπειρῶντο τὴν πολιτείαν. § 2. τῶν-- δέκα προβούλων] Thuc.

viii 1 § 3, (ἐδόκει) ἀρχήν τινα πρεσβυτέρων ἀνδρῶν ἑλέσθαι, οἵτινες περὶ τῶν παρόντων ‘ws ἂν καιρὸς προβουλεύσουσι. Cf. Grote, c. 61, v 318-9. This passage confirms Grote’s observation that this Board was doubtless merged i in the Oligarchy of Four Hundred.’ Thumser, Staatsalt. p. 720, note 2; Curtius, ii 690° n. 162 (Germ. ed.). Hagnon, the adoptive father of Thera- menes, is described as one of the zpé- βουλοι in Lysias 12 65, and as joining Theramenes in favouring the establish- ment of the 400. It is implied in Ar. Rhet. tii 18, 2 that all of the πρόβουλοι lent their countenance to the change in the constitutional government of Athens (Grote c. 62, ν 379n). Cf. Isocr. Aveop. 58; Pol. 1299 30—38.

The ten πρόβουλοι of the present pas- sage are identical with the ten ξυγγραφεῖς of Thuc. viii 67, τὸν δῆμον ξυλλέξαντες εἶπον γνώμην δέκα ἄνδρας ἑλέσθαι Evyypa- φέας αὐτοκράτορας, τούτους δὲ ξυγγρά- ψαντας γνώμην ἐσενεγκεῖν ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐς ἡμέραν ῥητὴν καθ᾽ 6 τι ἄριστα πόλις οἰκήσεται.

In Bekker’s Anecd. p. 301, 13, no ‘number is given, but Harpocration, s.v. συγγραφεῖς, describes that body as num-

bering 30, and Suidas, s.v. πρόβουλοι, speaks of 20 being elected in addition to the 10 πρόβουλοι to form a body of 30 συγγραφεῖς. Hence in the above passage of Thuc. it has been suggested by C. F. Hermann, Staa/salt. 165, 11, to alter δέκα into τριάκοντα. The historian’s account is correct so far as it goes, but is less minute than that in the text, which has been followed by MHarpocration and Suidas. .

Cf. Schol. on Aristoph. Zyszstr. 421, πρόβουλοι δὲ πρὸς Tots δέκα (τοῖσδε schol., τοῖς οὖσι Suidas; correxit Schoell) ἡρέ- θησαν ἄλλοι xk’, εἰσηγησόμενοι τὰ δοκοῦντα βέλτιστα τῇ πολιτείᾳ μετὰ τὴν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ συμφοράν.

The account in the text is in accordance with the statement of Androtion (probably written before it) and of Philochorus (certainly written after it), as recorded by Harpocration s.v. συγγραφεῖς : ἦσαν δὲ οἱ μὲν πάντες συγγραφεῖς τριάκοντα οἱ τότε αἱρεθέντες, καθά φησιν ᾿Ανδροτιών τε καὶ Φιλόχορος, ἑκάτερος ἐν τῇ ᾿Ατθίδι: δὲ Θουκυδίδης τῶν τ ἐμνημόνευσε μόνων τῶν προβούλων. Cf. (with Wyse) Schol. Lysistr. 609, Tots κ' τοῖς ἐκ τῆς συναρχίας, and Harpocr. s.v. ᾿Απόληξις" εἷς τῶν συγγραφέων ὃν Πλάτων κωμωδεῖ ἐν Σοφι- σταῖς (where Cobet inserts ¢’ after eo) following Thuc. ὦ. ¢.).

The statement in the text, that the

10 πρόβουλοι were expanded into the 30 συγγραφεῖς, is accepted by Wilamowitz, i 102, and by Rohrmoser, in Weener Studien, xiv 324f. Cf. Busolt in Miiller’s Handbuch, 173? (contrasted with 126*).

ἵν᾽ - αἱρῶνται] This final conj. =

occurs in c. 31, 1. 18, but is only found twice in Attic inscriptions before the third

century (Meisterhans, 2533). ΓΑ 3 Κλειτοφῶν] mentioned with ie a

§ Theramenes, (1) in 34 3 among those who τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν ἐζήτουν, and

aie er ell aa means UR NA a Ut BO as ἀμ νυν μοι 0ε:

SIRT GRIEG

ἜΣ s ot ra Sanz

3

Κλειτοφῶν δὲ ta 3

Ι

CH. 29, 1]. 1oO—23.

TTOAITEIA

125

μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ Πυθόδωρος εἶπεν, προσαναζητῆσαι δὲ τοὺς

αἱρεθέντας ἔγραψεν καὶ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ods Κλεισθένης ἔθηκεν ὅτε καθίστη τὴν δημοκρατίαν, ὅπως ἀκούσαντες καὶ

4 / So . e > \ > \ τούτων Ηρυλϑυσώνται τὸ ἄριστον, ὡς οὗ δημοτικὴν ἀλλὰ παρα-

4 πλησίαν οὖσαν τὴν Κλεισθένους πολιτείαν τῇ Σόλωνος.

οἱ δ᾽

ΒΕ ρεθέντες" πρῶτον μὲν ἔγραψαν ἐπάναγκες εἶναι τοὺς πεῤνπονεια ἅπαντα τὰ λεγόμενα περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐπιψηφίζειν, ἔπειτα τὰς τῶν παρανόμων γραφὰς καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας καὶ τὰς προσκλήσεις

17 ἔγραψε H-L. - ἂν :- ---βουλεύσωνται K-W, B, S},

18 OTTWC—BOYAEYCWNTAI (Κ): ὅπως---βουλεύσονται H-L; ὅπως Th. Cf. v. 24, 6. 30, 20, et Meisterhans, p. 253°. 23 TPOKAHCEIC: corr. Wyse, Blass (edd.).

(2) as a ‘pupil’ of Euripides, in Arist. Ran. 967, οὑμοὶ δὲ (μαθηταί εἰσιν) Κλειτοφῶν τε καὶ Θηραμένης κομψός. Identified by Holden (Oxomasticon Arist.) with Cleitophon, son of Aristonymus, who gives the title to one of Plato’s dialogues and is mentioned with Thrasymachus in Rep. 328 B (where Stallbaum does not identify them). He is named, with Cleon, as φαῦλος in Plut. Mor. 805, but this is probably a mistake for Cleophon.

τὸ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ... εἶπεν...δὲ] This is the regular formula for introducing an amendment to a proposed decree. As examples before the archonship of Eu- cleides we have CIA i (I. 28), 18, 38, 41, 52°, 54, 55, 85, 95, 119, 131, 135 (ἢ); 138, 146, 163, 186 (Hartel, Studien tiber Attisches Staatsrecht, p. 221). Swoboda, Gr. Volksbeschliisse, p. 14, shews that amendments are not often found except in Athenian inscriptions. Plato refers to the customary formula in Gorg. 451 B, εἴποιμ᾽ ἂν ὥσπερ οἱ ἐν τῷ δήμῳ ovyypa- φόμενοι, ὅτι τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ ἀριθμη- τικὴ λογιστικὴ ἔχει.

Κλεισθένης] CC. 21, 22.

ὡς οὐ---Σόλωνος. Isocr., Areop. τό, implies (like Cleitophon) that the con- stitution of Cleisthenes was identical with,

or closely similar to, that of Solon, cf.

Panath. 232, 306. The text, while correcting the view of Cleitophon, is also a tacit correction of that of Isocr. (Class. Rev. v 161 a). For ὡς c. acc. of the participle, cf. c. 7 4 ὧς-- σημαίνουσαν.

For the view that the constitution of Cleisthenes was not democratic, cf. Plut. Cim. 15, τοῦ Κίμωνος... πειρωμένου ἄνω τὰς δίκας ἀνακαλεῖσθαι καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Κλεισ- θένους ἐγείρειν ἀριστοκρατίαν.

§ 4. πρῶτον μὲν ἔγραψαν ---ζημιῶσαι, We here find stated in full detail what is briefly summarised in Thuc, viii 67, ἐσή-

νεγκαν οἱ ξυγγραφῆς ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο, ἐξεῖναι μὲν ἀζήμιον εἰπεῖν γνώμην ἣν ἄν τις βούληται" ἢν δέ τις τὸν εἰπόντα γράψηται παρανόμων ἄλλῳ τῳ τρόπῳ βλάψῃ μεγάλας ζημίας ἐπέθεσαν. ἀζήμιον is a conjecture due to Wilamowitz, in Hermes, xii 336 n. £7, accepted by Classen; ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνειπεῖν or ἀνατρέ- mew, MSS ; ᾿Αθηναίοις Suidas; ᾿Αθηναίῳ ἀνδρὶ εἰπεῖν Stahl ed. 1874 : ἀνατεὶ εἰπεῖν. ed. 1883, following Sauppe. The text is in favour of the restoration of ᾿Αθηναίων or some similar word, instead of accepting the conjecture of Wilamowitz. ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν εἰπεῖν would make good sense, but would involve too great a departure from the Mss. For a com- parison between the account in Thucy- dides and that in the text, cf. Wilamowitz, i 103, f.

τοὺς πρυτάνεις- -ἐπιψηφίζειν] c. 43. The members of the tribe presiding for the time being were thus compelled to put every proposition to the vote, un- deterred by any risk of penalties falling on the proposer or themselves.

τὰς τῶν παρανόμων γραφὰς] The γραφὴ παρανόμων having become re- cognised as one of the safeguards of the democratic constitution, it was necessary. to repeal it before any revolutionary changes could be introduced. Dem. Timocr. 24 154, ἀκούω... καταλυθῆναι τὴν δημοκρατίαν, παρανόμων πρῶτον ypa- φῶν καταλυθεισῶν καὶ τῶν δικαστηρίων ἀκύρων γενομένων. Aeschin. 3 121, τηνικαῦτα δῆμος κατελύθη, ἐπειδή τινες τὰς γραφὰς τῶν παρανόμων ἀνεῖλον (Adz. Process, p. 428—437 Lipsius ; Hager in Smith's Dict. Ant. s.v.).

εἰσαγγελίας] various forms of denun- ciation, applied to three kinds of legal causes : () κατὰ καινῶν καὶ ἀγράφων ἀδικημάτων (Caecilius, in Lex. Rhet. Cant. p- 667, possibly referring to the times

28

30

126

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

COL. 12, ]. 10---23.

ἀνεῖλον, ὅπως ἂν οἱ ἐθέλοντες ᾿Αθηναίων συμβουλεύωσι περὶ τῶν προκειμένων: ἐὰν δέ τις τούτων χάριν ζημιοῖ προσκαλῆται εἰσάγῃ εἰς δικαστήριον, ἔνδειξιν αὐτοῦ εἶναι καὶ ἀπαγωγὴν πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγούς, τοὺς δὲ στρατηγοὺς παραδοῦναι τοῖς ἕνδεκα

7 an θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι.

μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν πολιτείαν διέταξαν τόνδε

\ / \ \ / \ / 4" ᾿] lal 7 {rov) τρόπον" Ta μὲν χρήματα (Ta) προσιόντα μὴ ἐξεῖναι ἄλλοσε a \ δαπανῆσαι εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, τὰς δ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἀμίσθους ἄρχειν ς xX e 3 a ἁπάσας, ἕως ἂν πόλεμος ἢ, πλὴν τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων Kal A \ xX 3 / \ / >? \ τῶν πρυτάνεων οἱ ἂν ὦσιν". τούτους δὲ φέρειν τρεῖς ὀβολοὺς

25—26 ΗΕΙΟΔΓΗΙΗΕΙΟ: corr. K.

26 εἰς τὸ H-L.

29 <rdv> cf.c. 7 v. 8.

χρήματα del. Richards (H-L), coll. 39, § 2: <7ra> add. kK (K-w, B, Th).

before Eucleides, see 8 § 4); (2) wrongs done to orphans, heiresses and widows ; (3) complaints against διαιτηταί (c..53 6). See Hager in Dict. Ant. s.v.; Att, Proc. 312 f. ἧς :

προσκλήσεις] 7717. προσκαλῆται. ‘Legal forms of summons to the defendant. Att. Process, Ὁ. 770-2. In the MS mpo- κλήσεις (‘challenges’) is a mistake for προσκλήσεις. Similarly in Plat. Leg. 936 E, and Dem. ς. Aphob. iii § 20, προκαλεῖ- σθαι has been wrongly suggested instead of προσ- (Att. Process, p. 884).

ot ἐθέλοντες] Notetur usus verbi ἐθέ- Aew pro βούλεσθαι, qui per haec decreta (etiam c. 30) obtinet, ad imitationem veteris linguae, qua vel Solo (c. 35 § 2; Dem. 46 § 14) vel Clisthenes usus erat’ (Blass).

τούτων χάριν] z.c. for making any proposal which he thought fit. In prose inscriptions χάριν is not found used as a preposition until 50 B.c. (Meisterhans, 2227).

{yprol...1rporkadyTar...elodyy κτλ. In all three cases the present here has a tentative sense. ζημιοῖ implies an at- tempt to get the speaker fined either by means of a γραφὴ παρανόμων, or an εἰσαγ- γελία. προσκαλῆται refers to the above- mentioned προσκλήσεις. εἰσάγῃ κτλ. to the fact that, under the first of the three varieties of εἰσαγγελία, the βουλὴ might hand the defendant over for trial by a court, instead of fining him. Cf. 421. Proc. p. 45 Lips.

δικαστήριον] articulo ‘non opus in sententia condicionali’ (Blass).

ἔνδειξιν... ἀπαγωγήν] In neither of these forms of procedure was there any summons: hence they were suited to the

resent emergency, in which προσκλήσεις

ad been abolished. ἀπαγωγὴ was a summary process, resorted to in certain cases of theft, but also applicable to mur-

derers and adulterers, and to robbers of temples. ἔνδειξις was a charge in writing handed over by the prosecutor to the proper authority, who was bound to arrest or hold to bail the person criminated. It was directed against state-debtors, and others who exercised rights while labour- ing under a disqualification (Dzct. Ant. s.v.). The text shews that, under the Four Hundred, these forms of procedure were arbitrarily extended to the case of those who attempted to resort to the ordinary legal remedies at a time when they were in abeyance. Cf. Att. Proc. pp. 270—280 Lips.

πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγούς] In normal cases of ἀπαγωγὴ the delinquent was immediately brought before the Z/even ; in those of ἔνδειξις, generally before the Thesmothetae. The Four Hundred de- parted from those principles in providing that the offender should appear before the στρατηγοί, whose jurisdiction was usually limited to military matters. Such a provision may be illustrated by our modern declaration of martial law in cases of emergency.

8 5. τὰ μὲν χρήματα κτλ.] Thuc. viii 65, 3, λόγος τε ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ προσείρ- γαστο αὐτοῖς ὡς οὔτε μισθοφορητέον εἴη ἄλλους τοὺς στρατευομένους, οὔτε μεθεκ- τέον τῶν πραγμάτων πλείοσιν πεντακισ- χιλίοις, καὶ τούτοις of ἂν μάλιστα τοῖς TE χρήμασι καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ὠφελεῖν οἷοί τε ὦσιν, and 67, 3, ἐνταῦθα δὴ λαμπρῶς ἐλέ- Ὕετο ἤδη μήτε ἀρχὴν ἄρχειν μηδεμίαν ἔτι ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κόσμου μήτε μισθοφορεῖν, προ- édpous τε ἑλέσθαι πέντε ἄνδρας, τούτους δὲ

ἑλέσθαι ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, καὶ τῶν ἑκατὸν

ἕκαστον πρὸς ἑαυτὸν τρεῖς" ἐλθόντας δὲ αὖ- τοὺς τετρακοσίους ὄντας ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἄρχειν ὅπῃ ἂν ἄριστα γιγνώσκωσιν αὐὖ- τοκράτορας. καὶ τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους δὲ ξυλλέγειν ὁπόταν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ.

§§ 13, 16; 30 § 8.

hayes

STALE RAN AE A a TOS LG

Lys. 20

nay

CH. 29, |. 24—CH. 30,1.2. TIOAITEIA 127

A / a ἕκαστον τῆς ἡμέρας. τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην πολιτείαν ἐπιτρέψαι πᾶσαν A \ a \ a 7 ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν 2% lal \ EX. xX ri ¢ xX ς ar 5 = ῃτουργεῖν μὴ ἔλαττον πεντακισχιλίοις, ἕως ἂν πόλεμος ἢ" 35 Ν κυρίους δ᾽ εἶναι τούτους καὶ συνθήκας συντίθεσθαι πρὸς οὺς ἂν ἐθέλωσιν" ἑλέσθαι δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης δέκα ἄνδρας ὑπὲρ \ τετταράκοντα ἔτη γεγονότας, οἵτινες καταλέξουσι τοὺς πεντακισ- χιλίους ὀμόσαντες καθ᾽ ἱερῶν τελείων. 90. οἱ μὲν οὖν αἱρεθέντες ταῦτα συνέγραψαν. κυρωθέντων δὲ , a A , \ > τούτων εἵλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν οἱ πεντακισχίλιοι τοὺς ἀναγράψοντας 33 τὰςιν (K!): πᾶσαν Jos. Mayor, Newman, K-W, H-L, Β, K4, Th. : ων --χρήμασι H-L, Bt. 35 HITENTAKICXIAIOIC. Corrector aut non viderat aut

delere neglexerat ; illud existimat K (ἢ πεντακισχιλίοις, H-L, B2, Th), hoc K- ὟΝ (πεν- τακισχιλίων B*4), 37 A(e)K(al) K, K-wl?: δ᾽ ἐκ (confasis a ibiarig K et K) H-L,

84 σώμασι

Β, K-w*, Th.

τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις κτλ.] The language is almost technical. Cf. (besides Thuc. Vili 47, 48, of δυνατώτατοι, 63, δυνάτους and 65, already quoted) Xen. Hipparch. 1 § 9, τοὺς μὲν τοίνυν ἱππέας...καθιστάναι δεῖ κατὰ τὸν νόμον τοὺς δυνατωτάτους καὶ χρή- μασι καὶ σώμασιν, and Dion. Hal. Anz. Rom. ii 5, χρήμασι δυνατούς. Also CIG 1845, 44 (inscr. from Corcyra), ἑλέσθαι δὲ τὰν βουλὰν τοὺς χειριξοῦντας τὸ ἀργύριον ἄνδρας τρεῖς εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους χρήμασι (Gilbert, 11 320), and the phrase ἀσθενὴς χρήμασι (Wyse).

σώμασιν.. "λῃτουργεῖν] Dem. c. Mid. 165, λ. Tots σώμασι and [10] § 28, τοῖς σώμασι Kal Tats οὐσίαις X.

ἑλέσθαι...τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης δέκα κτλ.] These were the καταλογεῖς appointed to enroll the 5000 persons to whom the franchise was conceded by the Four Hundred. One of them was Polystratus who is defended in a speech ascribed to Lysias, Or. 20, on the ‘charge of seeking to abolish the Democracy.’ He claims credit for having placed as many as gooo on the roll: 13, ὑμῶν ψηφισαμένων πεντακισχιλίοις παραδοῦναι τὰ πράγματα καταλογεὺς ὧν ἐννακισχιλίους κατέλεξεν. He served for eight days only, shortly before the overthrow of the Four Hun- dred 14), who in the last resort found themselves compelled to take steps to- wards enrolling the 5000. In § 2 it is said of Polystratus : ἠἡρέθη ὑπὸ τῶν φυλε- τῶν. This is explained by the text, in which ten καταλογεῖς are described as elected by each of the tribes. It was supposed by Grote c. 62, v 413, that Polystratus had the sole responsibility of drawing up the list. It is now clear that

he was one of a hundred persons charged with this duty.

The καταλογεῖς are different from the συγγραφεῖς, although in Bekker’ 5 Anecd, 270 we find : καταλογεύς : 6 συγγραφεύς, συγγραφόμενος κατ᾽ ὄνομα, τίνα χρὴ τῆς πολιτείας μετέχειν.

ὀμόσαντες καθ᾽ ἱερῶν τελείων] cf. Thuc. V 47, το, ὀμνύντων δὲ τὸν ἐπιχώριον ὅρκον ἕκαστοι (the Athenians on the one part, and the Argives, Mantineans, Eleans and their allies on the other part) τὸν μέγιστον κατὰ ἱερῶν τελείων. Cf. Andoc. De Myst. § 97, and Dem. [59] § 60. Miiller, Handbuch, v 3, 104. suprac. 1.

XXX § τ. κυρωθέντων] Cf. 32 1. 2, ἐπικυρωθέντων. The use of the two words in connexion with ψηφίσματα is discussed by Hartel, Studien, p. 207 ff, and Swo- boda, Gr. Volksbeschliisse, p. 18 ff. The latter has collected a large number of examples from inscriptions (Wyse).

οἱ πεντακισχίλιοι)] Here, and in c, 31 1. ro, and 32 § 1, the existence of the 5000 is assumed; whereas in 32 3 we are told that the 5000 λόγῳ μόνον npéOnoav. The latter statement is in accordance with Thuc. viii 92, 11, of rerpa- κόσιοι...οὐκ ἤθελον τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους οὔτε εἶναι οὔτε μὴ ὄντας δήλους εἶναι. In c. 67 ad fin. it had been proposed by Peisander τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους ξυλλέγειν ὁπόταν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ, and this proposal was ratified by the ἐκκλησία in 69 1. Mr Kenyon suggests that ‘all who could bear arms were provisionally entitled the Five Thousand until a body of that exact number had been drawn up by the board of 100 which was to be appointed for that purpose.’ On the fall of the Four

σι

128

\ / e \ v τὴν πολιτείαν ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας. 2 / / ἐξήνεγκαν τάδε.

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

COL. 12, |, 23—28.

b] / οἱ δ᾽ αἱρεθέντες ἀνέγραψαν καὶ \ βουλεύειν μὲν κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν τοὺς ὑπὲρ τριάκοντα

» / v Lal / 3 \ \ ἔτη γεγονότας ἄνευ μισθοφορᾶς" τούτων δ᾽ εἶναι τοὺς στρατηγοὺς

καὶ τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας καὶ τὸν ἱερομνήμονα καὶ τοὺς ταξιάρχους

καὶ ἱππάρχους καὶ φυλάρχους καὶ ἄρχοντας εἰς τὰ φρούρια καὶ , n ς a 7 a \ a EA a f

ταμίας τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων TH θε[ ᾧ] καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς δέκα,

XXX 4 τοὺς : τετρακοσίους Niemeyer, Poland (‘non recte,’ Blass).

Hundred, the government was transferred to a body called the Five Thousand, consisting of all who could furnish arms (Thuc. vili 97, 1). Like the present, this would really be a body of indefinite number ; whereas the body of 5000 con templated by the oligarchical revolution, though it never came into actual existence, was limited and definite in number. Cf. Thuc. viii 86, 3, and 93, 2.

τοὺς ἀναγράψοντας, and ἀνέγραψαν] Here used in the sense of framing or drafting.

ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας] The text makes the proposal for the establishment of the 400 proceed from the 1oo elected by the 5000. Thuc., viii 67, 3, makes the évyypa- gets propose, in the assembly at Colonus, the election of five, who are to appoint 100, and each of these 100 to coopt three, thus forming the 400. To reconcile these statements we must suppose that the

assembly at Colonus was limited to the

5000, and that the latter elected the too on the proposal of the five (etAovro— ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας). Thus the 100 elected on the proposal of the five in Thucydides are identical with Aristotle’s 100 com- missioners, who, however, were not appointed to proceed at once to coopting a sufficient number to make up the Council of 400 (as Thuc. suggests), but to draw up an oligarchical constitution (Rohrmoser, in Wiener Studien, xiv 320).

g 2. τριάκοντα ern] This was the age at which an Athenian citizen became capable of belonging to the Council under the regular constitution, Xen. Mem. i 2, 35.

ἄνευ μισθοφοράς] characteristic of an oligarchy. On the other hand, it is

* characteristic of a democracy μισθοφορεῖν

μάλιστα μὲν πάντας, ἐκκλησίαν δικαστήρια ἀρχάς, εἰ δὲ μή, τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰ δικαστήρια καὶ (τὴν) βουλὴν καὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας τὰς κυρίας (Pol. vii (vi) 2, 1317 35). Simi- larly in the case of the law courts, Fo/. vi (iv) 8, 1294 @ 38; 13, 1297 375 14, 1298 18; and of the assembly, 1293 @ 5—10. One of the causes that led to

the fall of democracy in Rhodes was the fact that μισθοφορὰν οἱ δημαγωγοὶ ἐπόριζον (1304 27). τούτων δ᾽ εἶναι κτλ.1] Here follows a list of official members of the new βουλή. They are elected out of the βουλὴ for the time being. Mr T. Nicklin (C7ass. Rev. v 228 ὁ) suggests that τούτων refers to τοὺς ὑπὲρ τριάκοντα ἔτη γεγονότας, and that these are the body from which the four councils of 400 each and the generals etc. must come; also that the ἑλληνοταμίαι must not at the same time be in the council for the year. This interpretation appears improbable; Mr Kenyon has. already pointed out that it involves the insertion of καὶ before τούς. στρατηγοὺς] c. 61 88 1, 2. ἄρ- χοντας] c. 55. ἱερομνήμονα] a re- corder or notary. ol. vii (vi) 8, 1321 34—40,€Tépad’ ἀρχὴ πρὸς ἣν dvaypader Oar δεῖ τά Te ἴδια συμβόλαια Kal τὰς κρίσεις ἐκ τῶν δικαστηρίων... καλοῦνται δὲ ἱερομνή- μονες καὶ ἐπιστάται καὶ μνήμονες κτλ. For ἱερομγνήμονες unconnected’ with Athens, cf. Gilbert, ii 334 n. The same name was given to the envoys of the Amphictyonic Council, 24. ii 413. ταξιάρχους] ο. 61 § 3. ἱππάρχους} c. 61 § 4. φυλάρχους] c. 61 5. ἄρχοντας eis τὰ φρούρια] = φρούραρχοι, the commanders of Athenian garrisons. c. 24 § 3. Gilbert, Gr. SZ. i 4812. ταμίας τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων τῇ θεῷ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς δέκα] At Athens the treasures of the various temples were under the charge of officials called ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων (cf. Ar. Pol. vii (vi) 8, 1322 6 25). The most important of these treasures was that of Athene on the Acropolis, The officials in charge of this were called ταμίαι τῆς θεοῦ or τῶν τῆς θεοῦ, ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων τῆς ᾿Αθηναίας, ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων τῆς θεοῦ. Viii 51 at the time of the battle of Salamis, ταμίας τοῦ ἱεροῦ; also in documents re- lating to the transfer of the treasure from one body of officials to their successors, from the date of the consecration of the Parthenon to 406 8.6. ; in public ac-

δὶ

They are first mentioned in Hdt. Εἰ

CH. 30, |. 3—10.

TIOAITEIA

129

\ ς 7 \ 5 ς , , e 7 καὶ εἐλληνοταμίας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οσίων χρημάτων ἁπάντων εἴκοσιν οἱ διαχειριοῦσιν, καὶ ἱεροποιοὺς καὶ ἐπιμελητὰς δέκα

XXX 9 ἑλληνοταμία----διαχειριοῦσιν mutila censent K-W, cf. Wil. ii 117.

ἑλληνο-

ταμίας mutat in ταμίας Richards, omisso (ut videtur) καὶ quod subsequitur ; καὶ om, Hude ; καὶ ἑλληνοταμίας et of διαχειριοῦσιν, utpote e v. 13—14 exorta, quondam

seclusi; sed cf. Kaibel 187.

sed idem ἑλληνοταμίας retinet (Class. Rev. v 277 @). ὁσίων fortasse explicat τῶν ἄλλων, Richards, C7. Rev. vii 211.

H-L, B*.

καὶ (post €AX.) et of διαχειριοῦσιν secludit E S Thompson,

ἑλλ. kal <taplas> Papageorg. 10 διαχειριοῦσι

counts previous to Euclides; in Dem. Macart. p. 1075, 2, and Aeschin. 7zmarch. p- 127 § 110; lastly in inscriptions belong- ing to B.C. 385, 325 and 300. Similarly, every temple had its special treasurers who, together with its superintendents (ἐπιστάται) and sacrificers (ἱεροποιοί), had the money of the same under their care. In 435-4 B.C. (CIA i 32) these several treasurers of the temples, with the ex- ception of those of the temple of Athene, were all united into a single board called ταμίαι τῶν θεῶν or τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν. From this date all the sacred moneys were kept in the Acropolis, but the treasures of Athene and those of the other divinities were generally under separate officials. Dem. Zimocr. p. 743, 1, of ταμίαι ἐφ᾽ ὧν ᾿Οπισθόδομος ἐνεπρήσθη, καὶ of τῶν τῆς θεοῦ καὶ οἱ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν. Never- theless we find that both were united for a time as one board of officers, as in the text, and in a decree quoted in Andocides de Myst. p. 36, τοὺς ταμίας τῆς θεοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν. Ininscriptions ascribed to B.C. 401,400, 399---307 they are called ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν, and are (as here) in 411 B.c. ἴδῃ ἴῃ number. In 385 the treasurers οὗ the goddess again became a separate board of Ten, who were independent οὗ the treasurers of the other deities (see - Boeckh 11 v, 217—-220 Lamb, Hermann- _ Thumser, Szaatsalt. p. 626 f, and Gilbert, Gr. St. i 269? ἢ). - The ταμίαι have been mentioned in 6. 48 2,c. 7§3,c.8§1. They are called οὗ ταμίαι τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς in c. 47 1, and simply of ταμίαι in c. 60 § 3. EAynvoraplas] The Hellenotamiae, or special board for the management of the tributes, existed from the time of the formation of the confederacy of Delos ;and lasted to the end of the Pelopon- /nesian war. They are frequently men- tioned in inscriptions down to the time of ‘the anarchy. On the restoration of the democracy, the office was not revived, as the ἡγεμονία of Athens, and the duty of paying tribute on the part of her allies, come to an end.

Ss. A.

In 410/9 we know of eleven Helleno- tamiae, three of them from one tribe alone, and two others from another tribe. Two of thetribe Acamantis were Hellenotamiae in the same prytaneia, and the two of the tribe Aeantis were similarly holding office at the same time. Boeckh supposes that in their appointment no regard was paid to the tribes (II vii p. 243 Lamb). Cf. Gilbert, Gr. St. 12717.

τῶν ἄλλων ὁσίων χρημάτων] ταμίας, understood from ἑλληνοταμίας, equivalent to καὶ τῶν ᾿Ελληνικῶν ταμίας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χρημάτων. Had ταμίας been re- peated the number 20 would have referred to these alone, whereas it really refers to the joint-board: of the ἑλληνοταμίαι and the other treasurers. That portion of the treasures on the Acropolis which, in contrast to the ἱερὰ χρήματα, was known as ὅσια χρήματα, was (according to Suidase 5. Ὁ. ταμίαι, art. τὴ entrusted to ‘the treasurers chosen by lot who had the care of the statue of Athene.’ Thus the public money was ordinarily kept by the ταμίαι τῆς θεοῦ, who were often called ταμίαι alone (Boeckh /. c. p. 221-2). In the text, with a view to multiplying the official members of the 400, a separate board of 20 is mentioned.

Mr Kenyon infers from the present passage that separate ταμίαι τῶν ὁσίων χρημάτων formed part of the ordinary Athenian constitution; in the absence of evidence it is perhaps better to regard them as a special body created by- the oligarchical revolution.

ot διαχειριοῦσιν] used absolutely as in CIA i 32, οἱ viv διαχειρίζουσιν.

ἱεροποιοὺς] c. 64 § 6. Gilbert, (7. Sz. i 2922. Pol. vii (vi) 8, 1322 22—25, συμβαίνει τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ταύτην (τὴν περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς) ἐνιαχοῦ μὲν εἶναι μίαν... ἐνιαχοῦ δὲ πολλὰς καὶ κεχωρισμένας τῆς ἱερωσύνης, οἷον ἱεροποιοὺς καὶ ναοφύλακας καὶ ταμίας τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων.

ἐπιμελητὰς] ol. vii (vi) 8, 1322 4 19, ἄλλο δ᾽ εἶδος ἐπιμελείας 7 περὶ τοὺς θεούς, οἷον ἱερεῖς τε καὶ ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν περὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῦ σῴζεσθαί τε τὰ ὑπάρχοντα καὶ

νορθοῦσθαι τὰ πίπτοντα τῶν οἰκοδομη-

9

10

15

130

AOHNAIQN

COL. 12, 1. 28—39.

ἑκατέρους" αἱρεῖσθαι δὲ πάντας τούτους ἐκ προκρίτων, ἐκ τῶν ἀεὶ / / , \ 8. 48} > \ ς / βουλευόντων πλείους προκρίνοντας, Tas δ᾽ ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἁπάσας \ 9 \ δ a n \ Oe / wv xX κληρωτὰς εἶναι καὶ μὴ ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς" τοὺς δὲ ἑλληνοταμίας οἱ ἂν διαχειρίζωσι τὰ χρήματα μὴ συμβουλεύειν. βουλὰς δὲ ποιῆσαι 3) τέτταρας ἐκ τῆς ἡλικίας τῆς εἰρημένης εἰς τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον, καὶ / \ Ν / 4 a \ \ \ A \ τούτων TO λαχὸν μέρος βουλεύειν, νεῖμαι δὲ Kal τοὺς ἄλλους πρὸς \ na ς 7 \ e \ a a τὴν λῆξιν ἑκάστην" τοὺς δ᾽ ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας διανεῖμαι σφᾶς τε

13 ΟΙΕὰΝ : ὅταν Hude; <xal> οἱ av? Th. 13—14 *Harp. ἑλληνοταμίαι:.. ὅτι ἀρχή τις ἦν of ἑλληνοταμίαι, of

TESTIMONIA.

16 AOYAEYEIN.

διεχείριζον τὰ χρήματα, καὶ Ap. δηλοῖ ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ.

μάτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσα τέτακται πρὸς τοὺς θεούς. The ἱεροποιοί, the ναοφύλακες and the ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων are in Pol. 1. c. separate officials entrusted with this ἐπιμέλεια. The term ἐπιμελητής is vague, but the context implies that the official here meant was connected with matters of public ritual.

αἱρεῖσθαι--ἐκ προκρίτων] ‘and that they (the Council, c. 31,15) should appoint all these officials out of a number of select- ed candidates, choosing a larger number (than those actually required) out of the members of the Council for the time being.’ All the officials enumerated were to be members of the Council of 400, and

the Council itself was (1) to nominate candidates out of its own body to succeed these officials and (2) to choose such suc- cessors out of the number so nominated.

ἑλληνοταμίας] it is probably this passage, and not the passage a few lines earlier, that is the source of Harpo- cration’s notice s.v. Mr Kenyon leaves both passages as they stand in the Ms; he points out the inconsistency between them in his commentary and endeavours to remove it in the notes to his Transla- tion :—‘ If this is not to be taken as directly contradicting the statement made just above, it must be supposed that the actual handling of the money was confined to a few of the Hellenotamiae (probably in rotation), the duties of the rest being to advise and superintend.’

. of dy διαχειρίζωσι τὰ χρήματα] who- soever are actually managing the finances.’ Possibly the ἑλληνοταμίαι held office by rotation, and ceased to belong to the Council while they were actually engaged in their official duties. Cf. Wilamowitz, ii 117 ἢ. 12.

§ 3. BovAds—rérrapas] 1.6. four Councils of 400 each, each of the four holding office for one year (eis ἐνιαυτόν inf.). The order in which they were to hold office was to be decided by lot (cf.

τὸ λαχὸν pépos). The one hundred who had drawn up the constitution were to distribute themselves and ‘the rest,’ z.e. the rest of the 5000 above the age of thirty, into four divisions of 400 each. At the end of c. 31 provision is made for the future ‘in order that the 400 may be distributed over the four divisions (els τὰς. τέτταρας λήξεις5),᾽ one hundred being as- signed by lot to each of the four divisions of 400.

The total number of the officials above enumerated is as follows, if we assume that the numbers were in every case the same as usual :

στρατηγοί (το), ἄρχοντες (9), ἱερομνήμων (1), ταξίαρχοι (10), ἵππαρχοι (2; Lin 31,14), φύλαρχοι (10), ἄρχοντες εἰς τὰ φρούρια (?), ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων (το), ἑλληνο- ταμίαι and ταμίαι τῶν ὁσίων xp. (20), ἱεροποιοί (το), ἐπιμεληταί (10), making 92. out of a total of perhaps 1οο.

The ἄρχοντες εἰς τὰ φρούρια were possi-— bly eight in number, in which case they may have represented the 8 tribes not represented by the 2 ἵππαρχοι.

But it is more probable that there was

only one ἵππαρχος under this constitution -

and therefore 9 ἄρχοντες εἰς τὰ φρούρια, in which case @ may be the missing number. This is confirmed by the fact that the number of Attic φρούρια known to us is exactly nine, Eleusis, Anaphlystus, Sunium, Thoricus, Panactum, Oenoe, Phyle, Aphidna and Rhamnus (Boeckh, II x; the evidence for the last two be- longs to the times of Philip).

εἰς TOV λοιπὸν χρόνον) = εἰς τὸν μέλλοντα, χρόνον c. 31 § I. j

διανεῖμαι.. τέτταρα μέρη] c. 21 § 45 διένειμε... τριάκοντα μέρη. In Plat. Leg. 756 B, E, we find a βουλὴ of 360 members, go from each of the four τιμήματα; the 360 are divided afresh into four parts, each holding office for one year.

τοὺς ἄλλους] probably, not the 300

Thus 7 may have dropped out after φρούρια (1. 7).

ΠΝ Re tL SUAS eri =

2 on ai

TG Oo Oe A ee

4 4 A) Ley ale

ΤῊ;

ἜΉν Se

Πα

SSRI BAP TT TEE ἢ.

bth 2

CH. 30, 1. 11--25. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 131

> \ \ \ ΕΒ / / e > 4 \ A

αὑτοὺς καὶ TOUS ἄλλους τέτταρα μέρη WS ἰσαίτατα και διακληρῶσαι,

4 καὶ εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν βουλεύειν. (βουλεύεσθαι) δὲ 4 ἂν δοκῇ αὐτοῖς a fel \ > \ /

ἄριστα ἕξειν περί Te TOV χρημάτων, ὅπως ἂν σῷα καὶ εἰς TO δέον 20 | a A \

ἀναλίσκηται, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὡς ἂν δύνωνται ἄριστα" ἐὰν (δέ)

tt θέλωσιν βουλεύσασθαι μετὰ πλειόνων, ἐπεισκαλεῖν ἕκαστον

ἐπείσκλητον ὃν ἂν ἐθέλῃ τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ἡλικίας" τὰς δ᾽ ἕδρας - a a / 2\ \ A ,

ποιεῖν τῆς βουλῆς κατὰ πενθήμερον, ἐὰν μὴ δέωνται πλείονων.

κληροῦν δὲ τὴν βουλὴν τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας, τὰς δὲ χειροτονίας 25

19 βουλεύειν. -- βουλεύειν -- δὲ ΚΙ ; βουλεύειν --τοὺς λαχόντας" πράττειν > δὲ K-W;

βουλεύεσθαι ἂν δοκῇ κτὰ. Richards (Η-1,, Th). βουλεύειν --τοὺς λαχόντας" βουλεύεσθαι:- δὲ 818 βουλεύειν --τὸ λαχὸν

scribere (Κἢ).

ἀεί: βουλεύεσθαι: δ᾽ Bt, Lacunam olim statuit kK. titulis Atticis exstant (Meisterhans, pp. 66°, 149%): o@a K-W, κ΄. <xal> ἐάν τι BY; ἐὰν <dé> -K 23 ETTEICEKAHTON corr. K.

κἄν τι K3

22 ΘΕλῶωοιν : ἐθέλωσι H-L. TTENOHMIMEPON Corr. K. et Weil, in textu K-w*, Th.

EAN: av B4.

Malui βουλεύειν. -«- βουλεύεσθαι:- δὲ

20 CWA; et σῶος et σῶς in 21—22 EANTI: Tt Jos. Mayor, K-w, H-L, 81 8, Th.

24 τὴν βουλὴν Kontos.

πλεόνων Bt. 25 ‘an πλήρουν᾽ K-w2

τὴν βουλὴν : ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς B4, coll. vv. 26, 28.

TESTIMONIA. 23—24 Hesych. ἕδραι βουλῆς : at ἐγίνοντο κατὰ πενταήμερον.

co-opted by the too (Thuc. viii 67, 3), but the rest of the 5000.

ὡς ἰσαίτατα] Plat. Zee. 744 Cc. ϑια- κληρῶσαι, to assign them by lot,’ Thuc. Vili 30, 1, διακληρωσάμενοι, ‘having drawn lots,’ vi 42, τρία μέρη νείμαντες ἕν ἑκάστῳ ἐκλήρωσαν. Cf. Rohrmoser in Wiener Studien, xiv 330-2.

§ 4. σῷα] The evidence of inscriptions shews that σῶος and σῶς were alike in use (Meisterhans, Gr. p. 149 ed. 1900). Cf. Dem. Left. § 142 note. The codex 2 of Dem. has nom. masc. σῶς in Jd. 126, Aristocr. 131; neut. σῶν Left. 142; acc. pl. σῶς in Pac. 17, Chers. 153; gen. sing. owas #.L. 78; pl. σῶου in 2.1.2. 57, 153, 326; acc. sing. σώιαν Mid. 177; pl. nom. σῶιοι Cor. 49, Phil. iii 70, Zimocr. 106 (Voemel, Proleg. Gramm. in Dem. Cont. § 33). _ εἰς τὸ δέον ἀναλίσκηται] Aristoph. Nub. 859, εἰς τὸ δέον ἀπώλεσα, Dem. Ol. 3, 28, ἀνηλώκαμεν εἰς οὐδὲν δέον, Plut. Per. 23.

ἐπεισκαλεῖν (to co-opt) and ἐπείσκλη- tov are only found in this passage.

ἕδρας] c. 4 3. It is the technical term. CIAi 31,7; 59, 41; ii 800 15 cet. (Mayor).

κατὰ πενθήμερον] not for five days at atime’; but ‘once every five days’; cf. kar’ ἐνιαυτόν (‘year by year), κατὰ μῆνα, kad’ ἡμέραν (‘ daily,’ Thuc. vii 8 § 1 and § 3). Mr Poste extracts doth senses out of the passage: the sessions of the council shall be for five days at a time with intervals of five days.’ Under the

democracy the βουλὴ met daily except on public holidays (43 § 3).

πλειόνων, sc. ἑδρῶν.

κληροῦν. . τὴν βουλὴν τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας] This means either that (1) the Council is to appoint the archons by lot, or (2) the archons are to superintend the sortition of the Council. (1) is followed by Kaibel and Kiessling, and also by Poland; (2) by Mr Poste and Mr Kenyon. In (1) the order is verb, subject, object, just as in 5 κληροῦν τοὺς λαχόντας πέντε τοὺς ἐθέλοντας ; and this is supported by the context. We are first told how the Council is constituted, and next what it has to do. But this view is open to a fatal objection. The Council cannot ap- point the archons by lot, because under the present constitution the archons are chosen out of a select list 2, 1. 11). We must therefore suppose that the archons were to superintend the sortition ofthe Council. Those of the 5000, who were over 30 years of age,. have already been divided into four groups, each group holding office in an order determined by lot (8 3). The archons in each year have to draw lots for determining which group of 400 was to serve on the Council for the year. M. Th. Reinach regards this sentence as an interpolation.

For πληροῦν, ‘to call a full meeting (of the Council),’? which has been proposed in place of κληροῦν, cf. δικαστήρια πληροῦν in, Dem. 24 92, 21 § 209, and [Saeus 6 § 37; also Arist. Zccl. 89, πληρουμένης ἐκκλησίας.

0“

9

132

οι: , A nan κρίνειν πέντε τοὺς λαχόντας ἐκ THs βουλῆς, καὶ ἐκ τούτων ἕνα κληροῦσθαι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην (τὴν) ἡμέραν τὸν ἐπιψηφιοῦντα. n δὲ \ / / A 52 / lad ’ὔ ροῦν δὲ τοὺς λαχόντας πέντε τοὺς ἐθέλοντας προσελθεῖν ἐναντίον τῆς βουλῆς, πρῶτον μὲν ἱερῶν, δεύτερον δὲ κήρυξιν, τρίτον πρεσ- 30 βείαις, τέταρτον τῶν ἄλλων" τὰ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου, ὅταν δέῃ, ἀκληρωτὶ προσαγαγόντας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς χρηματίζεσθαι. τὸν δὲ μὴ ἰόντα 6 εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον τῶν βουλευόντων τὴν ὥραν τὴν προρρηθεῖσαν > (λ, \ na e / e , Ρ \ ς / v ὀφείλειν δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας ἑκάστης, ἐὰν μὴ εὑρισκόμενος ἄφεσιν

τῆς βουλῆς ἀπῇ. ||

, \ 5 =

31. ταύτην μὲν οὖν eis τὸν μέλλοντα χρόνον ἀνέγραψαν THY [C

΄ > \ , :

πολιτείαν, ἐν δὲ τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ τήνδε" βουλεύειν μὲν τετρα- / \ \ / 7

κοσίους κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, τετταράκοντα ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς, ἐκ

, A x rn προκρίτων ods ἂν ἕλωνται οἱ φυλέται τῶν ὑπὲρ τριάκοντα ἔτη

27 ἑκάστην --τὴν - Β (51, Th), probante Kaibelio 180.

Wyse (edd.).

et Richards (H-L, Β᾽ 8, s!). XXXI 1 hinc incipit scriba alter.

AOHNAIQN COL. 12, 1. 39—13, 1. 26.

31 ypHMaTIZECOAI ‘proponere ad agendum,’ Th, al.: -ew K-w, Bt. 33 EAN: ἂν BY. €YPICKOMENOC (K, K-W, Wil. ii 118 n. 17, Bt, Th): εὑρόμενος Tyrrell

3 ἑκάστης <rTijs> B, S!, Th. "ἢ

ΡΠ ΠΡ tf ep

κλη- 5

29 trpecBelal: πρεσβείαις.

χειροτονίας κρίνειν] decide divisions taken by show of hands.’ The five functionaries act as ‘tellers.’ One of them is appointed by lot for each of the five days during which the Council sits, ‘to put questions to the vote,’ z.e. to act as president or chairman.

§ 5. κληροῦν-- βουλῆς] These five persons were to determine by lot the order of precedence among those who wished to appear before the Council.

ἱερῶν... κήρυξιν... πρεσβείαις... τῶν ἄλ- λων] The two alternative constructions are arranged in the order of a chtasmus or introverted lelism, the two nearest and the two furthest terms corresponding in construction. Apart from love of variety there is no apparent reason for this change. Exactly the same order and the same variety of expression is found in the statement of the proceedings in the ἐκκλησία in c. 43 6, ἱερῶν.. κήρυξιν καὶ πρεσβείαις ... ὁσίων. Cf. also Aeschin. Timarch. 23, προχειροτονεῖν κελεύει τοὺς προέδρους περὶ ἱερῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ ὁσίων καὶ κήρυξι καὶ πρεσβείαις.

§ 6. τὴν ὥραν] not ‘the hour,’ but ‘the time’; the use of ὥρα for ‘hour’ is not earlier than the Alexandrine age.

ὀφείλειν δραχμὴν] the infliction of a fine for non-attendance is characteristic of an oligarchy. ol. vi(iv) 9, 1294 238, (of law courts) ἐν μὲν γὰρ ταῖς ὀλιγαρχίαις τοῖς εὐπόροις ζημίαν τάττουσιν, ἂν μὴ δικάζωσι, τοῖς δ᾽ ἀπόροις οὐδένα μισθόν, cf. 1298 17:

not told how the final choice was madé&

It is one of the devices of aristocracies i mentioned 76. 13, 1297 @ 17, ζημίαν ἐπι- —~ κεῖσθαι τοῖς εὐπόροις, ἐὰν μὴ ἐκκλησιάζωσιν. Fines for non-attendance at the βουλὴ in particular are apparently not mentioned in the Polttics.

εὑρισκόμενος, while applying for leave of absence’; others prefer εὑρόμενος, ‘having obtained for himself leave of absence.’

As the Council only met every five days, a member who desired leave οὗ absence would have to apply five days beforehand. It seems more probable that he sent in his application to the Council which he was prevented from attending, and afterwards paid the fine or not, according to the Council’s decision.

ἄφεσιν] not found in this sense in Ar. The corresponding adj. ἀφέσιμος occurs if c. 43 3. f

XXXI§1I. χρόνον.. καιρῷ] Ar. Anal. Pr. i 36 6, καιρός ἐστι χρόνος δέων.

Ψαν] ‘drew up,’ c. 2 § 4.

κατὰ τὰ πάτρια] in allusion to the ~ Council of 400 under the Solonian con- stitution, c. 8 § 4. The phrase is if serted to propitiate those who regarded Solon as the founder of the Atheniat democracy.

wen oa ot te eS

Ct RS σ Ni a IN ECS A a Pte ied. glime ». : |

a pe nn FSi

ἐκ προκρίτων obs ἂν ἕλωνται οἱ ι According to this, the ten tribes were make a preliminary selection of mor than the requisite number; but we ar

CH. 30,1. 26—CH. 31, 1.16. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ. 133

yevovot@y. τούτους δὲ τάς τε ἀρχὰς καταστῆσαε Kai περὶ τοῦ 5 ὅρκου ὅντινα χρὴ ὀμόσαε γράψαε, (καὶ) περὶ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῶν εὐθυϊ[νῶ]ν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πράττειν ἂν ἡγῶνται συμφέρειν. τοῖς δὲ νόμοις οἱ ἂν τεθῶσιν περὶ τῶν πολετεκῶν χρῆσθαε, καὶ μὴ ἐξεῖναι 2 μετακινεῖν μηδ᾽ ἑτέρους θέσθαι. τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν τὸ νῦν εἶναι τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐξ ἁπάντων ποιεῖσθαι τῶν πεντακισχιλίων, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν ἐπειδὰν καταστῇ ποιήσασαν ἐξέτασιν (ev) ὅπλοις ἑλέσθαι δέκα ἄνδρας καὶ γραμματέα τούτοις, τοὺς δὲ αἱρεθέντας ἄρχειν τὸν εἰσιόντα ἐνιαυτὸν αὐτοκράτορας, κἄν τι δέωνταε συμβουλεύεσθαι μετὰ τῆς βουλῆς. ἑλέσθαι δὲ καὶ ἵππαρχον ἕνα καὶ φυλάρχους δέκα" τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τὴν αἵρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι τούτων τὴν βουλὴν κατὰ 3 τὰ γεγραμμένα. τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων ἀρχῶν πλὴν τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν

eal

δ τοῦ manu 2 superscriptum secl. Th. 190. <xai> K (edd_.). 8 EAN. Wyse, Blass, εἴς.

καὶ ἐὰν H-L; κἄν 5 (B*, Th).

βουλὴν secl. 55. 16 πλὴν : ΤΡΙΝ.

6 ὄντινα χρὴ ὀμόσαντας ἄρξαι" Kaibel

τεθῶσι H-L. 11 KATACTHCHI corr.

otrAoic (K!): <éy> ὅπλοις Wyse, B, K-W, H-L, K*, Th; ὅπλων Rutherford, κϑ, B*. 12 ἄνδρας Ξεςϊ. ΒΞ. 13 ἐξιόντα H-L. cyNBoyAeycéal. <«ai ταξιάρχους Séa> Wil. ii 115, H-w* (B*).

KAI AN K, K-w, ΒῈ 5: 14 <@> ἕνα (s*). 15 eis δὲ τὸ X.? Th. τὸν

in the text by describing the process by which the requisite number was arrived

On the assumption that each of the ten tribes chose ten of its members as its

the 400 im the text is easily reconciled with that m Thuc. viii 67. Each tribe had (apart from its ten representatives on the Committee) to choose 30 members of the Council. The tribes nominated for these places a larger number, and the ten chose three each, as their colleagues on the Council. Thus each tribe was repre- sented by 40 members on the Council of 400 (ἐδ. 331). εὐθυνῶν] ‘the examination of official accounts,” “audits.” c. 48§4. Att. Proc. p. 259 Lips. _

§ 2. τὸ νῦν εἶναι) Plat. Rep. 506 Ε, Xen. Cyr. v 3 8 42.

τὴν αἵρεσιν. ποιεῖσθαι) ἐκ 1. 15. καταστῇ! 32 2. Lys. 13 34 and 25 14, of τριάκοντα κατέστησαν. ἐξέτασιν

Callias. ἵππαρχον ἕνα] The normal number was fwo(c. 6: 4). φυλάρχους, c. 61 § 5.

20

σι

AOHNAIQN οὐχ, 13, 1. 27—14, 1. 5.

134 στρατηγών μὴ ἐξεῖναι μήτε τούτοις μήτε ἄλλῳ μηδενὶ πλέον ef wv \ > \ > , > \ \ o- / ~ ἁπαξ ἄρξαι τὴν αὐτὴν ἀρχήν. εἰς δὲ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, la νεμη- θῶσιν οἱ τετρακόσιοι εἰς τὰς τέτταρας λήξεις, ὅταν {{τοῖς]] αὐτοῖς / \ al 5") / / > \ ε weyers μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων βουλεύειν, διανειμάντων αὐτοὺς οἱ ἑκατὸν ἄνδρες.

32. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἑκατὸν οἱ ὑπὸ τῶν πεντακισχιλίων αἱρεθέντες ταύτην ἀνέγραψαν τὴν πολιτείαν. ἐπικυρωθέντων δὲ τούτων ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους, ἐπιψηφίσαντος ᾿Αριστομάχου, μὲν βουλὴ (ἡ) ἐπὶ Καλλίου πρὶν διαβουλεῦσαι κατελύθη μηνὸς Θαργηλιῶνος τετράδι eS / ς \ t ? t ee Pe a ἐπὶ δέκα, οἱ δὲ τετρακόσιοι εἰσήεσαν ἐνάτῃ φθίνοντος Θαργηλιῶνος.

17 TTAEION (K-W, B'~3): πλέον H-L (K*4, sl, Bt, Th); cf. Meisterhans, Ρ- 152°, n. 13704. 18—20 iva et ὅταν locum inter se mutasse putat Hude, qui etiam (cum E S Thompsono) ἐγγίγνηται conicit; ὅταν νεμηθῶσιν---, ἵνα μὴ---μετὰ τῶν αὐτῶν

βηιδαίεα), ἄλλως διανειμάντων nimis qudlarter Poste. 19 ToIC acTOIC secl. K%, retinent K-W, B*; τοῖς αὐτοῖς Tyrrell (H-L, B1, ‘fortasse legendum’ kK‘); ἑκάστοις BS; [| rots ]]

αὐτοῖς 51, Bt, Th.

XXXII 3 <> Rutherford (omnes praeter 82).

H-L; εἰσήεσαν K-W, B, K*, Th.

δ EICHIECAN: εἰσῇσαν K,

vA 7

§ 3. μὴ ἐξεῖναι---πλέον ἅπαξ ἄρξαι] Under the normal constitution of Athens military offices might be repeatedly held by the same person, but none of the others more than’once, except in the case of membership of the Council, which might be held twice (see c. 62 end, and Pol, 1275 α 25; 1299 @ 10; 1317 24; there quoted).

νεμηθῶσιν.. εἰς τὰς... λήξεις] c. 30 § 3, veltwar...TOvs ἄλλους πρὸςτὴν λῆξιν ἑκάστην.

‘As regards the future, in order that the 400 may be distributed into the four divisions (above mentioned, 30 § 3), let the hundred make the distribution when it is possible for them (7.6. the 400) to sit in council with the rest.’

τῶν ἄλλων refers to the 5000, as in Ὁ. 30 3, twice. αὐτοῖς refers to the τετρακόσιοι aforesaid.

Kaibel and Wilamowitz explain τῶν ἄλλων as τῶν ἐν Σάμῳ, but (as observed by Mr Kenyon) “βουλεύειν is a technical word, and the Athenians with the fleet would not become members of the βουλὴ on their return, and there would be no occasion to await their return before arranging the subdivision of the Four Hundred among the fourcouncils.’ See, however, Wilamowitz, ii 121.

In διανειμάντων we have a sudden transition from the inf. of oxat. obligua to the imperative of ovatio recta, Cf. νεῖμαι in c. 30 § 3. ; XXXII § τ. τοῦ πλήθους] formally, or rather nominally, this is a: decision on

the part of the whole people. ἔπιψηφίσαντος] 30 4 end. τομάχου, otherwise unknown.

‘The absence of the name of father and deme is in accordance with the lapidary style of the 5th century, in which the decrees simply have δεῖνα ἐπεστάτει, €.g. CIA I, 32, ἔδοξεν τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ" Κεκροπὶς ἐπρυτάνευε" Myn- σίθεος éypaypdreve* Ἐϊπείθης ἐπεστάτει" Καλλίας εἶπε. addition of the deme (c. 34 ult., ἔγραψε. τὸ ψήφισμα Δρακοντίδης ᾿Αφιδναϊο:) or father (29 1, γράψαντος Πυθοδώρου τοῦ ᾿Ἐπιζή- λου) of the proposer, is not in the manner of 5th century inscriptions’ (Wyse).

βουλὴ (ἡ) ἐπὶ Καλλίου] B.C. 412— 411. Cf. CIA ii I14, βουλὴ ἐκ , Πυθοδώρου ἄρχοντος.

πρὶν διαβουλεῦσαι] before the com- pletion of its term of office.’ The word is not found elsewhere in act. διαβου- λεύεσθαι, ‘to deliberate thoroughly,’ is found in Andoc. 2 § 19; and in the sense ~ of taking counsel’ in Thue. ii 5 and else- where (L and 5), eg. vii 50 4, ‘to discuss.” As appears from the context, the Council was within a month of com:

5

᾿Αρισ-

οἵ ΤΈΩΣ (May Jun) or about the end of May. ἐνάτῃ φθίνοντος Oapyn-

λιῶνος, the 22nd of Hmm, ale or about

June 8. τετράδι ἐπὶ δέκα Σικιροφοριῶνος, the 14th of Scirophorion (June Ihe or about the end of June.

ΙΝ ΝΡ ΑΤΙ ΜΊΜΝΕΙΝ ΜΠ ea

On the other hand, the ©

πε arms Pera OF 1) earn ne ee ον

LANA preneeat

onc

CH. 31,1. 17—CH. 32,1.14. TIOAITEIA 135

ΝΜ Ν \ > an fal , \ > / / 3 \ / ἔδει δὲ τὴν εἰληχυῖαν τῷ κυάμῳ βουλὴν εἰσιέναι τετράδι ἐπὶ δέκα n ς \ a , \

2 Σκιροφοριῶνος. μὲν οὖν ὀλιγαρχία τοῦτον κατέστη τὸν τρόπον ᾿ ἐπὶ Καλλίου μὲν ἄρχοντος, ἔτεσιν δ᾽ ὕστερον τῆς τῶν τυράννων 3 n / e , ee U , 4 ἐκβολῆς μάλιστα ἑκατόν, αἰτίων μάλιστα γενομένων Πεισάνδρου καὶ ᾿Αντιφῶντος καὶ Θηραμένους, ἀνδρῶν καὶ γεγενημένων εὖ καὶ συνέσει καὶ γνώμῃ δοκούντων διαφέρειν. γενομένης || δὲ ταύτης

rn / e \ / / / ς / e \ τῆς πολιτείας οἱ μὲν πεντακισχίλιοι λόγῳ μόνον ἡρέθησαν, οἱ δὲ

a A / \ τετρακόσιοι μετὰ τῶν δέκα τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἦρχον τῆς πόλεως, καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους πρεσ-

igo)

6 ἔδει δὲ: ETIAE corr. K.

om. H-L, utpote e verbis proxime sequentibus illapsum. 14 ἦρχόν <re> Hude (K-w).

CANOAE. of δὲ: ολε.

8 ἔτεσι Ἠ-Ὶ,, Β4.

9 μάλιστα ante ἑκατόν temere ΕΡΗ ie 12 HPpEOHCAN HPEOH-

ἔδει] ‘was bound’ in ordinary course, according to the normal constitution.

τὴν εἰληχυῖαν TO κυάμῳ βουλὴν] Thuc.

viii 66 1, δῆμος μέντοι ὅμως ἔτι καὶ βουλὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου ξυνελέγετο, 2b. 69 (of the attack of the Four Hundred and their emissaries on the Council of 412— 411), ἐπέστησαν τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου Bov- λευταῖς. The object of the emphatic mention of κύαμος is to point the contrast between the constitutional Council and that of the Revolution. The latter was not appointed by lot out of the general body of citizens. Cf. 31, 4, ods dv ἕλων- ται.

§ 2. μάλιστα ἑκατόν] B.C. 510—to end of May 411, or 99 years; hence μά- hora. Thuc. viii 68, 4, ἐπ᾽ ἔτει ἑκατοστῷ μάλιστα ἐπειδὴ of τύραννοι κατελύθησαν.

Πεισάνδρου] Thuc. viii 49, 53—56, 63—68, esp. 68 § τ (of the ἐκκλησία held at Colonus), ἦν δὲ μὲν τὴν γνώμην ταύτην εἰπὼν ἸΤείσανδρος, καὶ τἄλλα ἐκ τοῦ προ- ᾿ gavots προθυμότατα ξυγκαταλύσας τὸν δῆμον ᾿ μέντοι πᾶν τὸ πρᾶγμα ξυνθεὶς ὅτῳ - tpbrw κατέστη ἐς τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ πλείστου ἐπιμεληθεὶς ᾿Αντιφῶν ἦν, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναίων τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἀρετῇ τε οὐδενὸς δεύτερος καὶ κράτιστος ἐνθυμηθῆναι γενόμενος καὶ ᾿ηνοίη εἰπεῖν. In § 3 Thuc. mentions Phrynichus who παρέσχε... ἑαυτὸν πάντων διαφερόντως προθυμότατον ἐς τὴν ὀλιγαρ- ᾿ χίαν, and in 4 Θηραμένης, who ἐν τοῖς ξυγκαταλύουσι τὸν δῆμον πρῶτος ἦν, ἀνὴρ οὔτε εἰπεῖν οὔτε γνῶναι ἀδύνατος. wore ἀπ’ ἀνδρῶν πολλῶν καὶ ξυνετῶν (cf. συνέσει) πραχθὲν τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ἀπεικότως ᾿ καίπερ μέγα ὃν προὐχώρησε. On Peisan- der, see also Lys. 12 66; 25 § 9; and _Andoc. 2 §§ 12—15: on Antiphon, Lys. - 12 § 67; on Theramenes, 20. rae § 3. λόγῳ μόνον] Thuc. viii 92 § ΤΙ;

καὶ οἱ τετρακόσιοι διὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἤθελον τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους οὔτε εἶναι οὔτε μὴ ὄντας δήλους εἶναι, τὸ μὲν καταστῆσαι μετόχους

, n ec , τοσούτους ἄντικρυς ἂν δῆμον ἡγούμενοι, τὸ

δ᾽ αὖ ἀφανὲς φόβον ἐς ἀλλήλους παρέξειν.

οἱ δὲ τετρακόσιοι κτλ. Thuc. viii 70, οἱ τετρακόσιοι ἐσελθόντες ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον... τά τε ἄλλα ἔνεμον κατὰ κράτος τὴν πόλιν κτλ.

τῶν δέκα] the ten στρατηγοὶ of c. 31 § 2.

πρὸς Λακ. κτλ.}] Thuc. 2b. πρός re *Ayw τὸν Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέα ὄντα ἐν τῇ Δεκελείᾳ ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο, λέγοντες διαλ- λαγῆναι βούλεσθαι (Grote, ν p. 391). 71 §3, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο παρά τε τὸν Αγιν ἐπρεσβεύ- ovTo οἱ τετρακόσιοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον, κἀκείνου μᾶλλον ἤδη προσδεχομένου καὶ παραιν- οῦντος ἐκπέμπουσι καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα περὶ ξυμβάσεως πρέσβεις βουλόμενοι διαλ- λαγῆναι. go § 2, ἀπέστειλαν ᾿Αντιφῶντα καὶ Φρύνιχον καὶ ἄλλους δέκα κατὰ τάχος... ἐπιστείλαντες παντὶ τρόπῳ ὅστις καὶ ὁπωσ- οὖν ἀνεκτὸς ξυναλλαγῆναι πρὸς τοὺς Λακε- δαιμονίους. Lastly, οἱ § 1, οἱ ἐκ τῆς Λακε- δαίμονος πρέσβεις οὐδὲν πράξαντες ἀνεχώ- pnoay τοῖς ξύμπασι ξυμβατικόν. ‘We read with astonishment,’ says Grote, v 409, ‘that the (Lacedaemonians) could not be prevailed upon to contract any treaty and that they manifested. nothing but back- wardness in seizing the golden oppor- tunity.’ Butthe envoys clearly could not answer for the armament at Samos, and therefore returned without obtaining any terms that would apply to the Athenians at large. The text tells us what we do not learn from Thucydides, viz. that the reason for this failure in the negotiations was due to the envoys declining to sur- render the maritime supremacy of Athens. This embassy was afterwards impeached by Theramenes (Lysias 12 88 66—68) ;

136 AOHNAIQN COL. 14, 1. 5—33.

, / \ / > 4) e / /

15 βευσάμενοι κατελύοντο τὸν πόλεμον ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑκάτεροι τυγχάνουσιν ἔχοντες. οὐχ ὑπακουόντων δ᾽ ἐκείνων εἰ μὴ καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἀφήσουσιν, οὕτως ἀπέστησαν.

33. μῆνας μὲν οὖν ἴσως τέτταρας διέμεινεν τῶν τετρακοσίων πολιτεία, καὶ ἦρξεν ἐξ αὐτῶν Μνησίλοχος δίμηνον ἐπὶ Θεοπόμπου Μ Φ \ :] / / an ¢ / ἄρχοντος, (ὃς) ἦρξε τοὺς ἐπιλοίπους δέκα μῆνας. ἡττηθέντες \ A \ > / / \ a > > / d

δὲ τῇ περὶ Epétprav ναυμαχίᾳ καὶ τῆς Εὐβοίας ἀποστάσης ὅλης 3 aA a / 3 al A / a 5 πλὴν Opeod, χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκόντες ἐπὶ TH συμφορᾷ μάλιστα τῶν 16 ὑπακου[όὀ]ντων H-L, B?-4, κί, Th:

λο XXXIII 2 MNACIMAXOC; Μνασίλοχος (K, H-L): Μνησίλοχος K-w, B, 51, Th. 3 <és>K (K-W, B!-%, Th): δ᾽ H-L; ἦρξε <de> ΒΑ. ἡττηθέντες δὲ < οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι >?

Herwerden, Richards. 5 ὠριογΥ. “«-ταύτῃ:- τῇ συμφορᾷ Hude, Kaibel 190; τῇ συμφορᾷ --ταύτῃ:- Papabasil.

-[σάντων BI, 51.

Ji

2 1) Ae Dud ik aa

(ἈΠ

TESTIMONIA. 1 *Harp. s.v. τετρακόσιοι :...οἱ τετρακόσιοι πρὸ ἑπτὰ ἐτῶν κατέστη- σαν τῶν τριάκοντα τυράννων παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις" οἵτινες τέτταρας μῆνας ἦρξαν τῆς

πόλεως, ὥς φησιν "Ap. ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. (Frag.

3727, 410°).

Antiphon was condemned and executed (Phrynichus had been seicseses assas- sinated).

KaT tovro] tentative impf.

ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑκάτεροι τυγχάνουσιν ἔχοντες] Similarly in Thuc. iv 65, I, ἀπαλ- λάσσεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου ἔχοντες ἕκαστοι ἔχουσι, ‘the rule of τέξ possidetis’ (Freeman’s Stcely, iii 63).

τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν θαλάττης] According to Thuc. viii 91, the extremists at Athens were ready to surrender, not merely the maritime supremacy, but even the forti- fications of Athens itself.

XXXIIT§ 1. pijvas...lows τέτταρας]

The 400 were practically in power from -

the end of May to the end of June, also for the two months of July and August in the civil year next ensuing (δίμηνον).

This makes ¢hree months. Hence the oligarchical revolution began about a month earlier, 2.6. at the end of April, while the constitutional Council was still nominally in office (Thuc. viii 66, 1), and the four months are May, June, July and August. Thuc., viii 63, 3, places the fall of the democracy a little earlier than the spring of 411. It has been assigned to March 411, soon after the Lenaea in which the Lyséstrata was produced (Wattenbach, De Quadr. p. 29, quoted by Classen, Thuc. /.c.). Similarly Grote, c. 63 zzzt.,describes the Four Hundred as ‘installed in the Senate-House about February or March 411 B.c., and deposed about July of the same year,’ and speaks of Athens undergoing ‘four or five months of danger and distraction.’ It

now appears that these dates are rather too early. Cf. Wilamowitz, i ror, 104f.

Μνησίλοχος] the archon eponymus fi selected by the 400. Μνησίλοχος is mentioned in the list.of the Thirty given in Xen. He//. ii 3, 2 and there is every probability that the two are the same. Cf. CIA iv 3, 179 4 τ, p. 162, [᾿Αθηναῖ]οι ἀνήλίωσαν ἐπὶ Μνησίλό]χου ἄρχοϊντος]. This expenditure was authorised not (as usual) by vote of the δῆμος, but ψηφισα- μένης τῆς βουλῆς. Αἱ the date speci- fied, the 21st of Hecatombaeon, the Fo our Hundred were still in power.

Θεοπόμπου] the archon eponymus ap- pointed by lot on the restoration of the democracy in the third month of the civil year, B.C. 41I-I0.

ἐπιλοίπους] not found in the /xdex Ar, In 43 § 1 we have the ordinary word ὑπολοίπους. ἐπίλοιπος is often used by Plato, Rep. 540 B and Leg. 728 Ὁ, τὸν ἐπίλοιπον βίον, 2b. 628 A, εἰς τὸν ἐπίλοιπον

χρόνον.

τῇ περὶ ᾿Ε!ρέτριαν ναυμαχίᾳ] Thuc. viii 95: In Lys. 20 § 14 one of the karaho- γεῖς sails for Eretria after holding ofits under the 400 for eight days only.

τῆς Εὐβοίας ἀποστάσης πλὴν ᾿ Ὠρεοῦ! Thuc. /.c. § 7, (the Lac.) Εὔβοιαν ira ἀποστήσαντες πλὴν ’Qpeod.

χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκόντες κτλ.] Thue. vii 4 § 1, τοῖς δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις ὡς ἦλθε τὰ περὶ Εὔβοιαν γεγενημένα, ἔκπληξις μεγίστη δὴ τῶν πρὶν παρέστη" ταύτην δ᾽ αὐτοὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι εἶχον. For the construction, cf. c. 38 § : χαλεπῶς φερόντων ἐπὶ τούτοις.

an 7 semen GHA ΤΉ ΤῊΝ

ΑΝ ἀκ

i »Ὁ

τς mE at NIRA ap er

i seein Sip ΝΜ τὶ

CH. 32, 1.1 5--ΟΗ. 34,1.2. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

137

προγεγενημένων (πλείω γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Εὐβοίας τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐτύγχανον ὠφελούμενοι), κατέλυσαν τοὺς τετρακοσίους καὶ τὰ πράγματα παρέδωκαν τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις τοῖς ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων, ψηφισάμενοι μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν εἶναι μισθοφόρον. αἰτιώτατοι δ᾽ ἐγένοντο τῆς καταλύσεως ᾿Αριστοκράτης Kal’ Θηραμένης, οὐ συν- ἀρεσκόμενοι τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων γιγνομένοις" ἅπαντα γὰρ Sv αὑτῶν ἔπραττον, οὐδὲν ἐπαναφέροντες τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις. δο- κοῦσι δὲ καλῶς πολιτευθῆναι κατὰ τούτους τοὺς καιρούς, πολέμου

34.

Ι Herwerden ; πολέμου γε Bury.

*¢’ fiir Ff verschrieben,’ Wil. i 8.

11 FENOMENOIC; γινομένοις K-W; γιγν. H-L, Κϑ, B, Th.

A Ee a a / BA τε καθεστῶτος καὶ ἐκ TOV ὅπλων τῆς πολιτείας οὔσης. Ἄ. ς A \ τούτους μὲν οὖν ἀφείλετο τὴν πολιτείαν δῆμος διὰ \ a / ΖΝ τάχους" ἔτει δ᾽ ἕκτῳ μετὰ τὴν τῶν τετρακοσίων κατάλυσιν, ἐπὶ

9 MICBOPOPWN: μισθοφόρον Jos. Mayor, Rutherford, Naber, Frankel, edd.

13 an καίπερ πολέμου

XXXIV 2 eBAomw! (K, K-w!, Poland, 51); ἕκτῳ verum esse vidit K (K-w3, B) ; κατάστασιν K-w},

πλείω---ὠφελούμενοι] Thuc. viii 96 8 2, (Euboea) ἐξ ἧς πλείω τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ὠφε- λοῦντο. Decelea was at this time in the occupation of Agis.

κατέλυσαν τοὺς τετρακοσίους--μισθο- φόρον] Thuc. viii 97 § 1, τοὺς τετρακοσίους καταπαύσαντες τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις ἐψη- φίσαντο τὰ πράγματα παραδοῦναι" εἷναι δὲ αὐτῶν ὁπόσοι καὶ ὅπλα παρέχονται" καὶ μισθὸν μηδένα φέρειν μηδεμιᾷ ἀρχῇ.

§ 2. ᾿Αριστοκράτης καὶ Θηραμένης] Thuc. viii 89, 2 (of the opposition to the extreme members of the 400), ἔχοντες ἣγε- μόνας τῶν πάνυ [στρατηγῶν] τῶν ἐν τῇ ὀλιγαρχίᾳ [καὶ] ἐν ἀρχαῖς ὄντων, οἷον Θη- ραμένην τε τὸν Ayvwvos καὶ ᾿Αριστοκράτην τὸν Σκελλίου. Lys. 12 § 66, (Theramenes) μετέσχε τῶν ᾿Αριστοκράτους ἔργων.

Aristocrates had been one of the envoys who negotiated the peace of 421 B.C. (Thuc. v 19 and 24). In 414 B.c. he is represented as a typical ‘aristocrat’ in “Arist. Aves, 125, ("Emow) ἀριστοκρατεῖ- σθαι δῆλος εἶ ζητῶν. (Hvedr.) ἐγώ; | ἥκιστα" καὶ τὸν Σκελλίου βδελύττομαι, cf. Plat. Gorg. 472 A. He was ταξίαρχος under the 400 (Thuc. viii 92) and is ex-

_ tolled by the author of the speech against Theocrines, [Dem.] 58 § 67, for taking . part in the destruction of the fortress of Eetioneia and restoring the democracy. He was one of the generals at Arginusae (406).

Theramenes and Aristocrates are, for

new constitution, while Thucydides (viii 89) regards their loyalty to the consti-

Aristotle, convinced supporters of the ᾿

tution as a cloak for their personal ambitions (Wilamowitz, i 100).

ov συναρεσκόμενοι τοῖς--- γιγνομένοις] The normal construction in Attic Greek is συναρέσκει μοί τι. Herodotus’ dpéc- κεσθαί τινι has given rise to the non- Attic construction συναρέσκεσθαί τινι, for which there was formerly no earlier example than Sextus Empiricus, 488, 19 B, of μὴ συναρεσκόμενοι τῷ εἶναι ταῦτα (Kaibel, 42).

οὐδὲν ἐπαναφέροντες τοῖς πεντακισ- χιλίοις] In Thuc. /.c. the opponents of the 400 insist τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους ἔργῳ καὶ μὴ ὀνόματι χρῥῆναι ἀποδεικνύναι.

δοκοῦσι δὲ καλῶς πολιτευθῆναι κτλ.] Thue. viii 97, 2, οὐχ ἥκιστα δὴ τὸν πρῶτον

. χρόνον ἐπί γ᾽ ἐμοῦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι φαίνονται εὖ

πολιτεύσαντες" μετρία yap τε ἐς τοὺς ὀλίγους καὶ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς ξύγκρασις ἐγέ- veTo καὶ ἐκ πονηρῶν τῶν πραγμάτων τοῦτο πρῶτον ἀνήνεγκε τὴν πόλιν. Grote c. 57, V 430.

ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων] c. 4 § 2, ἀπεδέδοτο πολιτεία τοῖς ὅπλα παρεχομένοις. Pol. 1297 τ, δεῖ δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν εἶναι μὲν ἐκ τῶν τὰ ὅπλα ἐχόντων μόνον.

XXXIV. Arginussae and Aegospotamt.

δ 1. ἔτει δ᾽ ἕκτῳ κτλ.] The archon- ship of Theopompus was in B.c. 411/0; that of Callias in 406/5. Thus, the latter was in the s¢xth year after the overthrow of the Four Hundred. ἑβδόμῳ implies that ‘the calculation was probably made by inadvertence from the establishment of the Four Hundred, which was in the official year 412—41t B.C.’ (Kenyon).

138

AOHNAIQN

COL. 14, 1. 34—44.

Καλλίου τοῦ ᾿Αγγελῆθεν ἄρχοντος, γενομένης τῆς ἐν ᾿Αργινούσσαις ναυμαχίας, πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς δέκα στρατηγοὺς τοὺς τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ

CaIC 3 APFINOYCAC, ᾿Αργιψούσσαις B etc. ναυμαχίαν Tyrrell.

4 δέκα secl. B*, sed cf. Wil. i 128. τοὺς---νικῶντας margine irrepsisse putat Richards.

τὴν

TESTIMON. XXXIV 3—12 *Schol. Arist. Ran. 1532 Κλεοφῶν δὲ μαχέσθω: παρόσον, ws "Ap. φησί, μετὰ τὴν ᾿Αργινούσαις ναυμαχίαν Λακεδαιμονίων βουλομένων ἐκ Δεκελείας ἀπιέναι ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι καὶ εἰρήνην ἄγειν ἐπὶ (τοῦ 560]. K-W) Καλλίου, Κλεοφῶν ἔπεισε τὸν δῆμον μὴ προσδέξασθαι, ““ ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ---ἐὰν μὴ πάσας ἀγῶσι τὰς πόλεις οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι" (Frag. 3707, 408%).

τοῦ ᾿ΑγγελῆθενἸ]Ἱ]͵ Added (as in CIA ii 22, Καλλίας ᾿Αγγελῆθεν ἦρχεν) to dis- tinguish him from the Callias who was archon in B.C. 412 (c. 32 § 1). Others of the same name were archons in 456 and 377°

It was more usual to remove such am- biguities by adding the archon of the previous year, ¢.g. Avg. to Arist. Ranae, ἐπὶ Καλλίου τοῦ μετ᾽ ᾿Αντιγενῆ (the Cal- lias of the text); Schol. Ach. το, Καλλίου τοῦ μετὰ Μνησίθεον (the Callias of 456). In Schol. Mud. 971 Phrynis is said to have been victorious at the Panathenaea ἐπὶ Καλλίου ἄρχοντος, probably B.c. 406, as this was the third year of the Olympiad (Wyse).

Another method of removing am- biguity is illustrated by Dion. Hal. de Dem. p. 726, Καλλιμάχου τοῦ τρίτου μετὰ Θέελλον ἄρξαντος, and by Δαμασίου τοῦ δευτέρου (13 2n, supra), CIA ii 299, ἐπὶ Νικίου ἄρχοντος ὕστερον, ib. ὦ, ἐπ’ ᾿Απολλοδώρου. ἄρχοντος δεύτερον. Hartel, Studien uber Att. Staatsrecht, 12.

᾿Αργινούσσαις] Xen. Hell.i6, 27—38. Cf. Grote, c. 64, ν 501—536; Holm, 67. Gesch. ii 573 ff, 585.

τοὺς δέκα στρατηγοὺς] In Xen. Hell. i 5, 16 we have the names of the ten generals: Conon, Diomedon, Leon (also mentioned in 6 § 16, but probably a mistake for Lysias, who is mentioned in 6 § 30, and 7 τὴ, Pericles, Erasinides, Aristocrates, Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasyllus, Aristogenes. Of these Conon was blockaded in the harbour of Mitylene, and was therefore not present at the battle of Arginussae (He//. 6 §§ 16 ff). Leon and Erasinides were with Cleon when he first made for Mitylene (/.c. § 16) and we hear no more of them until we find Erasinides among those engaged in the battle (8 29). The other generals engaged in it were Aristocrates, Dio- medon, Pericles, Protomachus, Thra- syllus, Lysias, and Aristogenes. We know from Lysias 21 § 8 that Archestra-

Cf.

tus died at Mitylene, though Xenophon is silent on this point; and Erasinides probably left Mitylene on board the ves- sel mentioned in the passage of Lysias just quoted: ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου (Ar- chestratus) ἐν Μυτιλήνῃ ᾿Ερασινίδης μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ συνέπλει. (Bauer, p. 159, assumes that Leon is the tenth general of whom Xenophon is silent, and that he is not

identical with the general who bears the

name of Lysias.)

Thus only eight of the ten were en- gaged in the battle; after the battle, the generals were recalled. Two of them, Protomachus and Aristogenes, declined to come. Warned of the displeasure of the people and not confiding in their own case to meet it, they preferred to pay the price of voluntary exile’ (Grote v 510, c. 64).

Only six returned to Athens. It was ultimately proposed to the Council by. Callixenus (Xen. He//. i 7 8 9) and carried, that the case should be decided by the public assembly voting in their tribes by ballot, and that one single vote was to decide the case of all the generals 34, μιᾷ ψήφῳ ἅπαντας κρίνειν). In the as-

sembly it was moved by Euryptolemus

that each of the generals should be tried separately (κρίνεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας δίχα ἕκαστον, 26.). The assembly first voted by show of hands (διαχειροτονία) in favour of this motion, and then against it;

thereupon they condemned all the eight © enerals who had taken part in the battle ,ὐπφορνησένέ ΒΔΕ τῶν ναυμαχησάντων OTPA-

The six who had

τηγῶν, ὀκτὼ ὄντων). returned were put to death.

If we now turn from the narrative in ~

Xenophon to the description in the text,

we find several discrepancies: (1) a// the © ten are put on their trial, not eight alone; (2) they are tried μιᾷ χειροτονίᾳ, whereas it was only the vote on the rival motions ~ (including the decision to try them col- lectively) that was taken by show of

hands, and the final verdict was given by ballot . (διαψήφισι5). τοὺς μὲν οὐδὲ συν-

WHORE Polk ε eee Ee Rd mee ML TTR S WCAC ρ νην)

we,

salen cata

Whi ilo

¥ δ

σον ΠΝ

CH. 34, 1..3::8.

TOAITEIA

139

νικῶντας συνέβη κριθῆναι μιᾷ χειροτονίᾳ πάντας, τοὺς μὲν οὐδὲ συνναυμαχήσαντας, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας νεὼς σωθέντας, ἐξαπατη- θέντος τοῦ δήμου διὰ τοὺς παροργίσαντας" ἔπειτα βουλομένων Λακεδαιμονίων ἐκ Δεκελείας ἀπιέναι καὶ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι

6 EZATTATHOENTEC corr. K.

7—8 Λακ. βουλ. schol. Arist.

8 ANIENAI:

ἀπιέναι Jos. Mayor, A Sidgwick, Wyse, Blass, Herwerden, Naber, Gennadios, coll.

Schol. Arist. Raz. 1532 (edd.).

Kal Ed OIC EXOYCIN IPHNHN €KATEPO! SEIN ;

καὶ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι εἰρήνην ἄγειν K (H-L, Bt, Th) ;---εἰρήνην ἄγειν ἑκάτεροι Gomperz; ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι καὶ εἰρήνην ἄγειν K-W e Schol. Arist. (et ΒΓ“ 8, in

1 archetypo ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἑκάτερθι supra versum adscriptum fuisse arbitratus).

TESTIMON. 7—12 *Schol. Arist. Rav. 1532; ν. Testimonium in p. 138.

ναυμαχήσαντας must refer to Conon who was at Mitylene, and to Archestratus who died there. τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας

νεὼς σωθέντας is so far borne out by |

Xenophon that, according to the state- ment made in the speech of Euryptolemus

(Z.c. 32), ome of the generals was ἐπὶ

καταδύσης νεὼς διασωθείς (cf. Diod. xiii ). PAs regards our other authorities, Philochorus (frag. 121) speaks of six generals as having been put to death; Diodorus (xiii 101-2) describes six only as actually condemned. According to Andro- tion’s AZzthis (quoted by Pausanias vi 7, 7) the decision was limited to the generals who actually took part in the battle. Plut. Per. 37 says of Pericles the younger, τοῦτον... ἀπέκτεινεν δῆμος μετὰ τῶν συστρατηγῶν. The Schol. on Aristoph. Ran. 698 describes four of the generals as having escaped and six as having been put to death. This is somewhat fanci- fully regarded by Bauer (p. 161) as imply- ing that the charge concerned all the ten. The mention of the ‘ten generals’ in the text is doubtless due to the passage, where Socrates, in Plato Afo/. 32 B, says: ὅτε ὑμεῖς τοὺς δέκα στρατηγοὺς τοὺς οὐκ ἀνελομένους τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίας ἐβουλεύσασθε ἀθρόους κρίνειν παρανόμως, τότ᾽ ἐγὼ μόνος τῶν πρυτάνεων ἠναντιώθην ὑμῖν. _[Plat.] Axioch. 368 D states that all the ten στρατηγοί were condemned to death. This account is carelessly followed by Aelian VY. ZH. iii 17, οὐκ ᾿ ἐπεψήφισεν ᾿Αθηναίοις (Zwxparns) τὸν τῶν ᾿ δέκα στρατηγῶν θάνατον. Cf. Valerius Max. iii 8, 3 and Schol. Aristid. iii 245, 24 Dind. According to Bauer the ‘dream of _ Thrasyllus’ (Diod. xiii 97, 6) implies that seven of the generals were put to death. _ The seventh (he suggests) was Leon. _ Diodorus (xiii 101 § 5) states that Conon also was accused but acquitted. Bauer considers the account in the text too defi-

nite in its terms (926 scharf ausgedriicht), in so far as it takes no note of Conon’s acquittal; but he actually regards it as more correct than the narrative in Xeno- phon. He suggests that Xenophon passes over the case of Leon who had not been present at the battle, because it would put the injustice of the sentence in too extreme a light. In Bauer’s opi- nion the author can only refer to Leon in the vague plural τοὺς οὐδὲ συνναυμα- xhoavras, which Bauer admits is an ex- aggeration. .

ἐξαπατηθέντος τοῦ δήμου] Xen. Hell. i 7 § 35, ὕστερον... ἐψηφίσαντο οἵτινες τὸν δῆμον ἐξηπάτησαν, προβολὰς αὐτῶν εἶναι καὶ ἐγγυητὰς καταστῆσαι, ἕως ἂν κριθῶσιν.

παροργίσαντας] in act. hitherto found only in N. T. -Ὦ

ἐκ Δεκελείας ἀπιέναι7ὔ Decelea had been occupied by Agis since the spring of 413 B.c. (Thuc. vii 19 § 1), and it was re- tained until the end of the Peloponnesian war. On the site, about 15 miles N.E. of Athens, near the entrance of the defile leading between Parnes and Pentelicus from the plain of Athens to Oropus and Tanagra, see Leake’s Demz p. 18 and plan in Curtius, Sieben Karten. ) ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι κτλ.1] These overtures after the battle of Arginussae are not mentioned by Xenophon or Diodorus. The terms are the same as those proposed, according to Diodorus (xiii 52), after the battle of Cyzicus in 410 B.C., and opposed by Cleophon (20. 53) (see Grote c. 63, v 458—461). The present overtures are in fact ‘a second. edition’ of those put forward four years previously.. Xenophon says nothing οὗ them on either occasion. The account in Diodorus led Grote (c. 65 z#z¢. p. 537 n) to suppose that the Scholiast on Aristoph. Ranae ult., who quotes the present pas- sage, had confounded the two battles.: It now appears that. the Scholiast’s quo- tation was correct. -It-is not improbable

140 AOHNAIQN COL, 14,]. 44—15, 1. 27.

εἰρήνην ἄγειν, ἔνιοι μὲν ἐσπούδαζον, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος || οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν Γ΄ a \

10 ἐξαπατηθέντες ὑπὸ Κεοφῶντος, ὃς ἐκώλυσε γενέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν μεθύων καὶ θώρακα ἐνδεδυκώς, οὐ φάσκων ov 2

/ \ fa] / a / 3 > \ / χρησάμενοι δὲ καλῶς τότε τοῖς πράγμασι, μετ᾽ OV πολὺν χρόνον » \ ς / ) ae > / ἔγνωσαν τὴν ἁμαρτίαν. ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αλεξίου a z 15 ἄρχοντος, ἠτύχησαν τὴν ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς ναυμαχίαν, ἐξ ἧς συνέβη κύριον γενόμενον τῆς πόλεως Λύσανδρον καταστῆσαι τοὺς τῆς εἰρήνης γενομένης αὐτοῖς ἐφ᾽ τε 3 x 4 \ / Vv / «ς \ \ Ce TOALTEVOOVTAL τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν, οἱ μὲν δημοτικοὶ διασῴζειν

9 ὑπήκουσαν mavult Herwerden. 10 ἐξαπατηθὲν Rutherford. 12 adiwcli (kK, 55:4, Th): ἀφῶσι Naber, Gennadios, Richards, K-w, H-L, B4, s!, e schol. Arist.

a / \ , ἐπιτρέψειν, ἐὰν μὴ πάσας ἀφιῶσι Λακεδαιμόνιοι Tas πόλεις.

a \ ef » Τῷ Yap ὕστέρον ETEL,

τριάκοντα τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

18 <xara> τὴν Hude, sed cf. Kaibel τοι.

Cc

AIACWZEIN 3 -σώσειν K!; -σῶσαι hiatu

admisso Jos. Mayor et Wyse; -o@few Blass, K-w, H-L, κϑ, Th.

that Diodorus is wrong. It is to the overtures in the text that we should refer the account in Philochorus, fragm. 117—118 Miiller (ap. Schol. ad Eur.

been suggested (by Hartman) that. we should read θώρακα ἔχων and interpret the latter as a metaphorical phrase equivalent to μεθύων (coll. Aristoph. Vesp. 1195 etc).

WL Ge

πῃ 2 gy Of,

de

Orest. 371):—Aaxedatuoviww mpecBev- If so, the writer has misinterpreted a σαμένων περὶ εἰρήνης ἀπιστήσαντες οἱ phrase borrowed from a comedy and quite ᾿Αθηναῖοι οὐ προσήκαντο. Cf, Schol. on out of place here. But there is nothing 1. 722. Grote v 460 n. unreasonable in Cleophon’s appearing in _ ἐσπούδαζον] used absolutely, as in ‘armour. His life was not safe,asmaybe Plut. Crass. 12, (Πομπήϊος) ἐσπούδασε inferred from the animosity with which ~ προθύμως. Similarly with ἐβούλοντο in he was regarded by members of the oli- _ c. τό § g (Kaibel, 43). garchical party (Aristoph. Raz. 1504, Lys. _ ἐξαπατηθέντες ὑπὸ Κ λεοφῶντος] Inc. 13 § 7 ff., 30§ 1off.). (H-L, note, p. 77.) 28 § 4 Cleophon (and Callicrates) are The description in the text is obviously ~— described as having ‘deceived the people.’ due to an eye-witness (cf. Wilamowitz,i Cleophon’s action is described as follows 130n.15). It will be remembered that _ in Aeschin. /. Z. 76, Κλεοφῶν.. ἀποκόψειν Cicero, at the time of the Catilinarian _ ἠπείλει μαχαίρᾳ τὸν τράχηλον, el τις THS conspiracy, went down to the Campus εἰρήνης μνησθήσεται, and Czes. 151, παντά- Martius armed with a /ata imsignique πασιν ἔκφρων ἐγένετο (with schol. on 150, = orica (Cic. . pro Murena, § 52). = where εἴ tis εἰρήνη γεννηθήσεται, printed § 2. én’ Ἀλεξίου] B.C. 405/4. εἰρήνης γεννητὴς ἔσται, is clearly a mistake ἠτύχησαν τὴν--ναυμαχίαν] an excep- for εἰρήνης μνησθήσεται). It is with tional, but quite intelligible, phrase for reference to the negociations in the expressing ‘defeat in the naval engage- following year (after the battle of Aegos- ment.’ Similarly, Isocr. Phzl. 47, τὴν potami) that his action is described in μάχην ἡττήθησαν, and Dem. Ff. Z. 320, Lysias 13 8, ὅτε yap πρώτη ἐκκλησία μάχην ἥττηντο. = περὶ THs εἰρήνης ἐγίγνετο, καὶ οἱ mapa ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς] Xen. Hed]. ii 1, Λακεδαιμονίων ἥκοντες ἔλεγον ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἕτοι- 21—32. Plut. Lysander,c.11—12. Grote μοι elev τὴν εἰρήνην ποιεῖσθαι Λακεδαιμό.-. cc. 65, V 542-7. Ψιοι, εἰ κατασκαφείη τῶν τειχῶν τῶν μακρῶν Atcavipov] Lysias 12 §§ 72—76. Plut. ἐπὶ δέκα στάδια ἑκατέρου, τότε ὑμεῖς τε, 1175. 15, τριάκοντα μὲν ἐν ἄστει, δέκα δὲ ἐν ἄν. ᾽Α40., οὐκ ἠνέσχεσθε ἀκούσαντες περὶ Πειραιεῖ καταστήσας ἄρχοντας, Grote σ΄. τῶν τειχῶν τῆς κατασκαφῆς, Κλεοφῶν τε 65, V τ 4 ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν πάντων ἀναστὰς ἀντεῖπεν ws § 2. πολιτεύσονται -- πολ 5 οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ οἷόν τε εἴη ποιεῖν ταῦτα. Cf. Aeschin. i 5, τοῖς τὴν ἄνισον πολιτείαν Arist. Ran. ad fin. Κλεοφῶν δὲ μαχέσθω, πολιτευομένοις, and, even in the passive, and Holden’s Onxomasticon s. v.; also Plat. Leg. 676 C, πεπολιτευμέναι πάσα, Wilamowitz, i 130 f. πολιτείας (Kaibel, 191). = μεθύων kal θώρακα ἐνδεδυκώς] It has τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν] c. 31, 1]. 3. | i

ἔπ 14,1. O—27. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 141

ἐπειρῶντο τὸν δῆμον, τῶν δὲ γνωρίμων οἱ μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἑταιρείαις Ν n / ς \ \ 3 / / > ὄντες καὶ τῶν φυγάδων οἱ μετὰ τὴν εἰρήνην κατελθόντες ὀλιγαρχίας > / e - ee ς y \ > a a "7 ἐπεθύμουν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ἑταιρείᾳ μὲν οὐδεμιᾷ συγκαθεστῶτες ἄλλως δὲ δοκοῦντες οὐδενὸς ἐπιλείπεσθαι τῶν πολιτῶν τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν ἐζήτουν: ὧν ἦν μὲν καὶ ᾿Αρχῖνος καὶ “Avutos καὶ Κλειτοφῶν καὶ Φορμίσιος καὶ ἕτεροι πολλοί, προειστήκει δὲ μάλιστα Θηραμένης. al ¢ an a κοῖς, καταπλαγεὶς δῆμος ἠναγκάσθη χειροτονεῖν THY ὀλυγαρχίαν. Ν a ἔγραψε δὲ τὸ ψήφισμα Apaxovtidns ᾿Αφιδναῖος. X .

20 ἀρχιὰν corr. Jos. Mayor, Rutherford, Blass, Frankel. 22 Εττιλιττεοθδι : ἐπιλείπ. K, B, Th, (‘an λείπεσθαι ν᾽) Κ- Ὺν1 8. ἀπολειπ. Richards, Gennadios, Kontos, Hultsch (Η-1). 23 EZHTOYN (K, K-W, B, Th): ἐζήλουν H-L, sed cf. 13 8 4.

TESTIM. XXXIV 27 *Schol. Arist. Vesp. 157 Δρακοντίδης :... ἔστι yap οὗτος τὸ περὶ τῶν τριάκοντα Ψήφισμα περὶ ὀλιγαρχίας γράψας, ws Ap. ἐν πολιτείαις (Frag. 3737, 411°).

Λυσάνδρου δὲ προσθεμένου τοῖς ὀλιγαρχι-

Xen. Hell. ii 3 § 2, ἔδοξε τῷ δήμῳ τριά- κοντα ἄνδρας ἑλέσθαι, of τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ξυγγράψωσι, καθ᾽ ods πολιτεύσουσι. The term (as Mr Kenyon observes) was ‘sufficiently vague,’ indicating generally the constitution of Solon; but, as the virtue of the constitution depended on its working, it was possible for moderate democrats, extreme oligarchs, and mode- rate aristocrats alike to hope that it would be modelled according to their views. Diodorus (xiv 3) recounts the arguments of the opposing parties at some length, and describes Theramenes as urging the Athenians to follow τῇ πατρίῳ πολιτείᾳ. See Wilamowitz, ii 103—125.

τῶν γνωρίμων] 28:1, 58:1, 16§ 9, 28 82.

ἑταιρείαις] Cf. Thuc. iii 82, 8; viii 54, 4. Hermann, Staatsalt. 7o, 2 and 10; Schémann, Azz. p. 363 E. T. *Apxivos] Dem. 72mocr. p. 742 135, pxivov...Tod καταλαβόντος Φυλὴν καὶ μετά γε τοὺς θεοὺς αἰτιωτάτου ὄντος τῆς καθόδου τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ πεπο- λιτευμένου καὶ ἐστρατηγηκότος πολλάκις. Isocr. 18 § 2, Aeschin. c. Cées. 187, 195. Inf. c. 40 88 1, 2.

Avuros] In the speech made by .Theramenes in his defence, in Xen. He//. ii 3 § 42, Anytus is mentioned with Thrasybulus and Alcibiades: οὐκ αὖ ἐδόκει μοι οὔτε Θρασύβουλον οὔτε ΓΑνυτον οὔτε ᾿Αλκιβιάδην φυγαδεύειν, and 20. § 44, πότερον οἴεσθε Θρασύβουλον καὶ Ανυτον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους φυγάδας ἐγὼ λέγω μᾶλλον ἂν ἐνθάδε βούλεσθαι γίγνεσθαι οὗτοι πράττουσιν; and with Thrasy- bulus in Isocr. Callim. 18 § 23.

Κλειτοφῶν] the proposer of the rider to the proposal of Pythodorus respecting the establishment of the 400 (29 § 3). He is possibly the same as the son of

?

Aristonymus and pupil of Socrates who

gives his name to Plato’s Cleitophon. In Plut. Aor. 805 Κλειτοφῶν (mentioned with Cleon) is probably a mistake for Κλεοφῶν.

Φορμίσιος] ὙὝπόθεσις to Lysias Or. 34, Dionys. Halic. de Lysia, c. 32, Tod yap δήμου κατελθόντος ἐκ Πειραιῶς, καὶ ψηφι- σαμένου διαλύσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν ἄστει, καὶ μηδενὸς τῶν γεγενημένων μνησικακεῖν, δέους δὲ ὄντος, μὴ πάλιν τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τοὺς εὐπόρους ὑβρίζῃ τὴν ἀρχαίαν ἐξουσίαν κεκο- μισμένον, καὶ πολλῶν ὑπὲρ τούτου γινομέ- νων λόγων, Φορμίσιός τις τῶν συγκατελθόν- των μετὰ τοῦ δήμου γνώμην εἰσηγήσατο, τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας κατιέναι, τὴν δὲ πολι- τείαν μὴ πᾶσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς τὴν γῆν ἔχουσι παραδοῦναι, βουλομένων ταῦτα γενέσθαι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων. Grote c. 66, vi 4. Schoémann, Oz Grote, § 11, holds that it is wrong to regard Phormisius as an ad- herent of the oligarchical party; at the same time he was no friend to extreme democracy. Schdmann’s view is sup- ported by the text.

He was sent with Epicrates and others as an envoy to Artaxerxes before the Co- rinthian war and accepted valuable gifts from the king. The envoys were attacked for this in the IIpéoBes of Plato, ap. Athen. 229 F (frag. 119 with Kock’s note). He is mentioned in Arist. Raz. 965 as an admirer (μαθητὴς) of Aeschylus. Didymus, in Schol. ad doc., describes him as δραστικὸς καὶ τὴν κόμην τρέφων καὶ φοβερὸς δοκῶν εἶναι.

Avodvipov—rois ὀλιγαρχικοῖς}] Dio- dorus, xiv 3.

ψήφισμα] Isocr. 7 67, of μὲν γὰρ ψηφίσματι παραλαβόντες τὴν πόλιν.

Apakovridns] Lysias 12 § 73, Θηρα- μένης ἐκέλευσεν ὑμᾶς τριάκοντα ἀνδράσιν ἐπιτρέψαιτὴν πόλιν, καὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ χρῆσθαι

on

142

AOHNAIQN

COL. 15, l. 27—16, 1. 1.

35. οἱ μὲν οὖν τριάκοντα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον κατέστησαν ἐπὶ

Πυθοδώρου ἄρχοντος.

XXXV 1 KATECTHCE corr. K.

χιλίων Pa rgios. 7 dnp. del. Rutherford. c. 19 3, 33 2.

TEsT. XXXV5—6 Bekk. Awmec., p. 235 δέκα τινες εἰσί: δέκα ἦσάν τινες ἐν Πειραιεῖ οἱ ἄρξαντες κατὰ τὴν τυραννίδα τῶν τριάκοντα. ἀρχῆς δοῦναι. μὴ ἀγνοῶμεν δὲ ὅτι ἕτεροί εἰσι δέκα, ods ᾿Αθηναῖοι εἵλοντο μετὰ τὴν τῶν

τριάκοντα κατάλυσιν (c. 38, 5).

, \ ; a , \ γενόμενοι δὲ κύριοι τῆς πόλεως TA μὲν ἄλλα τὰ δόξαντα περὶ τῆς πολιτείας παρεώρων, πεντακοσίους δὲ

\ ΝΜ > 4 > 7 βουλευτὰς Kai τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς καταστήσαντες ἐκ προκρίτων ἐκ τῶν χιλίων, καὶ προσελόμενοι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τοῦ Πειραιέως ν \ a / 4 Ψ \ ἄρχοντας δέκα καὶ Tod δεσμωτηρίου φύλακας ἕνδεκα καὶ μαστιγο- φόρους τριακοσίους ὑπηρέτας, κατεῖχον τὴν πόλιν δι’ ἑαυτῶν. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον μέτριοι τοῖς πολίταις ἦσαν καὶ προσεποιοῦντο

δ εκ των χιλιὼν (Κ, 5}) delent Rutherford, ©

Marindin: ἐκ τῶν delet Herwerden (Th); πεντακισχιλίων K-W; ἐκ τῶν --πεντακισ "-

χιλίων E S Thompson, H-L, Kaibel 192; ἐκ τῶν φυλῶν Hude; ἐκ τῶν - φυλῶν --

πιρὰιωο: Πειραιέως K, K-W, B*, Th; Πειραιῶς Η-1,, 818. δι᾿ ἑαυτῶν K εἴς. : δι᾽ αὐτῶν Jos. Mayor (H-L), sed cf.

mei ΓΙ int, υν σόν. δ 4

ἀλλὰ καὶ προσέταξαν αὐτοῖς εὐθύνας τῆς

ΠΣ Tt bod GETS AYP TE TE PU Th Rae νιν ε

ἣν Δρακοντίδης ἀπέφαινεν. Aristoph. Vesp. 157 with Schol. He was himself nomi- nated as one of the Thirty (Xen. ζει. ii 3 § 2; Hypereid. ap. Harp. s.v.). Cf. Plat. Com. frag, 139 Kock.

XXXV—XXXVII. The- Rule of the Thirty.

XXXV τ. of...rpidxovra] Dio- dorus (xix 32 etc) is the first writer who calls them oi rp. τύραννοι. The same designation occurs in Plut. Swdé/. 5 and in later writers.

ἐπὶ ΤΤυθοδώρου ἄρχοντος] ὃν ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὅτι ἐν ὀλιγαρχίᾳ ἡρέθη, οὐκ ὀνομάζουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναρχίαν τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν καλοῦσιν, Xen. Hell. ii 3 § 1; cf. however Lys. 7 9.

τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ς--καταστή- σαντες)ὶ Xen. Hell. ii-3 11, αἱρεθέντες ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε ξυγγράψαι νόμους, καθ᾽ οὕστινας πολιτεύσοιντο, τούτους μὲν det ἔμελλον ξυγγράφειν τε xai ἀποδεικνύναι, βουλὴν δὲ καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς κατέστησαν, ὡς ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς. τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχάς, ¢.g. that of King-Archon which was filled by Patrocles, Isocr. Caélim. 18 5.

ἐκ προκρίτων ἐκ τῶν χιλίων] ‘out of those selected beforehand, ξ.. out of the 1000.’ If χιλίων is right, the reference is to the Knights. Cf. Philochorus, fragm. 100, ap. Hesych. συ. ἱππῆς, ἱππεῖς (Ἱππεῦσιν Schow)> ἀλλ᾽ εἰσὶν ἑππῆς ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ χίλιοι Aristoph. £g. 225]. σύστημα πολεμικῶν ἀνδρῶν χιλίων ἵππους τρεφόντων. Φιλόχορος δὲ ἐν τετάρτῳ εἴρηκε, πότε κατε- στάθησαν χίλιοι. διάφορα yap ἣν ἱππέων πλήθη κατὰ χρόνου Αϑηναίοις. Cf. Gilbert’s Gr. St.i 305. The Knights were generally

credited with oligarchical sympathies. Cf. Martin, Zes Cavaliers Athéniens, 1886, ΡΡ. 472—480, Les Cavaliers et les Trente. It is improbable however that the select body, out of which the 500 and the other ~ officials were appointed, numbered only ~ 1000. Hence it has been proposed to read πεντακισχιλίων (or ἐκ τῶν π.), but (as observed by Mr Kenyon) we know of © no such body as in existence at this time, unless it is vaguely applied (as under the 400) to all capable of providing arms. Under the 400, we find the 5000 men- = tioned in 29 5, 30 $1, 31 § 2 and 32 | §$ 1, 3; and, on the overthrow of the 400 in 33 § 1, τὰ πράγματα παρέδωκαν τοῖς ~ τετρακοσίοις τοῖς ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων, Who were, ~ however, ignored by the leaders of this ~ counter-revolution, Aristocrates and T ramenes (33 § 2). = τοῦ Πειραιέως ἄρχοντας δέκα] Plut. Lysander 15, δέκα δὲ ἐν Πειραιεῖ κατα- © στήσας ἄρχοντας. Plat. Zpist. vii p. ~ 324 B. Scheibe, Oligurchische Umwéls- © ung, Ὁ. 68. ἕνδεκα) ο. Ξε $1. Xen. Hell. τὶ 3 54... | This new board of Eleven was under the ~ control of Satyrus, one of the most violent ~ partisans of the Thirty. ez μαστιγοφόρους)] The word occurs in Thuc. iv 47. Xen. Hei. ii 3 § 23 men- tions certain ρνεανέσκοι, who carried out the orders of the Thirty, but their number is not specified. § 2. μέτριοι] cf. Xen. Hell. ii 3 τῶ. The Thirty began by attacking the cvxe φάνται alone. Plut. Jor. ii pp. 959, 998 Inf. 1. 18. ἐπ

Ay

CH. 35, |. I—14. TIOAITEIA 143

/ » U διώκειν τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν, καὶ τούς Tt ᾿Εφιάλτου καὶ 2A / / \ a 7A a θ tx > ρχεστράτου νόμους τοὺς περὶ τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν καθεῖλον ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου καὶ τῶν Σόλωνος θεσμῶν ὅσοι διαμφισβητήσεις

\ \ a Ss > fal lol / ς εἶχον, καὶ τὸ κῦρος ἦν ἐν τοῖς δικασταῖς κατέλυσαν, ὡς

a a \ , ἐπανορθοῦντες καὶ ποιοῦντες ἀναμφισβήτητον τὴν πολιτείαν"

16.] οἷον || περὶ τοῦ δοῦναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ © ἂν ἐθέλῃ κύριον ποιήσαντες

‘Xen. Hell. i 5, τός ii 2, 15).

7 πάγου.

9 ΔΙΟΙΚΕΙΝ (K coll. c. 27, 11, ‘non nunc petere sed habere antiquam civitatem prae se ferebant,’ K*), διοικεῖν <xarad> Hude; διώκειν Kontos, Gertz, K-w, H-L, B,

Th, coll. c. 13, 18.

11 Alamo 1zBuHT.

13 ANAM@MIZBHTHTON. Post

annum 329 A.C. etiam in titulis Atticis apparet ¢ aut of pro o, e.g. ἐνδέζμους

(329 A.C.), ψήφιζμα (paullo post roo A.c.), Meisterhans, p. 88°. TTOIHCANTEC : ἐποίησαν ‘emendatio incerta, nec

K-w (s!), ἄν «τις: H-L.

14 οἷον <rdv>

praestat ποιήσαντες καθάπαξ, τὰς προσούσας δυσκολίας deleto dé’ K-w.

. διώκειν τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν] c. 13 § 4, διώκειν τὴν μέσην πολιτείαν. διώκειν, which implies general aim or policy, seems better than διοικεῖν, which implies actual administration (as in Thuc. viii 21, διῴκουν τὴν πόλιν, and 70, τῆς τοῦ δήμου διοικήσεω:).

᾿Εἰφιάλτου] c. 25 2.

᾿Αρχεστράτου] Possibly the στρατηγὸς of that name in the Peloponnesian war, a son of Lycomedes (Thuc. i 57 § 4; He died at Mitylene (Lys. 21 § 8). In Thue. viii 74 § 1 we have an Archestratus, who is described as the father of Chaereas.

Mr Kenyon conjectures that probably

τ Archestratus was one of the supporters of

Ephialtes, and some of the laws curtailing the power of the Areopagus stood in his name.’

καθεῖλον ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου] This im- plies that the laws of Ephialtes etc. limiting the powers of the Areopagites were actu- ally preserved on the Areopagus and that the Thirty removed them from the hill of Ares and thereby virtually repealed them.

_ The context further implies that the laws

of Solon were also preserved on the Areo- pagus, whereas they were really preserved in the Prytaneum (note on 7 1, κύρβει5). Possibly we should strike out ἐξ ᾿Αρείου As a milder remedy we may remove the comma after εἶχον, so as to bring the laws of Solon here referred to under the influence of the verb κατέλυσαν : but as the text stands, the laws of Solon are coupled to those of Ephialtes and Archestratus and can only be separated from them by striking out 7’ before Ἐφιάλτου.

Although the original documents were preserved in the Prytaneum, copies on

stone were kept on the Areopagus, Lys. 6 15, κατὰ τοὺς νόμους τοὺς ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου, Dem. 23 § 22 τῶν φονικῶν νόμων τῶν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου. Cf. Lys. 1 30 and (of a law οἵ Dracon) Dem. 47 71.

Σόλωνος] Schol. Aeschin. 1 39, of λ' τύραννοι... ἐλυμήναντο τοὺς Δράκοντος καὶ Σόλωνος νόμους.

θεσμῶν] c. 12 § 41. 45, in the Iambic lines from Solon.

SiaphicBytiyces|] In c. 9 2 it has been remarked that the right of appeal to a lawcourt was one of the strongest points in the democracy as constituted by Solon. In the same passage the ambiguities in the law of property and the law of heir- esses’ are described as giving additional power to the lawcourts. Some of these ambiguities were removed by the Thirty and the power of the lawcourts (and the commons) 270 ¢anto diminished.

ἀναμφισβήτητον] an epithet of κρίσις in Pol. iii 13, 1283 4, and coupled with φανερὸν in 1332 20 and Categ. 5, 3 4. The adverb is found in Ceateg. 8, αἰ 2.

περὶ Tod δοῦναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ dv ἐθέλῃ] Plat. Sol. 21, εὐδοκίμησε δὲ κἀν τῷ περὶ διαθηκῶν νόμῳ πρότερον γὰρ οὐκ ἐξὴν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ γένει τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἔδει τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὸν οἶκον καταμένειν, δ᾽ βούλεταί τις ἐπιτρέψας, εἰ μὴ παῖδες ὦσι γνήσιοι, δοῦναι τὰ αὑτοῦ κτὰ. οὐ μὴν ἀνέδην γε πάλιν οὐδ᾽ ἁπλῶς τὰς δόσεις ἐφῆκεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὴ νόσων ἕνεκεν φαρμάκων δεσμῶν ἀνάγκῃ κατασχεθεὶς γυναικὶ πειθόμενος. See note on Dem. Left. § 102. In Plat. Leg. 922 EB, (οἱ πάλαι νομοθετοῦντες) τὸν νόμον ἐτίθεσαν τὸν ἐξ- εἶναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ διατίθεσθαι ἁπλῶς, ὅπως ἄν τις ἐθέλῃ τὸ παράπαν. No such abso- lute right was granted by the laws of Solon.

I

ο

15

20

AOHNAIQN COL. 16, 1]. 2—32.

144 7 \ \ a καθάπαξ, τὰς δὲ προσούσας δυσκολίας “ἐὰν μὴ μανιῶν A x \ / ? > Ψ \ s a ynp@s (ἕνεκα) γυναικὶ πιθόμενος᾽ ἀφεῖλον, ὅπως μὴ τοῖς > ς 7] \ a> + » ONSET." a by συκοφάνταις ἔφοδος" ὁμοίως δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἔδρων καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων. κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν ταῦτ᾽ ἐποίουν καὶ τοὺς συκοφάντας καὶ τοὺς 3 a / \ / ς a \ \ , Ν / τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς χάριν ομιλοῦντας παρὰ TO βέλτιστον καὶ κακοπράγ- Ε] e 4 / μονας ὄντας Kal πονηροὺς ἀνήρουν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχαιρον πόλις a , a > UA γιγνομένοις, ἡγούμενοι τοῦ βελτίστου χάριν ποιεῖν αὐτούς. Ν / a δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἐγκρατέστερον ἔσχον, οὐδενὸς ἀπείχοντο τῶν πολι- a a / a / - τῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέκτεινον τοὺς καὶ ταῖς οὐσίαις καὶ τῷ γένει καὶ τοῖς 15 λΛΛὰΝ! ΝΗΓΉΡΩΝ, μανιῶν γηρῶν K, K-W: “μανιῶν γήρως -«-- ἕνεκα -- Blass et

Wyse, coll. [Dem.] 46 § 143 μανιῶν γήρως <7 φαρμάκων νόσου ἕνεκεν παρα- νοῶν > Poland; eadem (nisi quod ἕνεκα malunt et παρανοῶν non accipiunt) H-L; ἕνεκα

ἐπεὶ 4

Ar. ut in re notissima omisit’ Th. Poland coll. [Dem.] l.c. 19 καὶ secl. K-w.

‘sed praestat aoristus (Ξε πεισθείς) 20 €XAIPON propter participium ἡγούμενοι retineri posse putat K,

16 TTIBOMENOC (edd.): πειθόμενος Wyse et

H-L, cf. 'Is. 2 § 20.

retinent H-L, B: ἔχαιρεν Sidgwick, Rutherford (K-w, Th); cf. Thuc. viii 21, δῆμος...

ἀπέκτεινεν... ζημιώσαντες.. .νειμάμενοι.

21 ΓΙΓΝ (edd.). 23 ATTEKTEINAN

(K, coll. Thuc. viii 70, 2): ἀπέκτεινον Blass, Kontos, H-L, K-w, 51, Th.

καθάπαξ] ‘absolutely.’ Under Solon’s law it was only in the event of a man’s having no legitimate children that he could make a will at all. Possibly the Thirty made the right absolute.

τὰς προσούσας δυσκολίας] either the inconvenient limitations attaching thereto’ or ‘the additional inconvenient limita- tions’; probably the former.

ἐὰν μὴ μανιῶν.-πιθόμενος] [Dem.] 46 § 14, ἐὰν μὴ μανιῶν γήρως φαρμάκων νόσου ἕνεκα, γυναικὶ πειθόμενος, and § 16, νοσοῦντα φαρ- μακῶντα γυναικὶ πειθόμενον ὑπὸ γήρως ὑπὸ μανιῶν ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης τινὸς καταληφθέντα. 48 56, ἄκυρά γε ταῦτα πάντα ἐνομοθέτησεν εἶναι Σόλων, τι ἄν τις γυναικὶ πειθόμενος πράττῃ. Lys. frag. 74, τῆς διαθέσεως... ἣν ἐκεῖνος διέθετο οὐ παρανοῶν οὐδὲ γυναικὶ πεισθείς. Isaeus 6 § 9, ἐὰν μὴ ἄρα μανεὶς ὑπὸ γήρως κτλ., 2 § 13. Hyperides 5 (Athenog.) § 17, ἐξεῖναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ διατίθεσθαι ws ἄν τιϑ βούληται, πλὴν [ἢ ,«γήρωϑ) ἕν ε[κεν] νόσου μανιῶν γυ[ναικὶ] πειθό- [μεν ον].

μανιῶν γηρῶν are defended as parti- ciples by Kaibel, 192 f. γηρᾶν is found in Xen. Cyr. iv 1, 15, and Ar. Zh. v 8, 3, but μανιᾶν does not occur. For the pl. μανιῶν, cf. Plat. Zeg. 869 A, μανίαις ὀργῆς, and 880 B, μανίαις ἐχόμενος.

ὅπως μὴ ἦ] The only passage in which μὴ is followed by a vowel in the historical part of the treatise. Cf. 42,13 52,23 57; 4 (Kaibel, II).

§ 3. τοὺς συκοφάντας κτλ.] Xen. Hell.

li 3, 12, πρῶτον μὲν ods πάντες ἤδεσαν ἐν τῇ δημοκρατίᾳ ἀπὸ συκοφαντίας ζῶντας καὶ τοῖς καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς βαρεῖς ὄντας συλλαμ- βάνοντες ὑπῆγον θανάτου" καὶ τε βουλὴ ἡδέως αὐτῶν κατεψηφίζετο, οἵ τε ἄλλοι, ὅσοι ξυνήδεσαν ἑαυτοῖς μὴ ὄντες τοιοῦτοι, οὐδὲν ἤχθοντο. Lysias 13 5, (οἱ τριά- κοντα) φάσκοντες χρῆναι τῶν ἀδίκων καθαρὰν ποιῆσαι τὴν πόλιν. Plato, then a young man of 24, and a nephew of Critias, was at firstmisled by thesesplendid professions, Epist. 324 BC (Grote, v 562).

πρὸς χάριν] (λέγειν Twi) Xen. Mem. iv 4,4: Hell. vi 3, 7; Rhet.i 1, 1354 34, ἀκροᾶσθαι πρὸς χάριν. Pol. iii 16, 1287 38, πολλὰ πρὸς ἐπήρειαν καὶ χάριν πράττειν. Eth. 10,2, 1173 633, (ὁ φίλος) πρὸς τἀγαθὸν ὁμιλεῖν δοκεῖ, (ὁ κόλαξ) πρὸς ἡδονήν.

Theramenes protested against putting people to death simply because they had enjoyed influence under the democracy: ‘Even you and I (he reminded Kritias) have both said and done many things for p: sake of popularity’ Xen. Zell. ii 3

§ 15 (Grote, v 565).

§ 4. οὐδενὸς at Pn κτλ.] Xen. Feil. ii 3 14, ods ἐβούλοντο ξυνελάμβανον, οὐκέτι τοὺς πονηρούς τε καὶ ὀλίγου ἀξίους.

ἀπέκτεινον κτλ. zh. § 15 (ὁ Κριτίας) προπετὴς ἦν ἐπὶ τὸ πολλοὺς ἀποκτείνειν,

and § 17, ἀποθνῃσκόντων πολλῶν Kal ©

ἀδίκως. Among those who were put to death were Strombichides and other officers who were attached to the demo-

cracy (Lysias 13 § 13; 30§ 14); Lycurgus © who belonged to one of the most eminent

sacred gentes in the State ([Plut.] ΚΖ.

NEA Par FRU IRRNCEL Neck, ἘΠ Pe RUN ORB Tes Ge A PO ea

πη tae LL YI A TAD Uh a δι

PB i Bids

alae

be OT TT:

Fy EMAL ADT OY oes ber ΣΝ

CH. 35,1. 15 —CH. 36,1.1τ. TIOAITEIA 145 ἀξιώμασιν προέχοντας, ὑπεξαιρούμενοί τε τὸν φόβον καὶ βουλό- μενοι τὰς οὐσίας διαρπάζειν" καὶ χρόνου διαπεσόντος βραχέος, οὐκ 25 ἐλάττους ἀνῃρήκεσαν χιλίους πεντακοσίους.

86. οὕτως δὲ τῆς πόλεως ὑποφερομένης, Θηραμένης ἀγανακτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς γιγνομένοις τῆς μὲν ἀσελγείας αὐτοῖς παρήνει παύσασθαι, μεταδοῦναι δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων τοῖς βελτίστοις. οἱ δὲ πρῶτον ἐναντιωθέντες, ἐπεὶ διεσπάρησαν οἱ λόγοι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος καὶ πρὸς τὸν Θηραμένην, οἰκείως εἶχον οἱ πολλοί, φοβηθέντες μὴ 5 προστάτης γενόμενος τοῦ δήμου καταλύσῃ τὴν δυναστείαν κατα- λέγουσιν τῶν πολιτῶν τρισχιλίους ὡς μεταδώσοντες τῆς πολιτείας.

2 Θηραμένης δὲ πάλιν ἐπιτιμᾷ καὶ τούτοις, πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι βουλό-

μενοι μεταδοῦναι τοῖς ἐπιεικέσι τρισχιλίοις μόνοις μεταδιδόασι, ὡς

ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πλήθει τῆς ἀρετῆς ὡρισμένης, ἔπειθ᾽ ὅτι δύο τὰ ἐναν- τιώτατα ποιοῦσιν, βίαιόν τε τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τῶν ἀρχομένων ἥττω 24 ἀξιώμασι H-L. θόντος Herwerden. XXXVI 1 οὕτω H-L. 2 ΓΙΝ K-w. (H-L, K-w, 818), -«-τὸ:- πρῶτον BY. πρῶτον <pev> Sakorr. 4 ἐπεὶ <5é> Sak-

orr. (B*). 6 καταλέγουσι H-L. 7 ΔΙΟΧΙλΙΟΥΟ corr. K. 8 ἐπετίμα Gennadios. 9 μεταδιδόασιν H-L. 10 ἐν 566]. Bt,

25 AlATTECONTOC (edd.)?: διαλιπόντος Jos. Mayor, διελ-

3 πρῶτοι (Th coll. 5 § 3), πρῶτον K

TEST. XXXV 26 Heraclidis epitoma, Frag. 611, (locus infra exscriptus).

Orat. p. 838); a wealthy man named Antiphon; Leon of Salamis (Plat. 4Zo/. Ῥ. 32); and even Niceratus the son, and Eucrates the brother, of Nicias, Xen. fil. ii 3, 39—41; Lysias 18 §§ 5—8 (Grote, v 566).

ὑπεξαϊρούμενοι---φόβον] ‘cunningly re- moving (making away with) all whom they had reason to fear.’ Plat. Rep. 567 B, and in pass. Thue. viii 70 (of the Four Hundred) ἄνδρας... ἀπέκτειναν οὐ πολλοὺς οἱ ἐδόκουν ἐπιτήδειοι εἶναι ὑπεξαι- ρεθῆναι. Either τὸν φόβον, as suggested by Mr W. L. Newman (Class. Rev. v 164 4), is the object of their fear’ (a some- what poetic usage), or we must render the passage ‘getting quit of their own apprehension.’ ᾿ς χρόνου διαπεσόντος] a novel use, _ possibly suggested by phrases such as παραπίπτων OY παραπεπτωκὼς καιρός (Kaibel, 42).

χιλίους πεντακοσίους] Heraclides 9, καὶ ἀνεῖλον οὐκ ἐλάσσους χιλίων φ΄. Isocr. Areop. 67 (of the Thirty), οἱ μὲν γὰρ ψηφί- σματιπαραλαβόντες τὴν πόλιν πεντακοσίους μὲν καὶ χιλίους τῶν πολιτῶν ἀκρίτους | ἀπέκτειναν, Paneg. 113, Aeschin. Οζες. 23: Cf. Grote v 577n. The Schol.

S. A.

on Aeschin. 1 § 39 quotes Lysias for the number 2500.

XXXVI§ 1. ὑποφερομένης] c. 25 § 1.

Θηραμένης κτλ. Xen. Hell. ii 3 88 15 —17. Aristotle is here probably quoting from a political pamphlet by Theramenes (cf. Wilamowitz, i 165 ἢ).

διεσπάρησαν] δ, λόγον, Xen. Hell. v 1

| 25.

φοβηθέντες--- πολιτείας] Xen. Hell. ii 3 § 18, ἐκ τούτου μέντοι Kpirias καὶ of dddoe τῶν τριάκοντα, ἤδη φοβούμενοι καὶ οὐχ, ἥκιστα τὸν Θηραμένην, μὴ συρρυείησαν πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ πολῖται, καταλέγουσι τρισ- χιλίους τοὺς μεθέξοντας δὴ τῶν πραγμάτων.

προστάτης τοῦ δήμου] c. 21.9; c. 28

2

§ 2. ©. πάλιν ἐπιτιμᾷ] Xen. Hell. ii 3 § το, δ᾽ αὖ ©. καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα ἔλεγεν, ὅτι ἄτοπον δοκοίη ἑαυτῷ γε εἶναι τὸ πρῶτον μὲν βουλομένους τοὺς βελτίστους τῶν πολι- τῶν κοινωνοὺς ποιήσασθαι τρισχιλίους, ὥσπερ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦτον ἔχοντά τινα ἀνάγκην καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς εἶναι, καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἔξω τούτων σπουδαίους οὔτ᾽ ἐντὸς τούτων πονηροὺς οἷόν τε εἴη γενέσθαι" ἔπειτα δ᾽, ἔφη, ὁρῶ ἔγωγε δύο ἡμᾶς τὰ ἐναντιώτατα πράττοντας, βιαίαν τε τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἥττονα τῶν ἀρχομένων κατασκευαζομένους.

Io

15

146 AOHNAIQN . COL. 16, 1]. 32—17, 1.15.

/ ε \ 7 \ > / \ \ / κατασκευάζοντες. οἱ δὲ τούτων μὲν ὠλιγώρησαν, TOV δὲ κατάλογον a Υ͂ a TOV τρισχιλίων πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ὑπερεβάλλοντο Kal παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς

3 4 \ > A \ \ / 3 a > UA

ἐφύλαττον τοὺς ἐγνωσμένους, ὅτε δὲ καὶ δόξειεν αὐτοῖς ἐκφέρειν \ \ 5 / A

τοὺς μὲν ἐξήλειφον τῶν (ἐγ)γεγραμμένων, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀντενέγραφον

τῶν ἔξωθεν.

37.

/ \ a βούλου μετὰ τῶν φυγάδων Φυλήν, καὶ κατὰ THY στρατιὰν ἣν

ἤδη δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐνεστῶτος, καταλαβόντος Θρασυ-

3 7 ς a n éEnyayov οἱ τριάκοντα κακῶς ἀποχωρήσαντες, ἔγνωσαν τῶν μὲν

ἄλλων τὰ ὅπλα παρελέσθαι, Θηραμένην δὲ διαφθεῖραι τόνδε

Ka 12 METACKEYAZONTEC. Kaibel 194.

13 Ὑπερβὰλλ. 14 συμφέρειν van Leeuwen.

<éxpépew> add. Gertz, sed cf. 15 TEFPAMMENOWN (K, B4):

-- ἐγ-- γεγραμμένων Herwerden (H-L, K-w, B, K4, Th).

XXXVII 2 καὶ 560]. K-w!2; retinent K-w*, cf. Kaibel 195.

B, Th, cf. Kaibel 195: στρατείαν K-Ww.

ἔγνωσαν ponit Jos. Mayor.

CTPATIAN K, H-L, 3 of τριάκοντα del. Richards (H-L), ante

4 TrApiec@al corr. K.

τὸν δὲ κατάλογον κτλ.] The narra- tive in Xenophon (Zeé//. ii 3 § 20) pro- ceeds immediately with an account of the review of the 3000 in the agora and of the rest (τῶν ἔξω τοῦ καταλόγου) else- where. The κατάλογος is the list of the 3000 referred to by Theramenes in Xen. fell. ii 3 § 52, ixeredw...uh ἐπὶ Kpirig εἶναι ἐξαλείφειν...ὃν ἂν βούληται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅνπερ νόμον οὗτοι ἔγραψαν περὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ καταλόγῳ, κατὰ τοῦτον...τὴν κρίσιν εἷναι, 2b. 4 28.

τοὺς éyvwopévous] ‘those whom they had determined to include.’

ὅτε δόξειεν ͵]Ἱ͵ They repeatedly fixed a date for the publication of the list, but never actually published it. On every such occasion they revised the names but did not publish the results (cf. Kaibel,

194).

ἐξήλειφον κτλ.] Isocr. 18 § 16, ἐκ μὲν τῶν μετεχόντων τῆς πολιτείας ἐξαλείψας, εἰς δὲ τὸν μετὰ Λυσάνδρου κατάλογον éy- γράψας, and 21 2, and Lys. 25 § 16 (Wyse).

dvrevéypadov] The word is used by Dem., but only in the pass.

XXXVII § τ. τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐνεστῶτος] the winter of B.C. 404/3.

καταλαβόντος Φυλήν] Xenophon (Hell. ii 3, 23—56) completes the story of the opposition of Theramenes to the proceedings of the Thirty, and his con- sequent death, before relating the capture of Phyle by Thrasybulus. In ii 4, 1, after the death of Theramenes, the opponents of the Thirty were compelled to withdraw, and many of them went to Megara and

Thebes. Thereupon (ἐκ τούτου 2) Thrasybulus ὁρμηθεὶς ἐκ Θηβῶν ws σὺν ἑβδομήκοντα Φυλὴν χωρίον καταλαμβάνει ἰσχυρόν. In the text the occupation οὗ Phyle, and the defeat of the force sent out ~ by the Thirty against the holders of that ~ fort, are described as the cause of the dis- armament of the general body of citizens and the execution of Theramenes.

This implies that Thrasybulus held Phyle for a longer time than has generally been supposed. It was not long after the surrender of Athens, on the 16th of Munychion (end of April), that the Thirty came into power, probably early in May, | 404. Cleocritus in Xen. Hell. ii 4, 21, | speaking immediately after the battle which ensued on the occupation οὗ Munychia, describes the rule of the Thirty as having lasted for eight months. This brings us to the end of December, 404.

It was not until the small force which originally occupied Phyle, variously stated as 30, 60, 70 or over 100 (Grote, Vv ~ 585), had increased to 1000 that Thrasy- bulus advanced on Athens. Mr Kenyon suggests that ‘they probably remained for two or three of the winter months at Phyle.’ The fact that it was during the winter that Phyle was in occupation is illustrated by the narrative of the snow- storm which thwarted the Thirty in their attempt to blockade Phyle after their first repulse (Xen. Hell. ii 4, 2). +

τὰ ὅπλα παρελέσθαι] Xen. Hell. ii 3. 8 20, τὰ ὅπλα πάντων πλὴν τῶν τρισχιλίων Ε παρείλοντο, and 2b. § 41. Pol. 131148 ff.

CH. 36,1. 12—CH. 37,1.15. TIOAITEIA 147

(τὸν) τρόπον. νόμους εἰσήνεγκαν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν δύο κελεύοντες ||

Ξ na @ ς 7 171 ἐπιχειροτονεῖν, ὧν μὲν εἷς αὐτοκράτορας ἐποίει τοὺς τριάκοντα

τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς μὴ τοῦ καταλόγου μετέχοντας τῶν ς > “Ὁ a τρισχιλίων, δ᾽ ἕτερος ἐκώλυε κοινωνεῖν τῆς παρούσης πολιτείας / x phe ee / an 7 BY a ὅσοι τυγχάνουσιν (ἢ) τὸ ἐν ᾿Ηετιωνείᾳ τεῖχος κατασκάψαντες τοῖς / an τετρακοσίοις ἐναντίον te πράξαντες [{ἢ]] τοῖς κατασκευάσασι τὴν / @ προτέραν ὀλιγαρχίαν' ὧν ἐτύγχανεν ἀμφοτέρων κεκοινωνηκὼς / a Θηραμένης, ὥστε συνέβαινεν, ἐπικυρωθέντων τῶν νόμων, ἔξω τε A / γίγνεσθαι τῆς πολιτείας αὐτὸν Kal τοὺς τριάκοντα κυρίους εἶναι a , rd 2 θανατοῦντας. ἀναιρεθέντος δὲ Θηραμένους τά Te ὅπλα παρείχοντο πάντων πλὴν τῶν τρισχιλίων καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις πολὺ πρὸς δ <rdv> K-W, coll. c. 7, 8 (edd.). 7 τῶν τρισχιλίων delere volebat B12, 9 τυγχάνουσι H-L. <> τὸ Bt, 10 secl. K-w, H-L, 828, Th, τοῖς secl. Bf.

14 OANATOYNTAC (edd.) defendit Kontos coll. Thuc..v 34, Plat. Zeg. 878 Ε, Polyb. iii 85, 2 etc.: θανατοῦν Lacon, Keil (- αὐτόν Poland), coll. Xen. Hell. ii 13, 51.

νόμους εἰσήνεγκαν7 asyndeton.

αὐτοκράτορας----τρισχιλίων] Xen. Hell. ii 3 § 51 (Critias Joguztur), ἔστι δὲ ἐν τοῖς καινοῖς νόμοις τῶν μὲν ἐν τοῖς τρισχιλίοις ὄντων μηδένα ἀποθνήσκειν ἄνευ τῆς ὑμετέ- pas ψήφου, τῶν δ᾽ ἔξω τοῦ καταλόγου κυρίους εἶναι τοὺς τριάκοντα θανατοῦν. ἐγὼ οὖν, ἔφη, Θηραμένην τουτονὶ ἐξαλείφω ἐκ τοῦ καταλόγου ξυνδοκοῦν ἅπασιν ἡμῖν καὶ τοῦτον, ἔφη, ἡμεῖς θανατοῦμεν. This im- plies that there were other καινοὶ νόμοι, and the second given in the text, but un- recognised by Xenophon, would be one of them. But if it had already been passed before the meeting of the Council at which Critias denounced Theramenes, the latter would obviously have withdrawn from Athens. The only alternative is to suppose, with Mr Kenyon, that Critias proposed the second law on the spot and ‘forced it down the throat of the council by the threat of armed force.’ This is not

inconsistent with striking the name of

Theramenes out of the list of the 3000, the only detail recorded by Xenophon, who omits the second law as superfluous, and as therefore marring the dramatic effect of his narrative.

Cf. Isocr. 18 § τό, οὐδένα φανήσομαι τῶν πολιτῶν οὔτε χρήμασι ζημιώσας οὔτε περὶ τοῦ σώματος εἰς κίνδυνον καταστήσας, οὔτ᾽ ἐκ μὲν τῶν μετεχόντων τῆς πολιτείας ἐξαλείψας εἰς δὲ τὸν μετὰ Λυσάνδρου κατά- λογον ἐγγράψας.

τὸ év’ Ηετιωνείᾳ τεῖχος κατασκάψαντες] ‘the projecting mole which contracted and commanded, on the northern side, the Narrow entrance of Peiraeus,’ Grote c. 62,

v 403, 408, 412. See Map of Peiraeus in Curtius, Szeben Karten, no. 2.

Thuc. viii 90 § 1, τὸ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ηετιωνείᾳ καλουμένῃ τεῖχος ἐποιοῦντο. 10. go § 3, ἣν δὲ τοῦ τείχους γνώμη αὕτη, ὡς ἔφη Θηραμένης καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ, οὐχ ἵνα τοὺς ἐν Σάμῳ, ἢν βίᾳ ἐπιπλέωσι, μὴ δέξωνται ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾶ, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα τοὺς πολεμίους μᾶλ- λον, ὅταν βούλωνται, καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ δέξωνται. χηλὴ γάρ ἐστι τοῦ Πειραιῶς ἡἣ Ἠετιώνεια, καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὴν εὐθὺς ἔσπλους ἐστίν. 70. 92 το, τὸν Θηραμένην ἠρώτων εἰ δοκεῖ αὐτῷ ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ τὸ τεῖχος οἰκοδο- μεῖσθαι, καὶ εἰ ἄμεινον εἶναι καθαιρεθέν. δέ, εἴπερ καὶ ἐκείνοις δοκεῖ καθαιρεῖν, καὶ ἑαυτῷ ἔφη ξυνδοκεῖν. καὶ ἐντεῦθεν εὐθὺς ἀναβάντες οἵ τε ὁπλῖται καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Πειραιῶς ἀνθρώπων κατέσκαπτον τὸ τείχισμα. In [Dem.] Zheocr. § 17 p. 1343, the incident is wrongly referred to the time of the Thirty.

τοῖς τετρακοσίοις--τοῖς κατασκευά- σασι τὴν προτέραν oAtyapxlav] The 400 are identical with the ‘former oli- garchy.’ Hence must be omitted.

Cf. Lys. 12 § 65, (Theramenes) τῆς προτέρας ὀλιγαρχίας αἰτιώτατος ἐγένετο, πείσας ὑμᾶς τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τετρακοσίων πολιτείαν ἑλέσθαι (Kaibel, 195).

§ 2. ὅπλα παρείλοντο] This has already been mentioned as resolved by the Thirty, in § 1. Xenophon places the actual disarmament before the execution of Theramenes, He//. ii 3, 20.

TOAD πρὸς ὠμότητα---ἐπέδοσαν] Xen. ffeil. ii 3, 21, πολλοὺς μὲν ἔχθρας ἕνεκα ἀπέκτεινον, πολλοὺς δὲ χρημάτων. It was after the disarmament, and before the

Io—2

20

σι

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ, COL. 17, 1. 15—48.

148 / / ὠμότητα Kal πονηρίαν ἐπέδοσαν. πρέσβεις (δὲ) πέμψαντες εἰς a ΄ ΄ val a Λακεδαίμονα tod τε Θηραμένους κατηγόρουν καὶ βοηθεῖν αὑτοῖς « ἠξίουν: ὧν ἀκούσαντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Καλλίβιον ἀπέστειλαν ἁρμοστὴν καὶ στρατιώτας ὡς ἑπτακοσίους, of τὴν ἀκρόπολιν δ / 3 4 ἐλθόντες ἐφρούρουν. la) An a 38. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καταλαβόντων τῶν ἀπὸ Φυλῆς τὴν / \ / / \ \ = 4 Μουνιχίαν καὶ νικησάντων μάχῃ τοὺς μετὰ τῶν τριάκοντα βοη- \ a θήσαντας, ἐπαναχωρήσαντες μετὰ τὸν κίνδυνον οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως \ / 3 3 Ν ae 7 \ \ καὶ συναθροισθέντες εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν TH ὑστεραίᾳ τοὺς μὲν τριάκοντα

΄ ς a δὲ δέ A λ a > / eee. κατέλυσαν, αἱρουνταύν EKA τῶν TOALT@V AVTOKPaATOPas χα

16 ‘an éredidocav?’ ΤῊ. πρέσβεις -- δὲ -- Jos. Mayor, Blass, Hude (H-L, K*4, Th): ante πρέσβεις lacunam indicant K-w; verba πρέσβεις---ἐφρούρουν olim in fine capitis 36 locum habuisse censet van Leeuwen; πρέσβεις --δὲ κἄμπροσθε:- ΒΓ appendix;

πρέσβεις---ἐφρούρουν post τόνδε <tdv> τρόπον, c. 37, 5, posuit Polak.

17 aYTOIC

(ΚΙ, H-L): αὑτοῖς K-w, Bt, K*, Th, ἑαυτοῖς Bl-%,

XXXVIII 2 et 16 MOYNYXIAN. Cf. c. 19, 5.

4 CYNACOpoicé?

TESTIMONIA. XXXVIII5 Bekk. Ax. 235-6 (cf. Testim. ad xxxv 5—6).

death of Theramenes, that, according to Xenophon, ten of the μέτοικοι became the victims of the Thirty. Among these was Polemarchus, the brother of Lysias (Lys. 12 17).—Categ. 10, 13 a 24 ἐπιδοίη ἂν εἰς TO βέλτιον εἶναι, Ath. το, 5, 1175 a 35, ἐπιδιδόασιν eis TO οἰκεῖον ἔργον. Magn. Mor. i 9, 1186 29, πρὸς μᾶλλον ἐπιδί- Souev. Isocr. 33 B, ἐ. πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν. πρέσβεις <S¢> πέμψαντες] The asyn- deton is not justifiable on the same grounds as νόμους εἰσήνεγκαν in the second sentence of this chapter ; and betrays some serious disturbance of the text. ‘There is no connexion whatever between the first of these sentences and those that go before them, and the coming of Callibius pre- ceded the final measures taken against Theramenes’ (Edinburgh Review, 1891 p. 478). Besides, it is too late to ac- cuse Theramenes when he is already ex- ecuted. There is thus every reason for believing (with van Leeuwen) that this paragraph ought to be transferred to some such place as the end of c. 36. Xenophon’s narrative (/e//. 11 3 §§ 13, 14), as noticed by Mr Kenyon, is supported by Diodorus xiv 4, and is in itself more probable than that in the text :—‘ It would hardly have been possible for the Thirty to have carried on their Reign of Terror without an armed force at their backs, whereas Aristotle represents it as having occurred while the whole body of Athe- nians was still in possession of weapons.’ Part of this objection is removed by transferring the passage to the end of c.

36, but we still have the protests of The- ramenes placed after, instead of before, the arrival of the Spartan garrison. Possibly this sentence was originally a marginal memorandum, which the author afterwards included in the text owing to ΕῈ subsequent passage, 38 § 2 (Kaibel, 196). “Καλλίβιον) Xen. /.c. and Plut. Lysand. 15 ad fin. In neither of these passages is the number of the garrison mentioned. τὴν ἀκρόπολιν] The detail as to the occupation of the Acropolis, which is not in Xenophon, agrees with Lysias 12 § 943 13 § 46 (Wyse). | XXXVITI—XL. The Rule of the Ten. The end of the oligarchical revolution and the restoration of the democracy. XXXVIII 1. καταλαβόντων---Μου- vixtav κτλ.}] Xen. Hell. ii 4, 11—19. Andoc. De Myst. 80. ἐπαναχωρήσαντες KTA.] Xen. Zc. 22, τοὺς μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἀπήγαγον εἰς τὸ ἄστυ.

τοὺς τριάκοντα κατέλυσαν κτλ.] 2. 23,

ἐψηφίσαντο ἐκείνους μὲν καταπαῦσαι, ἄλλους δὲ ἑλέσθαι.

φυλῆς. The appointment of the Ten is describ-

ed by Lysias, c. Zratosth. 12 54, ἄρχον: τας δὲ τοὺς ἐκείνοις ἐχθίστους εἵλοντο. Among them were Pheidon, formerly one of the Thirty, with Hippocles and Epix chares and others who were regarded as opposed to the extreme party of Charicles

and Critias 55). λαβόντες... τὰς apxas

καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀμφοτέροις ἐπολέμουν, TOS

τε τριάκοντα πάντα κακὰ εἰργασμένοις Kab

καὶ εἵλοντο δέκα, ἕνα ἀπὸ

3

rel Al ἫΝ ERE RG Rea ὧν ise i 2 Ne Fev) iG: "ἢ

Partie

bh

κύσαι - - ΕΞ ΤΟ ΒΗ, ΩΝ

ΠΕῚ

CH. 37,1. 16—CH. 38,1.19. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 149

τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν. οἱ δὲ παραλαβόντες τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔπραττον, ἔπεμπον δ᾽ εἰς Λακεδαίμονα 2 βοήθειαν μεταπεμπόμενοι καὶ χρήματα δανειζόμενοι. χαλεπῶς δὲ φερόντων ἐπὶ τούτοις τῶν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ, φοβούμενοι μὴ . καταλυθῶσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ βουλόμενοι καταπλῆξαι τοὺς ἄλλους (ὅπερ ἐγένετο), συλλαβόντες [Δ]ημάρετον οὐδενὸς ὄντα δεύτερον τῶν πολιτῶν ἀπέκτειναν, καὶ τὰ πράγματα βεβαίως εἶχον, συν- ἀγωνιζομένου Καλλιβίου τε καὶ τῶν Πελοποννησίων τῶν παρόντων τούτων γάρ τινες

ἐφ᾽ οἷς μὲν ἡἠρέθησαν οὐκ

καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἐνίων τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι. a \ \ a μάλιστα τῶν πολιτῶν ἐσπούδαζον μὴ κατελθεῖν τοὺς ἀπὸ Φυλῆς. ς > «ε \ 7 \ \ / » > U ὡς δ᾽ οἱ τὸν Πειραιέα καὶ τὴν Μουνιχίαν ἔχοντες, ἀποστάντος a A / / ἅπαντος τοῦ δήμου πρὸς αὐτούς, ἐπεκράτουν τῷ πολέμῳ, τότε ͵ / A + καταλύσαντες τοὺς δέκα τοὺς πρώτους αἱρεθέντας ἄλλους εἵλοντο a > Ka \ \ δέκα τοὺς βελτίστους εἶναι δοκοῦντας, ἐφ᾽ ὧν συνέβη καὶ Tas

_ 7 €NOIC corr. K. ἔπε[ μ]πο[»ν] B?, K-w%, ‘lectio non certa sed probabilis,’

K4, Th; ἔπεμψαν H-L, Bl, ?Th; ἐπρέσβευσαν Καὶ (K-w2); ἐπέ στελλον] s! coll.

Thue. viii 38 ἐπιστέλλει---ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα. 9 ἐν τῇ πόλει Kontos.

10 καταλυθῶσι H-L. 11 Δημάρετον Blass (edd.); post hoc nomen ἀρετῇ fortasse

recte inserit Richards. 12 βεβαίως: βιαίως Jos. Mayor. συναγωνιζομέν[ ων] H-L. ε

16 Tripaia: Πειραιέα K, K-w, B, Th; Πειραιᾶ H-L: in titulis Atticis Πειραιεα saepius

quam Ile:paea apparet ; Πειραια nondum inveni. AYTHN (K1): αὐτοὺς Blass al. (edd.).

TTANTOC K! (K-W, H-L).

17 ATTANTOC Blass (Κ8, Th):

ὑμῖν πάντα κακὰ πεπονθόσι (57). ἔπεμ.- πον κτλ.} (Pheidon) ἐλθὼν εἰς Λακε- δαίμονα ἔπειθεν αὐτοὺς στρατεύεσθαι.. οὐ δυνάμενος δὲ τούτων τυχεῖν... ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐδανείσατο, ἵνα ἔχοι ἐπικούρους μισθοῦσθαι (58—59). They were appointed soon after the time when περὶ [τῶν] διαλλαγῶν οἱ λόγοι ἐγίνοντο (53), but their policy tended οὐ διαλλάξαι ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολέσαι...τὴν πόλιν (60). The 100 talents are also mentioned by Xen. He//. ii 4, 28. Suidasand Harp. δι. δέκα.

ὃ. 2. χαλεπῶς φερόντων ἐπὶ τούτοις] For the construction cf. c. 33 § 1.

τοῖς ἱππεῦσι) Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 24. Lysias Mantith. 16 § 3, οὐχ ἵππευον... ἐπὶ τῶν τριάκοντα. After the restoration of the democracy there was evidently a prejudice against those who had been ἑππεῖς at the time of the Thirty. Man- titheus meets this prejudice by shewing that he was not of the number, and also that many who were had subsequently become members of the βουλὴ or had been elected στρατηγοὶ and ἵππαρχοι (20. 8).

§ 3. ἄλλους εἵλοντο δέκα] These are not mentioned either by Lysias or by Xenophon. ‘Xenophon’s narrative not only ignores but excludes the existence

of such a body. In Xen. the government in the city (τὸ κοινόν, Hell. ii 4, 36 appears opposed to the democrats in the Peiraeus, even after the arrival of Pausanias and the despatch of the Athenian envoys to Sparta (Justin, v 10, 7). Where then are we to insert this second board favour- able to the democracy? They were elected, according to Ar. ‘‘when the party in pos- session of the Peiraeus and Munichia was getting the best of it in the war,” and one Rhinon was influential among them. But, if Isocrates, Lysias and Xenophon, all contemporary authorities, be combined, it seems that Rhinon was a member of the first board of Ten. For, according to Isocr. 18 §§ 17, 49, Rhinon was in office before the democrats proceeded to attack the fortifications of the city. According to Xen. (ZH. ii 4, 27 f), it was when the democrats grew so strong as to bring up siege-engines against the wall that the city-party (of ἐν τῷ καταλόγῳ) appealed to Sparta, the result being the arrival of Lysander and Libys,,and the blockade of the Peiraeus...Finally, Lysias, 12 § 54 f, states precisely that the appeal to Sparta proceeded from the Ten appointed on the overthrow of the Thirty, z.¢. from the first

20

25

30

[50 AOHNAIQN COL. 18, 1. 1—35.

διαλύσεις || γενέσθαι καὶ κατελθεῖν τὸν δῆμον, συναγωνιζομένων καὶ [Co

/ / / δ᾽ 3 fal , ‘Pi προθυμουμένων τούτων. προειστήκεσαν δ᾽ αὐτῶν μάλιστα Ῥίνων ε 7 \ / τε Ilasavieds καὶ Pavrros ᾿Αχερδούσιος" οὗτοι yap πρίν τε Ν \ > a \ Παυσανίαν [{πΊ|] ἀφικέσθαι διεπέμποντο πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Τ]ειραιεῖ καὶ \ / ἀφικομένου συνεσπούδασαν τὴν κάθοδον. / ς x / τὴν εἰρήνην καὶ τὰς διαλύσεις Παυσανίας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων \ \ kin 4 a A ec > / 5 βασιλεὺς μετὰ τῶν δέκα διαλλακτῶν τῶν ὕστερον ἀφικομένων ἐκ a ς Ν \ ἈΝ Λακεδαίμονος, ods αὐτὸς ἐσπούδασεν ἐλθεῖν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν ¢ / / \ 7 \ 3 Ν δῇ > .θ. \ Pivava διά τε τὴν εὔνοιαν THY εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐπηνέθησαν, καὶ ΄ \ > UA > 3 / \ 52.7 " > λαβόντες τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐν ὀλιγαρχίᾳ τὰς εὐθύνας ἔδοσαν ἐν / » a 5 a > δημοκρατίᾳ, καὶ οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἐνεκάλεσεν αὐτοῖς οὔτε τῶν ἐν ἄστει

22 axepAoycyioc corr. Bywater, al.

22—23 TTPIN H TTAYCANIAN TE κτλ. (K!): πρὶν 11.--διεπέμποντό <re> K-w!;

πρίν --τε:- Π.---διεπέμποντο Richards ε.Ὁ

(H-L, K-w23, pl-3, x4, Th); πρὶν IL. τε Β΄. 23 tripait: Πειραιεῖ K, HL; Πειραεῖ

K-W, B.

corr. K. συνεσπούδαζον Bi. regis nomine iam antea commemorato.

II 4, 38, cf. Keil Hermae xxxII 406,’ K-w? (B*, Th). scripsisse videtur L?, sed inter scribendum delevisse’ kK‘.

ἐν τῇ δημ. coni. B; τῇ δημ. ΚΙ,

Πειραει tituli Attici (Meisterhans, p. 32°) duodecim in locis habent, e.g. Dittenberger 337, 9, 14, 36 (B.C. 320) ev vel eu Πειραει. ' 25 Παυσανίας del. H-L; ὁ--- βασιλεὺς del. Richards,

24 APIKNOMENOYC

26 ‘fort. <mevrexal>dexa e Xen. Hell. 29 ‘post επιμελειαν, Tas εὖθ 29 f ἐν Snu. Wyse, edd.;

TESTIMONIA. 21 Heraclidis epitoma, 611, 6°, τούτων δὲ καταλυθέντων Θρασύβουλος καὶ Ῥίνων προειστήκεσαν, ὃς ἣν ἀνὴρ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθός.

board of Ten’ (Athenaeum, 6 May, 1893, Ρ. 570).

συναγωνιζομένων] with the democrati- cal party. τούτων probably refers to the Ten.

“Ῥίνων] Isocr. Callim. § 6, εἷς τῶν δέκα γενόμενος, but Isocrates does not clearly distinguish this board of ten from those who were elected immediately after the overthrow of the Thirty: 5, ἦρχον μὲν γὰρ οἱ δέκα of μετὰ τοὺς τριάκοντα KaTa- στάντες.

Φαῦλλος] otherwise unknown.

πρὶν] The removal of (proposed by Herwerden) is justified not only by its rarity in Attic Greek, but also by the fact that Mss often vary between πρὶν and πρὶν (Wyse).

§ 4. ἐπὶ πέρα----ἤγαγεῖ The phrase πέρας ἔχειν Ξεπεραίνεσθαι is found in Isocr. 42 B, Lycurg. 155, 34 60) and elsewhere; and Polybius uses πέρας λαμβάνειν (v 31, 2) and 7. ἐπιθεῖναί rwrdi 41, 2). Ar. Meteor. I, 14, 3534 18, τὸ ἔργον αὐτῶν ἔχει πέρας, δὲ χρόνος οὐκ ἔχει. πέρας is a frequent word in Ar., but ἐπὶ πέρας ἄγειν is not recorded in the /udex Ar., though ἄγειν

émt...occurs in Pol. 1313 a 19; [270 6. ἐπὶ τέλος (πέρας) ἄγειν is found before Ar. in the Sophist quoted by Iamblichus, Protr. c. 203; and after, in Philo’s Syzz. Mech. iv p. 5, 29, and in Polybius (Kaibel, 39).

Παυσανίας] Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 29—39.

τῶν δέκα διαλλακτῶν κτλ. 1ε. § 38, ἐξέπεμψαν πεντεκαίδεκα ἄνδρας εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας καὶ ἐπέταξαν ξὺν Παυσανίᾳ διαλ- λάξαι ὅπῃ δύναιντο κάλλιστα. (It will be observed that Xenophon mentions 15, not 10, and as the number is exceptional it is more likely to be right than not.) οἱ δὲ διήλλαξαν ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε εἰρήνην μὲν ἔχειν ws πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἀπιέναι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστον πλὴν τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τῶν ἕνδεκα καὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ ἀρξάντων δέκα. εἶ δέτινες φοβοῖντο τῶν ἐξ ἄστεως, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς (αὐτοὺς Hartman) ᾿Ελευσῖνα κατοικεῖν.

ἐπὶ πέρας γὰρ ἤγαγε4

SEIT

οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἐνεκάλεσεν κτλ.] Isocr.

takes to himself similar credit, 15 27, μηδένα μοι πώποτε μήτ᾽ ἐν ὀλιγαρχίᾳ μήτ᾽ ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ μήθ᾽ ὕβριν μήτ᾽ ἀδικίαν ἐγκαλέσαι. Cf. Lys. 12 § 78, Andoc. De Myst. 99 (Kaibel, 196).

,

CH. 38,1. 20---ΟΗ. 39,1.11. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 151 μεινάντων οὔτε τῶν ἐκ Πειραιέως κατελθόντων, ἀλλὰ διὰ ταῦτα Kal στρατηγὸς εὐθὺς ἡρέθη “Ῥίνων.

39.

τὰς συνθήκας τάσδε.

9 cd y \ ἐγένοντο δ᾽ ai διαλύσεις ἐπ᾽ Εὐκλείδου ἄρχοντος κατὰ \ / 3 / an > +” τοὺς βουλομένους ᾿Αθηναίων τῶν ἐν ἄστει

fal ΝΜ a / μεινάντων ἐξοικεῖν ἔχειν ᾿Ελευσῖνα ἐπιτίμους ὄντας καὶ κυρίους τὸ δ᾽ a A \ ἱερὸν εἶναι κοινὸν ἀμφοτέρων, ἐπιμελεῖσθαι δὲ Κήρυκας καὶ \ \ a an? 7 Εὐμολπίδας κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. μὴ ἐξεῖναι δὲ μήτε τοῖς ᾿Ελευσινόθεν > \ »” , lal > a 7 3 a U 57 Ν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ μήτε τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως ᾿Ελευσῖνάδε ἰέναι πλὴν / / μυστηρίοις ἑκατέρους.

aA lal / καὶ αὐτοκράτορας ἑαυτῶν Kal τὰ αὑτῶν καρπουμένους.

συντελεῖν δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν προσιόντων εἰς τὸ ἐὰν δέ τινες τῶν ἀπιόντων οἰκίαν λαμβάνωσιν ᾿Ελευσῖνι, συμπείθειν τὸν κεκτη- μένον: ἐὰν δὲ μὴ συμβαίνωσιν ἀλλήλοις, τιμητὰς ἑλέσθαι τρεῖς

συμμαχικὸν καθάπερ τοὺς ἄλλους ᾿Αθηναίους.

E

31 TTIPAIWC: Πειραιέως edd.; Πειραιῶς H-L.

(B.C. 329).

[Π]ε[Ὡραως CIA ii 834 01 64

XXXIX 2 AOHNAIWN, supra TWN additum, retinet K (post τῶν locat K}), cf. c. 27, 15 τῷ βουλομένῳ Λακιαδῶν et c: 29, 24 of ἐθέλοντες ᾿Αθηναίων : delent K-W, H-L,

3 ante τῶν ponunt Blass et K°, K!; ἁπάντων Poland (H-L).

4 ἑζαυ]τῶν Jackson, K-w, K°, B, Th: ἐ[πὶ πᾶσἼ]ιν 8 ἑκατέρους fortasse aut defendi aut excusari posse putat

Jackson, sed mavult ἑκατέροις, ‘mysteriis maioribus minoribusve’; idem mavult

Hude.

XXXIX §1. αἱ διαλύσεις] the διαλ- (K.). λαγαὶ of Lys. 12 53 and 13 § 80. ἐπ᾽ § 2. ἱερὸν] The temple of Demeter Εὐκλείδου] B.c. 403/2. The διαλύσεις ἴοοκ at Eleusis. Κήρυκας καὶ Εὐμολπίδας] place near the end of the summer of 403. 6. 5

Xen. ἀξ. 25 speaks of the party of the Peiraeus as foraging for ξύλα καὶ ὀπώραν, and Plut. Mor. p. 349 F (de gloria Ath.) gives the 12th of Boedromion (September) as the date of the return of the exiles. ἐξοικεῖν] best taken with βουλομένους. ἐπιτίμους] in full possession of their rights as citizens ; cf. Xen. Hell. ii 2, 11 (of an earlier date, when Agis was holding Decelea), τοὺς ἀτίμους ἐπιτίμους ποιήσαντες ἐκαρτέρουν. Xenophon is referring to the ψήφισμα of Patrocleides, quoted in Andoc. de Myst. 77—79; 16. 73, ἐπεὶ yap ai νῆες διεφθάρησαν καὶ πολιορκία ἐγένετο, ἐβου- λεύσασθε περὶ ὁμονοίας καὶ ἔδοξεν ὑμῖν τοὺς ἀτίμους ἐπιτίμους ποιῆσαι. Then follows the locus classicus about ἀτιμία in which, among those who were under partial ἀτιμία, are mentioned (in § 75) the sol- diers who ἐπέμειναν ἐπὶ τῶν τυράννων ἐν τῇ πόλει (τετρακοσίων may be suggested instead of τυράννων ; this suggestion is anticipated by Dobree, and approved by Blass ; in any case the Four Hundred are meant ; and not the Thirty). κυρίους καὶ αὐτοκράτορας] ‘possessing full and independent powers of self-government’

7 § i. Tots Εἰλευσινόθεν | constructio praegnans, influenced by ἰέναι; similarly below, ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως.

ἑκατέρους] The constr. changes from the dat. to the acc. with the inf. For a similar change of constr. after ἐξεῖναι, cf. Aeschin. 3 § 2, ἵνα ἐξῇ πρῶτον μὲν τῷ πρεσβυτάτῳ τῶν πολιτῶν... ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα παρελθόντι τὰ βέλτιστα τῇ πόλει συμ- βουλεύειν, δεύτερον δ᾽ ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν τὸν βουλόμενον γνώμην ἀποφαί- νεσθαι (Kiihner, 475. 2 ο, Anm. 1). ἑκα- τέρους is possibly preferred to avoid the ambiguity arising from ἑκατέροις, which would naturally agree with μυστηρίοις and has actually been proposed in this sense.

συντελεῖν... εἰς] Dem. Left. 28, συντε- λοῦσιν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον.

τὸ συμμαχικὸν] elsewhere of ‘the allied forces’ (Thuc. iv 77), or of a ‘treaty of alliance’ (iii gt, v 6): here either ‘the fund for the common defence,’ or, more probably, ‘the fund of the Spartan con- federacy.’

§ 3. συμπείθειν] ‘the assent of the owner.’

σι

| [{ἕπτ]α ΚΙ.

152 AOHNAIQN .cOoL. 18, 1]. 35—19, 1. 15. ἑκάτερον, καὶ ἥντιν᾽ ἂν οὗτοι τάξωσιν τιμὴν λαμβάνειν. *EXev- σινίων δὲ συνοικεῖν ods ἂν αὐτοὶ βούλωνται. εἶναι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐξοικεῖν, τοῖς μὲν ἐπιδημοῦσιν ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἂν ὀμόσωσιν τοὺς ὅρκους δ[έκ]α ἡμερῶν, τὴν δ᾽ ἐξοίκησιν εἴκοσι, τοῖς δ᾽ ἀποδημοῦσιν ἐπειδὰν ἐπιδημήσωσιν κατὰ ταὐτά. ἄρχειν μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν τῶν ἐν τῷ ἄστει τὸν ᾿Ελευσῖνι κατοικοῦντα,

τὴν δ᾽ ἀπογραφὴν 4

μὴ ἐξεῖναι δὲ 5

\ xX / a 4 πρὶν ἂν ἀπογράψηται πάλιν ἐν TO ἄστει κατοικεῖν. τὰς δὲ || δίκας [Co

a > \ : τοῦ φόνου εἶναι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, εἴ τίς τινα αὐτόχειρ ἔκτεινεν 12 EKATEPWN (B): ἑκάτερον Bury, Richards, Hude, Papabasileios (K-w, H-L, κϑ,

Th). τάξωσι H-L. etiam of ἂν αὐτοὶ scribendum suspicatur.

6 -γράψηται edd.

16 ἀποδημοῦσι--ν:- Κ, H-L.

13 ΟΥ̓ΤΟΙ (Κ, K-W, H-L, Th): αὐτοὶ Richards, Herwerden, Β qui

15 ὁμόσωσι H-L. d[éx]a K-w, cet.: δι᾽ 18 ΔΙΤΟΓΡΑΨΗΪΨΗΤΔΙ : -γράφηται K!;

Ιε 19 AYTOXIPAEKTICIOTPWCAC (deletis OT): αὐτοχειρὶ -- ἀπέκτο- νεν :- ἐκτίσει ἱερώσας ΚΙ, Ταὐτόχειρα ἐκτίσει ἱερώσας

K3—(-rpdaas Wyse) ; αὐτοχειρίᾳ

ἔκτεινεν ἔτρωσεν K-W, H-L, Bt (ἔτρωσε) ; αὐτόχειρ ἀπέκτεινεν ἔτρωσεν 851. 8, 5] (ἔκτεινεν 52); αὐτοχειρίᾳ ἐκτείσαιτο τρώσας Th, Berl. Phil. Woch. 1909, 703.

ἥντιν᾽ dv οὗτοι τάξωσιν τιμὴν] ‘what- soever price they (z.e. the valuers) shall appoint.’

συνοικεῖν] ‘of the inhabitants of Eleusis, those whom the secessionists desired should live inthe same community.’ Thuc. ii 68, 3, ἀπὸ τῶν ᾿Αμπρακιωτῶν ξυνοικησάντων. In Thuc. vi 64, 3 (the Syracusan horsemen tauntingly ask the Athenians) εἰ ξυνοική- σοντες σφίσιν αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἥκοιεν ἐν TH ἀλλοτρίᾳ Λεοντίνους ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν κατοι- κιοῦντες, 2b. ii 68, 3. The proceedings have an arbitrary air as against the ordinary

inhabitants of Eleusis, but it would appear -

that Eleusis was, subject to certain con- ditions, handed over to the secessionists.

§ 4. τὴν ἀπογραφὴν εἶναι] Those who proposed to secede were required to enter their names in a list (cf. 40 § 1). ἀπο- γραφή, in Attic law, is generally applied to a register of land, property, moneys, rather than of persons. Lys. 25 § 9, εἰσὶ δὲ οἵτινες τῶν ’EXevoivade ἀπο- γραψαμένων, ἐξελθόντες μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν, ἐπο- λιορκοῦντο μετ᾽ αὐτῶν (Westermann, Cobet; μεθ᾽ αὑτῶν MS; ἐπολιόρκουν τοὺς μεθ᾽ αὑτῶν Scheibe, Frohberger, Thalheim).

τοὺς ὅρκους] ‘the oath of pacification’ (Poste). Xen. Hel/. ii 4, 43 (of a slightly later time, after the commanding officers of the party at Eleusis had been put to death and a reconciliation effected with the re- mainder), ὀμόσαντες ὅρκους μὴν μὴ μνησι- κακήσειν. ϑέκα ἡμερῶν, 11, 5 δέκα ἐτῶν.

§ 5. πρὶν--ἀπογράψηται] ‘until he shall again register himself in the list with a view to residence in the city.’ Lys. 25 ὃ9 quoted above. ἀπογράφεσθαι, mid. to register oneself (e.g. as a citizen : Pol. vi (iv) 13, 1297 @ 24, ἐνιαχοῦ δ᾽

ἔξεστι μὲν πᾶσιν ἀπογραψαμένοις ἐκκλη- σιάζειν καὶ δικάζειν, ἐὰν δὲ ἀπογραψάμενοι μήτ᾽ ἐκκλησιάζωσι μήτε δικάζωσιν, ἐπί- κεινται μεγάλαι ζημίαι τούτοι). Xen. οἰ. ii 4 8, vi 5 § 29. The passive is found in Plat. Leg. 914 C, ἂν ἀπογεγραμ- μένον παρὰ τοῖς ἄρχουσι τὸ κτῆμα.

τὰς δὲ δίκας τοῦ φόνου---Ἰ This passage

does not help us to decide the question

whether the Areopagus was suspended or,

not bythe Thirty. Lys. 1 § 30 (delivered after the year of Eucleides) says of this tribunal, καὶ πάτριόν ἐστι καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν (ὑμῶν MSS) ἀποδίδοται (ἀποδέδοται the read- ing of an inferior MS) τοῦ φόνου τὰς δίκας δικάζειν. Grote, Rauchenstein (PAz/ol. x 604 ff) and Curtius (iv 16 note) hold that it was suspended ; Schomann (Azz. p. 549 E. T.) that it was not. Practically, how- ever, its authority was obviously superseded by the Reign of Terror. See also Philippi, Areop. p. 265, 266, and Frohberger’s Lystas, vol. 11 180.

αὐτόχειρ ἔκτεινεν] Hdt. i 140 etc. αὖ- τοχειρίᾳ κτείνειν. αὐτόχειρ ἔκτεινεν might

be regarded as a poetic form of expression,

but αὐτόχειρ itself is used in prose, as in Plat. Zeg. 865 B and 872 B αὐτόχειρ ἀποκτείνῃ, 866 Ὁ, 867 C, 871 A αὐτόχειρ κτείνῃ, cf. 872 A, ἐὰν δὲ αὐτόχειρ μὲν μή, βουλεύσῃ δὲ θάνατόν τις ἄλλος ἑτέρῳ, and in Dem. p. 321, 18; 549, 53 552, 18. τρώ- σας, ‘by wounding,’ gives less good sense than 7 érpwoev, but might be defended by ἐάν τις φάρμακον Sods ἀποκτείνῃ et stmilia. ‘Unlawful wounding’ comes under the cognisance of the courts that try cases of homicide, c. 57 § 3 fin. κτεῖναι τρῶσαί τινα.

πὰ τ δῖ

πον Ty ἀν LWCLI OUR (ht A eps Ble Re Deed oe ἡὶ ἀν ἐπ ὁ.

rf”

“εὐθύνας.

CH. 39,]. 12—CH. 40,1.3. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 153

a \ / \ \ 4 ἐξεῖναι πλὴν πρὸς τοὺς τριάκοντα Kal τοὺς δέκα Kal τοὺς ἕνδεκα \ \ a TI , by δὲ \ / >\ δῶ καὶ τοὺς τοῦ Πειραιέως ἄρξαντας, μηδὲ πρὸς τούτους, ἐὰν διδῶσιν > 4 \ a \ \ 2 am” > a εὐθύνας δὲ δοῦναι τοὺς μὲν ἐν Iletparet ἄρξαντας ἐν τοῖς

a a / , ἐν ἸΠειραιεῖ, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ἄστει ἐν τοῖς TA τιμήματα παρεχομένοις a / «Ὁ la εἶθ᾽ οὕτως ἐξοικεῖν τοὺς ἐθέλοντας. τὰ δὲ χρήματα, ἐδανείσαντο a 4 εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, ἑκατέρους ἀποδοῦναι χωρίς. an / 40. γενομένων δὲ τοιούτων τῶν διαλύσεων, καὶ φοβουμένων lal a \ ὅσοι μετὰ τῶν τριάκοντα συνεπολέμησαν, καὶ πολλῶν μὲν ἐπι- . / 3 tal > / \ \ > \ > \ > 4 ψοούντων ἐξοικεῖν ἀναβαλλομένων δὲ THY ἀπογραφὴν εἰς τὰς ἐσχάτας

Shiv 22 καὶ τοὺς <déxa τοὺς -- τοῦ ?B. TTIPAIw@C: Πειραιῶς H-L. 23 TTIPAL. El 24 Tripail. Praestaret ἐν τοῖς <év τῷ ἄστει K et Gertz> τιμήματα (Ξε ἀποτιμήματα)

Tapexopévas, aut τὰ «αὐτὰ Gertz> τιμήματα παρεχομένοις.

λ τίμημα Bt,

Cf. c. 2, 12. τὸ

25 TOYC εθελοντὰο : τοὺς ἁλόντας BI, qui in archetypo litteras ΘῈ

deletas, et (non A) seriptum fuisse putat; τοὺς ἐθέλοντας K-W, B*, K*, Th; εἴθ᾽

οὕτως---τοὺς -- μὴ -- ἐθ. B*4,

ΧΙ, 2 μὲν ἐπινοούντων ἐξοικεῖν K, K-w?, 85.4, Ths ἐξ. μὲν ἐπινοούντων K-w!?;

ἐπινοούντων μὲν ἐξ. Β1.3 (H-L, 51).

8 ἀνὰγράφην (K!): ἀπογραφὴν Jackson, Blass

al (K-W, H-L, K*, Th) ; ἀνα-γραφὴν fortasse casu ex ἀνα-βαλλομένων ortum.

TESTIMONIA. XXXIX 21—23 Bekk. Ax. 235-6 (cf. Testim. ad xxxv 5—6),.

8 6. μνησικακεῖν] Xen. Hell. ii 4 wit., ὀμόσαντες ὅρκους μὴν μὴ μνησικακήσειν,

ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὁμοῦ τε πολιτεύονται καὶ τοῖς

ὅρκοις ἐμμένει δῆμος. Aristoph. Put. 1146, μὴ μνησικακήσῃς, εἰ σὺ Φυλὴν κατέ- λαβες, ἀλλὰ ξύνοικον πρὸς θεῶν δέξασθέ με, with Schol. Andoc. de Myst. go, καὶ

οὐ μνησικακήσω τῶν πολιτῶν οὐδενὶ πλὴν . Τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τῶν ἕνδεκα, οὐδὲ τούτων

ὃς ἂν ἐθέλοι εὐθύνας διδόναι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἧς ἦρξεν and 26. 81, 91. Aeschin. 2. Z. 176, {Archinus and Thrasybulus) τὸ μὴ μνησι-

᾿ Κακεῖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔνορκον ἡμῖν κατα-

στησάντων. Justin, ντοϑ τι. Cf. Lueb- bert, De Amnestia, Kiel, 1881, and J. Μ.

᾿ς Stahl, in Rhein. Mus. xlvi 250—286 and

esp. 481-7. καὶ τοὺς δέκα] Neither in Xenophon

(Hell. ii 4, 38) nor in Andocides is this _ body of Ten described as excluded from the amnesty.

Xenophon mentions the *Ten who ruled in Peiraeus’ (c. 35 § 1); Andocides does not mention even these. ᾿ ἐν τοῖς ἐν Ileparet] not ‘for all matters

coming within the limits of Peiraeus’ (Kenyon), but ‘before the courts held in the Peiraeus.’ ' Peiraieus’ is Mr Poste’s rendering; but

“ΤῸ the residents in

such a rendering of an account would be

very informal. Some lawfully constituted body is clearly meant.

ἐν τοῖς τιμήματα παρεχομένοις] ‘before a court consisting of those who can produce rateable property’ z.e. who have property on which they pay taxes. This limitation excludes all paupers or citizens of the lowest class. παρέχεσθαι is ‘to have as one’s own, to produce as one’s own,’ ‘to bring forward’ (Land S); τοῖς ὅπλα παρεχομένοις Occurs in c. 4, but I can find no instance of παρέχεσθαι being coupled with τιμήματα.

τιμήματα is here understood of penal- ties, by Poland, Kaibel and Kiessling, and Haussoullier (εὔθυναι came under the class of δίκαι τιμηταί, Att. Proc. pp. 226, 264 Lips.). Reinach makes τίμημα syn- onymous with ἀποτίμημα, ‘a security,’ comparing CIA ii 570, 21, [τιμήματι ἐγγνητῇ, and Lys. ap. Harp. s.v. τίμημα.

οὕτως] after satisfying all these legal requirements.

ἀποδοῦναι χωρίς] inf. c. 40 § 3.

ΧΙ, 1. ἐπινοούντων ἐξοικεῖν dvaBad- λομένων δὲ κτλ.] Cf. Plat. Leg. 950 Cc, τινὰ ἀναβολὴν τῆς ἐξοικήσεως ἀξιῶν γίγνεσθαι. 1. 4.’ Αρχῖνος] mentioned (with Dion) as an orator in Plat. Menex. 234 B,

"6 ἔτρωσεν. τῶν δὲ παρεληλυθότων μηδενὶ πρὸς μηδένα μνησικακεῖν 20

σι

Io

154

ἡμέρας, ὅπερ εἰώθασιν ποιεῖν ἅπαντες, Ἀρχῖνος συνιδὼν τὸ πλῆθος

AOHNAIQN

COL, 19, 1. 16—45.

καὶ βουλόμενος κατασχεῖν αὐτοὺς ὑφεῖλε τὰς ὑπολοίπους ἡμέρας τῆς ἀπογραφῆς, ὥστε συναναγκασθῆναι μένειν πολλοὺς ἄκοντας

ἕως ἐθάρρησαν.

καὶ δοκεῖ τοῦτό τε πολιτεύσασθαι καλῶς ᾿Αρχῖνος 2

καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα γραψάμενος TO ψήφισμα TO Θρασυβούλου παρα- νόμων, ἐν μετεδίδου τῆς πολιτείας πᾶσι τοῖς ἐκ Πειραιέως συγ-

a al 3 a / κατελθοῦσι, ὧν ἔνιοι φανερῶς ἦσαν δοῦλοι, καὶ τρίτον, ἐπεί τις na / a a ἤρξατο τῶν κατεληλυθότων μνησικακεῖν ἀπαγαγὼν τοῦτον ἐπὶ

4 εἰώθασι H-L, B. δ ὑφεῖλεν Bi. ut c. 39 6? Papageorgios. .

9 TTIPAIOIC: Πειραιῶς H-L.

EWC 11 παρεληλ.

and with Cephalusin Dinarchus, 76. He

was the proposer of a law to prevent cuko- |

pavria after the amnesty (Isocr. ¢. Callim. 18 2, ἄν ris δικάζηται παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους, ἐξεῖναι τῷ φεύγοντι παραγράψασθαι κτλ.). It was on his motion that the Ionic alphabet was adopted in public documents from the archonship of Eucleides onwards (Suidas s. v.). The action recorded in the text is not mentioned elsewhere. He is described as cooperating with Thrasy- bulus in the restoration of the democracy, ᾿Αρχίνου καὶ Θρασυβούλου προστάντων τοῦ δήμου, Aeschin. 25. Z. 176. It was Ar- chinus who moved the decree on that occasion: ¢. Ces. 187, τὸ ψήφισμα γράψας καὶ νικήσας ᾿Αρχῖνος ἐκ Κοίλης, εἷς τῶν καταγαγόντων τὸν δῆμον. On his opposition to a proposal of Thrasybulus, see below.

συνιδὼν τὸ πλῆθος] ‘observing their numbers.’

τὰς ὑπολοίπους ἡμέρας] the remainder of the term of days allowed for the pur- ary of registration.

γραψάμενος τὸ ψήφισμα τὸ Opa-

συβούλου) This fact is well known owing to its having affected the position of Lysias, who fully deserved promotion from the position. of a μέτοικος to that of a citizen for his great services towards the restoration of the democracy, and for the losses he had incurred at the hands of the Thirty, who had even put to death his brother Polemarchus (O07. 12).

Aeschines, ¢. Ctes. 195, describes Archinus as having resisted the proposal to confer the distinction of a crown on some of those who had done good service in the restoration of the democracy. The scholia give us further details : Θρασύ- βουλος Στειριεὺς μετὰ τὸ κατελθεῖν τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ Φυλῆς ἔγραψε ψήφισμα δοθῆναι πολιτείαν Λυσίᾳ τῷ Κεφάλου (Κεφάλῳ MS, correxit Wyse) τῷ ῥήτορι πολλὰ εὐεργε- τήσαντι τοὺς εἰς (τὴν MS) Φυλὴν καταφυ-

γόντας καὶ τοῦτο ἀπροβούλευτον εἰσήνεγκεν εἰς τὸν δῆμον. οὐδέπω γὰρ ἦν καθεσταμένῃ βουλὴ μετὰ τὴν τῶν λ' κατάλυσιν" τοῦτο τὸ * ψήφισμα ἐγράψατο παρανόμων ᾿Αρχῖνος ἐκ Κοίλης καὶ εἷλε καὶ ἐτίμησαν τῷ Θρασυ- βούλῳ οἱ δικασταὶ δραχμῆς. μιᾶς. "Αλλως" ἐπίστευον τοῖς δοκοῦσιν ἀμύνειν τοῖς νόμοις. ᾿Αρχῖνος γὰρ ἐκ Κοίλης ἐγράψατο παρα- νόμων ὅτε κατῆλθεν δῆμος... Λυσίου τοῦ Συρακοσίου πεντακοσίας μὲν ἀσπίδας δόντος τοῖς μαχεσαμένοις ἐν Φυλῇ, τριακοσίους δὲ (Συρακοσίοις MS, correxit Blass) στρατιώτας μισθωσαμένου ἐξ Αἰγίνης, ἔγραψε ψήφισμα. πολίτην αὐτὸν γενέσθαι Θρασύβουλος. παρανόμων δὲ αὐτὸν ᾿Αρχῖνος ἐκ Κοίλης ἐγράψατο, ὅτι οὔπω γενόμενης βουλῆς ψήφισμα ἔγραψεν καὶ (οἷ) δικασταὶ κατή- νεγΎκαν αὐτοῦ τὰς ψήφους ὀλιγώρως πρὸ τοῦ βουλὴν ὑπάρξαι (ὀλιγώρως--ὑπάρξαι placed after ἔγραψεν by Schultz). δὲ ἐν τῇ τιμήσει παρελθών, θανάτου, ἔφη, τιμῶμαι ὅτι ἀχαρίστους ᾿Αθηναίους ὄντας εὖ ἐποίησα. οἱ δὲ δικασταὶ αἰδεσθέντες τῷ μὲν ἐτίμησαν τὴν καταδίκην δραχμῆς, τὸν δὲ Λυσίαν οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἐποιήσαντο πολίτην. Maximus Planudes, Scholia on the στάσεις οὗ Hermogenes in Walz, Rh. Gr. ν 3435 παραπλήσιον Kal τὸ. περὶ Θρασυβούλου ἱστορούμενον, ds μετὰ τὴν τῶν τριάκοντα κατάλυσιν ἔγραψε τῷ Λυσίᾳ ψήφισμα περὲ τοῦ δεῖν αὐτὸν γενέσθαι πολίτην καὶ κατη- γορηθεὶς ὡς ᾿ἀπροβούλευτον ψήφισμα... εἰσενεγκών, οὐ γὰρ ἦν πω καταστᾶσα βουλή, κατεδικάσθη χρημάτων" δὲ, οὗ 3 μὰ Ala, ἔφη, ἀλλὰ θανάτου" τί γὰρ τοιού- τους ἔσωζον; Cf. [Plut.] 846 a. The” proposal was made μετὰ τὴν κάθοδον ém ἀναρχίας τῆς mpd Εὐκλείδου (i. 835 EF),

3 ἘΣ 3 Ξ 5 - = = = 3 Ξ ἘῈ a ~~ ΞΜ =

z.e. between the return from exile a the restoration of the democracy. At that time the βουλὴ had not yet been constituted. See Blass Att. Ber. i 34 3497, and Jebb, Az. Orators, i 1513 Wyse in Class. Rev. Vv 335. ρξατο---μνησικακεῖν] c. 39 6.

action of. Archinus is the natural sequ

οὗ, cf The uel

Pet eral eit

ris

> > fal \ \ > n ᾿ς T E€K TOV αἀστεῶς KAL τοὺς EK TOV Πειραιέως,

CH. 40, 1. 4—24. TIOAITEIA 155

\ \ \ , > a , Ψ A , τὴν βουλὴν καὶ πείσας ἄκριτον ἀποκτεῖναι, λέγων ὅτι νῦν δείξουσιν

> 4 \ / t \ lal >? / εἰ βούλονται τὴν δημοκρατίαν σῴζειν καὶ τοῖς ὅρκοις ἐμμένειν" / a

ἀφέντας μὲν yap τοῦτον προτρέψειν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ἐὰν δ᾽

ὅπερ καὶ συνέπεσεν"

> θ / \ iT) \ / Ὁ“ > / > \

ἀποθανοντος yap οὐδεὶς πώποτε ὕστερον ἐμνησικάκησεν. ἀλλὰ a / \ \ / ς ΄ 37 \

δοκοῦσιν κάλλιστα δὴ καὶ πολιτικώτατα ἁπάντων καὶ ἰδίᾳ Kal

n £ al 7 a

κοινῇ χρήσασθαι ταῖς προγεγενημέναις συμφοραῖς" οὐ yap μόνον

\ “Ὁ

τὰς περὶ τῶν προτέρων αἰτίας ἐξήλειψαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ χρήματα

Λακεδαιμονίοις, οἱ τριάκοντα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἔλαβον, ἀπέδοσαν

Df 4 / wd ἀνέλωσιν, παράδειγμα ποιήσειν ἅπασιν.

κοινῇ, κελευουσῶν τῶν συνθηκῶν ἑκατέρους ἀποδιδόναι χωρὶς τούς ἡγούμενοι τοῦτο a ΕΣ val a e ,ὔ 3 \ - A / > πρῶτον ἄρχειν δεῖν τῆς ὁμονοίας" ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν οὐχ οἷον ἔτι προστιθέασιν τῶν οἰκείων οἱ δῆμοι κρατήσαντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ

12 δείξουσι 84. 18 CWZEIN. 15 συνέπεσε Bi. 16 ἀλλὰ Richards (edd.); ἅμα κΙ. 11 δοκοῦσι H-L, Β. κὰἀιλιὰ correctum in Kal IAIAal. 18 προσγεγενη- pévats (cf. Thuc. ii 87, 3; Xen. Mem. iii 14, 6; Soph. Zvach. 1173) Wyse.

21 ἀποδοῦναι Papabasileios coll. c. 39 ult. 22 Tripaiwec: Πειραιῶς H-L. 23 AEN correctum in A€IN. 23—24 ΟΥ̓Χ OION ΕΤΙ (vel ETT!) TIPOC: οὐχ οἷον ἔτι προσ. K, H-L, Β1 ὃ, K-w3, Th ; ἐπιπροσ. Gennadios, K-w!? ; οὐχ ὅτι προστιθέασιν Jos. Mayor, ὅτι in ἔτι corruptum atque οἷον deinde per errorem insertum arbitratus (s!); οὐχ οἷόν τι προσ. B4, 24 OIAHMOKPAT : οἱ δημοκρατήσαντες K et B cui ‘est δημοκρατήσαντες ut “μοναρχήσαντες᾽: οἱ δῆμοι κρατήσαντες van Leeuwen, Hude (Η-1,, K-w, Th), quod

20

unice verum est,—‘ alibi cum vicerunt populares, spoliare solent divites, non propria

etiam bona in publicum commodum absumere’ (Herwerden).

of his law against συκοφαντία (Isocr. c. Callim. §§ 2, 3). Cf. Curtius, 1. G. iv 59. But his method of procedure was arbitrary in the extreme. Nevertheless, the author passes no condemnation on it. ἀπ- ἀγαγὼν] of summary arrest, 20 4.

τοῖς ὅρκοις ἐμμένειν] Xen. Hell. ii 4 ult., τοῖς ὅρκοις ἐμμένει δῆμος.

§ 3. κάλλιστα δὴ] According to Eucken (De Aristotelis dicendi ratione ; de parti- cularum usu, Ὁ. 49), δὴ is nowhere found in the writings of Aristotle after a super lative (Class. Rev. v 160 a). ᾿ αἰτίας ἐξήλευψαν] Andoc. de AZyst. 76, ἐξαλεῖψαι πάντα τὰ ψηφίσματα, Lys. 1 - § 48, τοὺς κειμένους νόμους ἐξαλεῖψαι, ἑτέρους δὲ θεῖναι, 30 5, τὰ μὲν ἐγγράφεις τὰ δ᾽ ᾿ ἐξαλείφεις. Here probably metaphorical, asin Dem. Pant. 37 34, τὸ γιγνώσκειν Kal συνιέναι τὰ δίκαια... ἐξαλεῖψαι. ἐξα-

λείφειν is not found in the ἡαδα Ar.; ἀπαλείφειν occurs inc. 47 fiz. and 48 27217. and προεξαλείφειν i in c. 47 ult.

τὰ Χρήματα. -ὁμονοία5] See note on ~ Dem. Lept. p. 460, esp. δ 12, τοῦτο πρῶτον ὑπάρξαι τῆς ὁμονοίας σημεῖον, κοινῇ διαλῦσαι

τὰ χρήματα, and Isocr. Aveop. §§ 67, 68 there quoted.

οὐχ οἷον] οὐχ οἷον is not found in Ar. οὐχ ὅτι... ἀλλὰ καὶ occurs in Pol, 13312 11, Poet. 4, 1448 35. οὐχ ὅτι... ἀλλὰ in De Gen, Anim. iv τ, 765 19, De Anima ii 7, 419 @ 21, Anal.i 415 49 22. . προστιθέασιν τῶν οἰκείων] ‘pay addi- tional sums out of their own property.’

ot δῆμοι κρατήσαντες] Pol. vi (iv) 8, 1294 @ 13, ἐν ὀλιγαρχίᾳ καὶ ἐν ἀριστοκῤατίᾳ καὶ ἐν δήμοις. viii (v) 10, 1310 21, οἱ δῆμοι (opp. to αἱ ὀλιγαρχίαι). iii Ir, 1282 @ 28, ἃς (εὐθύνας καὶ ἀρχὰς) ἐν ἐνίαις πολιτείαις... τοῖς δήμοις ἀποδιδόασιν. vii (vi) 4: 1320 4, οἱ δὲ νῦν δημαγωγοὶ χαριζόμενοι τοῖς δήμοις πολλὰ δημεύουσι διὰ τῶν δικα- στηρίων. 7, 1321 19, ταύτῃ δὲ ἐπικρα- τοῦσιν ἐν ταῖς διαστάσεσιν οἱ δῆμοι τῶν εὐπόρων. Thuc. iii 82, τ; viii 65, I, Xen. Cyrop. 1, 1, ὅταν ὀλιγαρχίαι avy- ρηνται ὑπὸ δήμων, Plat. Leg. 684 B, 684 ¢, δῆμοι δήμοις, 690 E, ἐν πᾶσι δήμοις, Plut. Phoc. 2, οἱ δῆμοι. Cf. Isocr. 7 § 70, τὰς Snuoxpatias.,.mpoexovoas τῷ δικαιότερας εἶναι κτλ. λ

156

2

σι

Ξεναινέτου ἄρχοντος.

41. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον συνέβη γενέσθαι καιροῖς, τότε δὲ κύριος δῆμος γενόμενος τῶν πραγμάτων ἐνεστήσατο τὴν [νῦν] odcav πολιτείαν, ἐπὶ ᾿υθοθώροι μὲν ἄρχοντος, δοκοῦντος δὲ δικαίως τοῦ δήμου λαβεῖν τὴν πολιτείαν διὰ τὸ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἦν δὲ τῶν μεταβολῶν ἑνδεκάτη τὸν 2)

5 κάθοδον δι᾿ αὑτοῦ τὸν δῆμον.

26 €N supra scriptum melius abesset (K, coll. Cobet, Var. Lect., pp. 30, 201) ; Cf. Meisterhans, p. 208°. H-L: [werou]hoavras propter hiatum conicit J W Headlam ; [κατοιϊκήσαντας Β (K- -w3, ‘et propter hiatum et propter spatium vestigiaque’ condemnat, XLI 3 Πυθοδώρου: Hvxdeldov exspectaret B (habet B*) coll. c. 39, 1. lacunam indicant K-W, ‘hiat sententia; damnatae Pythodori memoriae facta erat mentio’ ; <xarahudérres>, δοκοῦντες δὲ δικαίως τότε ἀναλαβεῖν riv? Th, Berl. Phil. 4—5 δήμου---δῆμον : an Θρασυβούλου---δι᾿ αὐτὸν νὰν δῆμον} K. 4 π[ο]λιτείαν B2-4, Wilcken, K-w®, K4, Th; [ἐξουσῆαν K, K-w1, Bl, 51; [προστασί]αν

retinent K-W, B, delent H-L, 51.

K*, Th), qui ἐξοικ.

Woch. 1908, 928.

K et Kontos (H-1). idem, seclusis τὸν δῆμον, K-W.

AOHNAIQN

τὴν || χώραν ἀνάδαστον ποιοῦσιν. ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι [κατοι]κήσαντας ἔτει τρίτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐξοίκησιν, ἐπὶ

Υ 5 AlAYTON? δι᾽ αὑτὸν K (an ἐφ᾽ αὑτοῦ H-L): δι᾽ αὑτοῦ B, Th;

COL. 20, 1. I—23.

διελύθησαν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς 4,

δ tall ol

[ἐξοιἸκήσαντας κ, Κ- 1.2,

Post ἄρχοντος

τὴν χώραν ἀνάδαστον ποιοῦσιν] Pol. viii (v) 5, 1305 @ 2, ὁτὲ μὲν γάρ, ἵνα χαρίζωνται, ἀδικοῦντες τοὺς γνωρίμους συν- «στᾶσιν, τὰς οὐσίας ἀναδάστους ποιοῦντες τὰς προσόδους ταῖς λειτουργίαις, ὁτὲ δὲ διαβάλλοντες, ἵν᾿ ἔχωσι δημεύειν τὰ κτήματα τῶν πλουσίων. ἢ, 1307 a τ (of the Lace- daemonians about the time of the second Messenian war), θλιβόμενοι γάρ τινες διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἠξίουν ἀνάδαστον ποιεῖν τὴν χώραν. 8, 1309 a 14, δεῖ δ᾽ ἐν μὲν ταῖς δημοκρατίαις τῶν εὐπόρων φείδεσθαι, μὴ μόνον τῷ τὰς κτήσεις μὴ ποιεῖν ἀναδάστους, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τοὺς καρπούς.

§ 4. διελύθησαν] Xen. e//. ii 4, 43; ὑστέρῳ δὲ χρόνῳ ἀκούσαντες ξένους μισ- θοῦσθαι τοὺς ᾿Ελευσῖνι, στρατευσάμενοι παν- δημεὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τοὺς μὲν στρατηγοὺς αὐτῶν εἰς λόγους ἐλθόντας ἀπέκτειναν, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις εἰσπέμψαντες τοὺς φίλους καὶ ἀναγκαίους ἔπεισαν συναλλαγῆναι:" καὶ ὀμόσαντες ὅρκους μὴν μὴ μνησικακήσειν, ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὁμοῦ τε πολιτεύονται, καὶ τοῖς ὅρκοις ἐμμένει δῆμος.

ἔτει τρίτῳ---ἐπὶ Ξεναινέτου] B.C. 4οτ|ο. The final reconciliation is thus. placed later than has generally been inferred from Xenophon’s phrase ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ (corresponding to ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον καιροῖς of ο. 41 1). Grote c. 65 end, v 598-9. ‘Diod. xiv 32 f relates under the year of ’Egalveros (c. 19) events at Athens from the occupation of Phyle to the re- conciliation effected by Pausanias and

ἘΝ Ύ TEA A, PRACT OS ae OT ALAN SDS Rene PIL te oy Ro

the permission to migrate to Eleusis. ~ The origin of this confusion is now clear’ ~ (Wyse).

ΧΙ. Recapitulation.

§ 1. ἐνεστήσατο! Probl. 951 a 28, ἐν- στήσασθαι τὸ πρᾶγμα. Intrans. 5 2, 20. ult., 17 4, 27 § 2,37 § 1. Theintrans. parts are those generally used in Ar. On ~ the other hand συνιστάναι (συστῆσαι, συσ- τήσασθαι!) πόλιν, πολιτείαν, is found in ~ Pol. 1266 a 23, 1284 6 18, 1288 @ 40, 1319 33, also in Oecon. 1343 ἤ. 33

ἐπὶ ΤΙΓυθοδώρου] B.c. 404/3. In ο. 39. Es; § 1 the formal convention for the restora- tion of the democracy is placed in the archonship of Euclides (403/2). But the return of Thrasybulus and the other exiles of the democratical party, and the occu= pation of the Peiraeus, took place about January 403, in the archonship of Pytho® = dorus. ve

The text implies ‘that the subsequent a extension of the democracy...was justified 3 by the fact of its having secured its own ~ re-establishment, without the open help of any other nation, and in the face of the opposition of a powerful party abi Sparta’ (Kenyon). But it is difficult to resist Mr Kenyon’s suggestion that the passage is corrupt, and that the position of Thrasybulus as leader of the e later democracy was recognised in the lattes

pet of this sentence. 167 Cf. Kaibel, |

a

ee ὀρθῶς (1. 28).

CH. 40,]. 25--ΟΗ.41,1.15. TIOAITEIA 157 > \ , \ \ “κι 4 / a b] > an ἀριθμὸν αὕτη. πρώτη μὲν yap ἐγένετο μετάστασις τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς, Ἴωνος καὶ τῶν μετ᾽. αὐτοῦ συνοικησάντων" τότε γὰρ πρῶτον εἰς τὰς τέτταρας συνενεμήθησαν φυλὰς καὶ τοὺς φυλοβασιλέας κατέστησαν. / / ς εν εν / / \ / fo

τείας τάξιν, ἐπὶ Θησέως γενομένη, μικρὸν παρεγκλίνουσα τῆς βασιλικῆς. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην ἐπὶ Δράκοντος, ἐν καὶ νόμους Ἂς a , ae \ \ 4 ΕΣ WN / ἀνέγραψαν πρῶτον. τρίτη δ᾽ μετὰ τὴν στάσιν ἐπὶ Σόλωνος, ad ἧς ἀρχὴ δημοκρατίας ἐγένετο. τυραννίς. πέμπτη δ᾽ μετὰ (τὴν) τῶν τυράννων κατάλυσιν Κλεισθένους, δημοτικωτέρα τῆς Σόλωνος. ἕκτη δ᾽ μετὰ τὰ

/ \ \ , \ / 4 δευτέρα δὲ καὶ πρώτη μετὰ ταύτην ἔχουσα πολι-

/ δι: SR SN ,ὔ τετάρτη δ᾽ ἐπὶ Πεισιστράτου

6 TIPWTH: πρῶτον 84. METATACIC sec. Wilcken et κέ, μετάστασις K-W?, B°, κι, Th; [ἡ κ]ατάστασις K!, K-wh?, Bt; [ka]rdoracis BY, 51 : [τῶν κ]ατασ[τάσεων H-L. 7 συνοικησάᾶντων Blass coll. frag. 381°, K-w, H-L, K*: συνοικισάντων defendebat Kk? coll. c. 15, 7 et Thuc. i 24, vi 5. 8 TECCAPAaC. φυλοβασιλέας K-W, H-L, Β, K4,

HN Th: -εἧς κὶ (5}), 9 META TAYTA EXOYCAI (deleto 1) ττολιτειὰν TAZIN : μετὰ ταῦτα [ἐξ]έχουσα πολιτείας τάξις ΚΊ, ---[μετ]έχουσα Jos. Μαγοτ,---ὑπάρχουσα Richards ; ᾿ [παρ]έχουσα aut πολιτείαν τάξις (Rutherford) aut πολιτείας τάξιν (Wyse), νέαν ἔχουσα πολιτείας τάξιν Gertz. μετρίαν tw’ ἔχουσα πολιτείας τάξιν H-L3 μετὰ ταῦτα. . ἔχουσα πολιτείας τάξιν K-Wh2; μετὰ ταύτην ἔχουσά τὶ πολιτείας τάξις Κ- νν. coll. Pol. 1272 69 ἔχει τι πολιτείας τάξις GAN’ οὐ πολιτεία ἐστίν ; μετὰ ταύτην ἔχουσα πολιτείας τάξιν κϑ, Bl?, κί, Th; μετὰ ταῦτα -- μεταβολὴν :- ἔχουσα πολιτείας τάξις B23 μετάστασιν ἔχουσα

π᾿ T. BY. τάξιν <jv> Papageorgios. πρῶτον del. Dufour, Wilcken (Th).

10 mapexkX. Bart. 11—12 μετὰ δὲ----

14 <riv> add. kK (edd.).

§ 2. πρώτη goes with τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς.

μετάστασις... Ἴωνος] The constitution under Ion (which is, of course, pre- historic) was doubtless described in the early chapters of the treatise. Cf. fragm. 3437 = 3813.

συνοικησάντων] Heraclides zzzz. , συνοι-

κήσαντος δὲ "Iwvos αὐτοῖς. ο΄ εἰς τὰς τέτταρας-- φυλὰς] c. 8 § 3. συνενεμήθησαν] cf. 21 2, συνένειμε (al. διένειμε).

υλοβασιλέας] c. 8 33 c. 57 ult. épa...Kal πρώτη] τῇ μὲν τάξει

δευτέρα, πρώτη δὲ πολιτεία οὖσα (Kaibel, 202, who understands with all these eleven items, not μεταβολή, but πολιτεία or κατάστασις πολιτεία").

πολιτείας τάξιν] c. 3 1, τάξις τῆς ἀρχαίας πολιτείας.

μικρὸν παρεγκλίνουσα τῆς βασιλικῆς] _ The prehistoric ‘constitution of Theseus’ was treated in an early chapter that is now lost. The lost passage is referred to in Plut. Zhes. 25, ὅτι δὲ πρῶτος ἀπέκλινε πρὸς Tov ὄχλον, ws ᾿Αριστοτέλης φησί, καὶ ἀφῆκε τὸ μοναρχεῖν, ἔοικε μαρτυρεῖν καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐν νεῶν καταλόγῳ μόνους αθηναίους δῆμον προσαγορεύσας. παρεγ- Κλίνειν intr. is found in 4722. Anim. 498 a τό, σκέλη μικρὸν εἰς τὸ πλάγιον

παρεγκλίνοντα. ἐγκλίνειν intr. in Pol. 1307 @ 21, ἐφ᾽ ὁπότερον ἂν ἐγκλίνῃ πολιτεία, and 1266 a 7, τῶν Λακεδαι- μονίων πολιτεία μᾶλλον ἐγκλίνειν βούλεται πρὸς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν. ἐκκλίν εἰν intr. in Pol. ii 11, 1273 @ 5, τὰ μὲν εἰς δῆμον ἐκκλίνει μᾶλλον τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν.

ἐν καὶ νόμους ἀνέγραψαν πρῶτον] The summary does not strictly correspond to the original account inc. 4. Nothing was there stated on the important fact that under Dracon the laws were first reduced to a written code, though it was partly implied in the words: τοὺς θεσμοὺς ἔθηκεν. On the other hand, the remark- able Dracontic constitution,’ which has justly aroused considerable suspicion, finds no recognition in the summary. This supports the view that the description of that constitution is an interpolation. Besides, in c. 3 § 4, the Thesmothetae were instituted after 683 B.C., ὅπως dva- γράψαντες τὰ θέσμια κτλ., Whereas here it was under Dracon (621 B.C.) that νόμους ἀνέγραψαν πρῶτον.

Σόλωνος] 5—12. ἀρχὴ δημοκρα- τίας] 9 I. Πεισιστράτου] 14—19. Κλεισθένους] 22. δημοτικωτέρα] 22 init. τῆς ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλῆς] 23. |

20

ΑΘΗΝΆΑΙΩΝ | COL, 20, 1. 23—21, 1. 2.

Μηδικά, τῆς ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλῆς ἐπιστατούσης. ἑβδόμη δ᾽ μετὰ ταύτην, ἣν ᾿Αριστείδης μὲν ὑπέδειξεν, ᾿Εφιάλτης δ᾽ ἐπετέ- λεσεν καταλύσας τὴν ᾿Αρεοπαγῖτιν βουλήν" ἐν πλεῖστα συνέβη τὴν πόλιν διὰ τοὺς δημαγωγοὺς ἁμαρτάνειν διὰ τὴν τῆς

158

θαλάττης ἀρχήν.

Ν / μετὰ ταύτην, ἐνάτη δέ, δημοκρατία πάλιν.

7 » Res 3 lal δέ / e / > ¢ \ \ > \ τριάκοντα Kal τῶν δέκα τυραννίς. ἑνδεκάτη δ᾽ μετὰ τὴν ἀπὸ

5 δό 8 ς fal / / \ oy 07) τῶν TETPAKOOLWYV καταστασις, Kat

δεκάτη δ᾽ τῶν

Φυλῆς καὶ ἐκ Πειραιέως κάθοδον, ad’ ἧς διαγεγένηται μέχρι τῆς

a \ [4] νῦν ἀεὶ προσεπιλαμβάνουσα τῷ πλήθει τὴν ἐξουσίαν.

16 Ae Kal (Κ, B! coll. vv. 9 et 2o—21: δὲ [καὶ] 858; δὲ [καὶ μετὰ ταύτην] Bt; 17 ἐπετέλεσε H-L.

δ᾽ Jos. Mayor, K-w, H-L, Th.

19 τὴν πόλιν hinc incipit scriba tertius. διὰ τὴν H-L. (cf. 27, 6), vel ἐπαρθεῖσαν Heitland. δὲ del. K-w. H-L, B*3, 51), retinent K, B!, B+, Th. verum esse’ K4.

20—21 [kal wera ταύτην Bt.

22 καὶ [ἡ}} K-w, Bt.

18 [᾿Αρεοπαγῖτιν |] Bt. διά <te> τοὺς (Papageorgios)—<xal>

20 OfAOHNA

24 προσεπιλάμβανον TO πλῆθος THs ἐξουσίας Kontos; προσεπαυξάνουσα Th, Berl. Phil.

Woch. 1908, 978; προσεπιβάλλουσα Papageorgios.

νῦν ἀεὶ προσεπιλάμβανον τὸ πλῆθος THs ἐξουσίας Kontos.

᾿Αριστείδης]. Aristides is here described as having traced the outline which was completed by his successor Ephialtes. The former admitted the lower classes to a larger share in public life. Though he did not actually throw the archonship open to all the citizens of Athens (as asserted in Plut. Arist. 22), he encouraged the rural population to resort to Athens (c. 24 § 1) and thus prompted them to take an interest in political affairs. Ephi- altes carried this democratical movement still further by abolishing the supremacy of the Areopagus.

There is no justification for the criti- cism of Riihl (Rhein. Mus. 46, 432) that Aristidesis here represented as cooperating with Ephialtes. The absence of the name of Themistocles is, however, worthy of note. As a constitutional reformer he is eclipsed by Aristides. It may even be doubted whether he really has any claim to have acted with Ephialtes in over- throwing the Areopagus, as narrated in c. 25 § 3.

ὑπέδειξεν] with πρῶτος in her. iii 2, 1404 625, and Poet. 4, 1448 6 37. Cf. Hdt. i 189, Xen. Oecon. xi 18. The metaphor is probably derived ‘from the tracing of lines wxderneath by a writing- master, for the pupil to follow or write over,’ Protag. 326 (Cope’s Lutrod. to Ar. Rhet. p. 284).

*EqudAtys] From the tenour of the

earlier part of the work we are prepared

to find a prominent place assigned in the summary to Ephialtes, as compared with Pericles. The reforms in the Areopagus due to the latter were of minor import- ance. But it is singular that so notable a name should find no mention in the present passage. He is here regarded as one of the demagogues whose influence was detrimental to Athens. notice of his policy in 28 1 is indeed

not unfavourable; but it is certainly far

from enthusiastic.

διὰ τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἀρχήν] Isocr.

de Pace, 79. τῶν τετρακοσίων] 29—32.

κρατία] 34.

τῶν τριάκοντα--τυραννίς] more 80- curately described as an oligarchy in 530

2722. τῶν δέκα] 38 1.

ἀφ᾽ ἧς (καθόδου) διαγεγένηται μέχρι 5

τῆς viv (πολιτείας).

προσεπιλαμβάνουσα τῷ πλήθει τὴν

ἐξουσίαν] ‘always adding power to the masses.’

was, in the most comprehensive sense

the term, lord over everything, and could ΕΣ

do what it pleased (tz Meaer. p. 13753 Xen. Hell. i 7, 12).

‘corrupta’ ΚΟ. 13; μέχρι τῆς

ΗΝ τ ΠΥ AED) et

δημο-

Schoémann, Azz. p. 386 E. Το: ‘The demagogues found it their interest to extend the activity of the popular assemblies as far as possible, and to establish the principle that the people

On the other hand, ~

ἁπάντων

Post ἁμαρτάνειν ‘deest fere θαρρήσασαν᾽ K-W coll. Pol. 1274 α τ KATACTACTACIN, 21 δὲ secl. Jos. Mayor (K-W, ante δημ. legit Wilcken, ‘quod potest ©

23 TTEIPAIWC (H-L). THC: τοῦ H-L. ©

UN ET len

The slight

“νι γ᾽ wy roe ity ὁὉ

q Ξ ΓΙ q

a

CH. 41,1. 16—33. TIOAITEIA 159

fol \ / A yap αὐτὸς αὑτὸν πεποίηκεν δῆμος κύριον, Kal πάντα διοικεῖται 25

7 \ / > Φ ς A / > e ᾿ ψηφίσμασιν καὶ δικαστηρίοις, ἐν οἷς δῆμός ἐστιν κρατῶν. καὶ γὰρ αἱ τῆς βουλῆς κρίσεις εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐληλύθασιν. καὶ τοῦτο

δοκοῦσι ποιεῖν ὀρθῶς" εὐδιαφθορώτεροι γὰρ (οἷ) ὀλίγοι τῶν πολλῶν

Η͂ \ 3 εἰσιν καὶ κέρδει καὶ χάρισιν. μισθοφόρον δ᾽ ἐκκλησίαν τὸ μὲν

Lal 5 / a > , >] > \ > 7 πρῶτον ἀπέγνωσαν ποιεῖν" οὐ συλλεγομένων δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, 7 a A \ ἀλλὰ πολλὰ σοφιζομένων τῶν πρυτάνεων, ὅπως προσιστῆται TO

1 πλῆθος πρὸς τὴν ἐπιϊκύρωσιν τῆς χειροτονίας, πρῶτον μὲν

᾿Αγύρριος ὀβολὸν ἐπόρισεν, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Ἡρακλείδης Κλαζο-

26 ψηφίσμασι H-L.

<Tiv> K-W, δὲ B. μένων κ', ψηφιζομένων -«-- μόνων -- H-L.

27 ἀνεληλύθασιν Hude. <oi> ὀλίγοι Gennadios, Kontos, K-w, H-L, B!3, κ΄, 31 CO(?)PIZOMENWN Blass, Gomperz, K-w, κϑ, Th: ψηφιζο-

28 OAIFON: ὀλίγοι K, BY, Th: 29 εἰσὶ H-L. 6’: δὲ

TESTIMONIA. XLI33—34 Hesych. Κλαζομένιος οὗτος" Ἡρακλείδης Κλαζομένιος

μενος.

(re καὶ 6 cod.) καὶ βασιλεὺς (Bais cod., ex hoc loco correx. Houtsma, Blass) καλού-

men of keener insight complained that the State was administered by Psephismata— that is, according to the pleasure at any moment of the sovereign people—rather than according to the laws, and that there was only too often a contradiction between the laws and these Psephismata.’ Pod. vi (iv) 4, 1292 4—37, ἕτερον εἶδος δημο- Kparias τἄλλα μὲν εἷναι ταὐτά, κύριον δ᾽ εἶναι τὸ πλῆθος καὶ μὴ τὸν νόμον. τοῦτο δὲ γίνεται ὅταν τὰ ψηφίσματα κύρια ἀλλὰ μὴ νόμος. συμβαίνει δὲ τοῦτο διὰ τοὺς δημαγωγούς κτλ. Dem. Left. § 92.

In an inscription of 333 B.c. (CIG Sept. no. 3499) the Ecclesia enjoins the

Council to submit a προβούλευμα on a

certain subject, and thus assumes to it-

self the right of initiative, which, under

Solon’s constitution, belonged to the Council alone (P. Foucart, in Rev. des études grecques, 1893, I—7).

πάντα διοικεῖται ψηφίσμασιν] Poi. 1202 34, εἴπερ ἐστὶ δημοκρατία μία τῶν πολιτειῶν, φανερὸν ὡς τοιαύτη κατά- στασις ἐν ψηφίσμασι πάντα διοικεῖ- ται, οὐδὲ δημοκρατία κυρίως.

εἰς. τὸν δῆμον ἐληλύθασιν] In the de-

- partment of judicature indictments or _ informations concerning breaches of the

law, which could not be dealt with in the ordinary course, were in the first instance ‘brought before the Council. Ifthe offence were too important for the competency of

_ that body, they passed to the popular as- _ sembly. The Council could not inflict any _ fine beyond 500 drachmae.

Schémann, Ant. 394-5 E.T. Cf. 45 and 49 § 3; fol. 1299 6 38 ff. ‘Is not the meaning

rather’ (asks Mr Macan) ‘that cases, in which the Council had once exercised jurisdiction, have been transferred to the Dikasteria ?’ (Oxf. Mag. 1893, p- 301).

καὶ τοῦτο κτλ.] This is understood by Fr. Cauer (p. 48 as a general eulogy of the fully developed democracy and as in- consistent with the views expressed in the Politics. But the eulogy is really limited to one particular point, the transfer of judicial functions from the βουλὴ to the ἐκκλησία, and both of these bodies are distinctly democratic. The text is in fact in perfect accord with a passage in the Politics, iii 15, 1286 30, διὰ τοῦτο καὶ κρίνει ἄμεινον ὄχλος πολλὰ εἷς ὁστισοῦν. ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀδιάφθορον τὸ πολύ, καθάπερ ὕδωρ τὸ πλεῖον, οὕτω καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ὀλίγων ἀδιαφθορώτερον. Cf. Ο. Crusius, Philol. |, p. 175, Bursian’s Jahresbericht, Ixxxiii 207.

§ 3. μισθοφόρον κτλ.] The whole § is of the nature of a note.

τὸ μὲν πρῶτον] on the restoration of the democracy.

ov συλλεγομένων δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν κτλ.] The six ληξίαρχοι and thirty others τοὺς μὴ ἐκκλησιάζοντας ἐζημίουν καὶ τοὺς ἐκκλησιάζοντας ἐξήταζον, καὶ σχοινίον μιλτώσαντες διὰ τῶν τοξοτῶν συνήλαυνον τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, Pollux, viii 104.

* Ayvppvos] a statesman belonging to the deme of Collytus, prominent asa financier in the early part of the fourth century. In 400 B.c. he had a dispute with Ando- cides about the lease of a tax (Andoc. De Myst. 133, with Marchant’s note).

160

AOHNAIQN

COL, 21,1. 3—16.

μένιος βασιλεὺς ἐπικαλούμενος διώβολον, πάλιν δ᾽ ᾿Αγύρριος :

τριώβολον. 42. ἔχει δ᾽

τρόπον.

n / A νῦν κατάστασις τῆς πολιτείας τόνδε TOY 7 n μετέχουσιν μὲν τῆς πολιτείας οἱ ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων γεγονότες:

> A > , \ 7 > , » 4 : ἀστῶν, ἐγγράφονται δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς δημότας ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἔτη γεγο- _

XLII 2 μετέχουσι H-L.

TESTIMONIA. πρὸς τὸ ἔθος.

XLII 3—4 -*Schol. Arist. Vesp. 578 παίδων τοίνυν δοκιμαζομένων- "Ap. δέ φησιν ὅτι ψήφῳ οἱ ἐγγραφόμενοι δοκιμάζονται, μὴ νεώτεροι (oi vedrepot μὴ codd., correx. K- W) tn ἐτῶν εἶεν (Frag. 4272, 467°). μὴ κρινομένων καίδων εἰς τοὺς γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας λέγει (sc. ᾿Αριστοφάνη5)" οὐχ ὡς ἐν δικαστηρίῳ κρινομένων ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων.

3 ἐνγρὰφ.

ἴσως δ᾽ ἂν περὶ τῶν

Cf. Wilamowitz, i 190 n. 6.

Schol. on Arist. Zecd. (B.C. 392) 102-5 (᾿Αγύρριος...πράττειτὰ μέγιστ᾽ ἐν τῇ πόλει) : 6 ᾽Α. στρατηγὸς θηλυδριώδης, ἄρξας ἐν Λέσβῳ. καὶ τὸν μισθὸν δὲ τῶν ποιητῶν συνέτεμε (cf. Schol. on Raz. 367 and Plat. Com. frag. 133 Kock) καὶ πρῶτος ἐκκλησιαστικὸν δέδωκε. In Eccl. 300— 310 the poet refers to the time when only one obol was allowed instead of three: ἡνίκ᾽ ἔδει λαβεῖν ἐλθόντ᾽ ὀβολὸν μόνον, whereas now τριώβολον ζητοῦσι λαβεῖν, 2b. 380, 392, Plut. (ed. 2, B.C. 389) 329 and 171 with the Schol. where, however, the μισθὸς ἐκκλησιαστικὸς is confounded with the pw. δικαστικός. The text shews that the Schol. on Zcc/. 102 was right in making Agyrrhius the originator of the fee. Boeckh (11 xiv p. 316 Lamb) in- ferred from the mention of Myronides in Eccl. 305 that the fee was introduced some time after the beginning of the in- fluence of Pericles. He was further led to ascribe its origin to one Callistratus, Append. Vatic. Proverb. iii, ὀβολὸν εὗρε Παρνύτης. Καλλίστρατος ᾿Αθήνησι πολι- τευσάμενος, ἐπικαλούμενος δὲ ἸΠαρνύτης, μισθὸν ἔταξε τοῖς δικασταῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐκκλη- σιασταῖς. Possibly Callicrates, who added an obol to the διώβολον of the θεωρικόν, is really meant (28 § 3). The text also proves that for a short time the fee for the public assembly was two obols, though this was denied by Boeckh, /. c.

Agyrrhius also restored the θεωρικόν (Philochorus ap. Harpocr. s.v.). On the death of Thrasybulus (early in 389) he was elected στρατηγὸς (Xen. Heli. iv 8, 31; Diod. xiv 99). Plat. Com. frag. 185 Kock, λαβοῦ λαβοῦ τῆς χειρὸς ὡς τάχιστά μου" μέλλω στρατηγὸν χειροτονεῖν ᾿Αγύρ- ριον. It was probably after 387 that he was long in prison as a debtor to the State (Dem. 24 § 134).

Ἡρακλείδης Κλαζομένιος] mentioned in Plat. Zon, 541 D (with Phanosthenes

of Andros), ods ἥδε πόλις ξένους ὄντας, ἐνδειξαμένους ὅτι ἄξιοι λόγου εἰσί, καὶ els στρατηγίας καὶ εἰς τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἄγει. Favorinus ap. Athen. 506 A; Aelian, Var. Hist. xiv 5. The name βασιλεὺς is perhaps due to his belonging to some royal family in Asia Minor (cf. ϑίγαρο,

p- 632; CIG 2881, 2069, 2157, 2189). Peisistratus was called βασιλεὺς in the = Δῆμος of Eupolis (frag. 123 p. 291 Kock), O. Crusius in Philol. 1, p. 177. Hera-— cleides is identified by Kéhler (Hermes, xxvii 68 ff) with the person of that name mentioned in an inscr. in Bull. Corr. fell. xii (1888) 163 f. Cf. Wilamowitz, i : : 188 ἢ. 43 294 nN. II. oa

Part II, c. XLII—LXIII. The Exist. ᾿ ing Constitution. 2 XLII § τ. Exrolment on the list τ | citizens. 81, aviv κατάστασις τῆς πολιτείας} Plat. Leg. 832 D, τοιαύτη κατάστασις πολιτείας. τ μετέχουσιν τῆς πολιτείας] Pol. τόδ᾽ & 24, 27; 1275 31; 1290 4. "ὃς ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων --ἀστῶν | Pol. 1278 @ 34. τέλος δὲ μόνον τοὺς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ἀστῶν πολί- τας ποιοῦσιν. 1275 21, ὁρίζονται δὲ πρὸς τὴν χρῆσιν πολίτην τὸν ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων πολι- τῶν καὶ μὴ θατέρου μόνον, οἷον πατρὸς μητρός. See note on 26 § 4. . ἐγγράφονται] Pol. 111 1, 1275 a 14, παῖδας τοὺς μήπω δι’ ἡλικίαν éyyeypap- μένους. Dem. Zubul. 57 § 61, ἡνίκ᾽ ἐνε- ~ γράφην ἐγὼ καὶ ὀμόσαντες οἱ δημόται δικαίως πάντες περὶ ἐμοῦ τὴν ψῆφον ἔφε- ρον, οὔτε κατηγόρησεν οὔτ᾽ ἐναντίαν THY ψῆφον ἤνεγκεν. Isaeus 7 28, ὀμόσαντες καθ᾽ ἱερῶν ἐνέγραψάν pe (sc. εἰς τὸ Ange - αρχικὸν γραμματεῖον). Lycurg. Leocr. 76, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὸ ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον ἐγγραφῶσι καὶ ἔφηβοι γένωνται. The ear- liest ephebic inscr. (B.C. 334--3) mention: οἱ ἔφηβοι οἱ ἐπὶ τοῦ Κτησικλέους ἄρχοντος

πο κυσπαισο κε, εἰποοσνο καλ whos te

Fane ae

CH. 41,1. 34--Η..42,1.9ς.. TIOAITEIA

161

vores. ὅταν δ᾽ ἐγγράφωνται, διαψηφίζονται περὶ αὐτῶν ὀμόσαντες οἱ δημόται, πρῶτον μὲν εἰ δοκοῦσι γεγονέναι τὴν ἡλικίαν τὴν ἐκ 5 τοῦ νόμου, κἂν μὴ δόξωσι, ἀπέρχονται πάλιν εἰς παῖδας, δεύτερον δ᾽ εἰ ἐλεύθερός ἐστι καὶ γέγονε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. ἔπειτ᾽ ἂν μὲν ἀποψηφίσωνται μὴ εἶναι ἐλεύθερον, μὲν ἐφίησιν εἰς τὸ δικαστή- ρίον, οἱ δὲ δημόται κατηγόρους αἱροῦνται πέντε ἄνδρας ἐξ αὑτῶν,

4 λεγρὰφ : δ᾽ ἐγγράφ. Wyse, Blass (edd.). μὲν 560]. Papageorgios (B2~4 coll. 48 § 5).

ἐὰν μὲν H-L. Wyse, Blass (edd.); cf. Phot. l.c.

6 δόξωσιν H-L. 7 γέγονεν B, 8 ΕΤΤΙΨΗΦ (K!): ἀποψηφ.

TEs‘. 8 Phot. (et Etym. M.) ἔφεσις :... ἐγένετο de’ Αθήνησιν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς δήμοις ἀπο- ψηφισθέντων, ἐφεϊσθαι γὰρ αὖθις ἐξῆν αὐτοῖς εἰς δικαστήριον περὶ τῆς πολιτείας" καὶ εἰ μὲν ἑάλωσαν, ἐπωλοῦντο ὡς ξένοι" εἰ δὲ μή, ἐπανήεσαν εἰς τοὺς ἐξ ὧν ἀπεψηφίσθησαν δήμους.

ἐγγραφέντες. By this registration the youthful citizen entered on the duties of civil life at the same time as he was en- rolled on the list of efhedz. This was the only list of efedz kept by the demes, and such a phrase as ἐγγράφεσθαι εἰς ἐφή- Bous (Pseudo-Plat. Axioch. 366 E) is an inaccurate equivalent for éyy. εἰς τοὺς δημότας (P. Girard, in Daremberg and Saglio, iii 624).

ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἔτη] Schol. Aeschin. c. Ctes. 122, ἀπὸ ὀκτωκαίδεκα érav éveypa- φοντο eis τὸ ληξιαρχικόν, and 1 19. ἐπὶ διετὲς ἡβῆσαι (Aeschin. 1. c.) denoted the close of the two years intervening between the ages of 16 and 18 (A. Schafer, Dem. iii 2, 19 —38 ; Lipsius in WV. Jahro.f. Philol., no. 117, p. 299 ff.; Thumser, Gr. Ant. 458 f). ot

In Aristoph. Vesp. 578 it is re- garded as a privilege of the δικασταὶ to take part in ascertaining the physical ma- - turity of Athenian youths on the occasion of the δοκιμασία. In the present passage the preliminary enrolling belongs to the δημόται, while the subsequent δοκιμασία is now for the first time assigned to the βουλή, to which it was perhaps trans- ferred after the time of Aristophanes. According to the text, the δικασταὶ are _ only concerned in the event of an appeal on the question whether the person en- rolled was of citizen birth or not. (Cf. _ Meier and Schoémann, A/t. Process, p. 253-4 Lipsius. The doubt there sug- gested as to the accuracy of the Schol. on Vesp. 578 is now withdrawn by Lipsius, in the Verhandlungen der k. Sachstschen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Leipzig, 1891, p. 63.) Possibly, in the event of a dispute on the question of age, the matter was similarly referred to a court, but this is not stated in the text. διαψηφίζονται)] The ordinary διαψή-

S. A.

φισις here described might be followed by an appeal to a δικαστήριον. The pro- cedure was the same as in the special διαψήφισις described in Dem. 57 § 60, ἔπεισε διαψηφίσασθαι τοὺς ᾿ Αλιμουσίους περὶ αὑτῶν καὶ κατηγορῶν δέκα τῶν δημο- τῶν ἐξέβαλεν, ods ἅπαντας πλὴν ἑνὸς κατε- δέξατο τὸ δικαστήριον.

ἐλεύθερος] here means more than ‘of free birth’; it is equivalent to of citizen birth.’ Cf. Pol. 1291 26, τὸ μὴ ἐξ ἀμφο- τέρων πολιτῶν ἐλεύθερον, and 1290 ὁ, where of ἐλεύθεροι are explained to be οἱ διαφέροντες κατ᾽ εὐγένειαν (Newman, i 248 n). If ἐλεύθερος had here meant of free birth,’ the text would have been incomplete. The sons of Pericles and Aspasia were of free birth, they were not slaves, but they could only become citizens by a special grant. So, in the fourth century, the offspring of an Athe- nian citizen and a free foreign woman only entered the deme by fraud (Wyse).

ἀποψηφίσωνται] used absolutely in Dem. 57 §§ 11, 56, 58, 59, 62; followed by μὴ in 25. 2. 174, ἀπεψηφίσαντο μὴ πέμπειν. ἐπιψηφίζεσθαι is found c. acc. in Dion. H., Az. vi 71, and Diod. xix 61; but these passages do not justify the re- tention of ἐπιψηφίσωνται.

ἐφίησιν xrr.] Dem. 57 6, ἀξιῶ... μη- δέπω τὴν τῶν δημοτῶν ἀποψήφισιν ποι- εἶσθαι τεκμήριον ὑμᾶς, ὡς ἄρ᾽ οὐχὶ προσήκει μοι τῆς πόλεως. εἰ γὰρ ἐνομίζετε τὰ δίκαια δυνήσεσθαι τοὺς δημότας διακρῖναι, οὐκ ἂν ἐδώκατε τὴν εἰς ὑμᾶς ἔφεσιν. Cf. Zivym.M. . and Photius s. v. ἔφεσις, quoted in 7.5 2272.

πέντε ἄνδρας] We find a similar pro- cedure in the decree of the φράτερες re- corded in the Decelean inscr., CIA ii 2, p- 534-6, no. 841 ὁ, ll. 30—34, ἐὰν δέ τις βούληται ἐφεῖναι els Δημοτιωνίδας, ὧν ἂν ἀποψηφίσωνται, ἐξεῖναι αὐτῷ, ἑλέσ- θαι δὲ ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς συνηγόρους τὸν Δεκελεικῶν

II

Io

15

162 AOQHNAIQN

COL. 21, l. 16—30.

κἂν μὲν μὴ δόξη δικαίως ἐγγράφεσθαι, πωλεῖ τοῦτον πόλις"

ἐὰν δὲ νικήσῃ, τοῖς δημόταις ἐπάναγκες ἐγγράφειν. μετὰ δὲ 2

a U Χ ταῦτα δοκιμάξει τοὺς ἐγγραφέντας βουλή, κἄν τις δόξῃ νεώτε- > "4 > a 3 A ΄ ρος ὀκτωκαίδεκ᾽ ἐτῶν εἶναι, ζημιοῖ τοὺς δημότας τοὺς ἐγγράψαν- > \ a tas. ἐπὰν δὲ δοκιμασθῶσιν οἱ ἔφηβοι, συλλεγέντες οἱ πατέρες > a \ / 3 / A a A A an αὑτῶν κατὰ φυλάς, ὀμόσαντες αἱροῦνται τρεῖς ἐκ τῶν φυλετῶν TOV id \ , ὕπερ τετταράκοντα ἔτη γεγονότων, ods ἂν ἡγῶνται βελτίστους 5 ΜΝ WA: , a a τ / \ / εἰναι καὶ ἐπιτηδειοτάτους ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν ἐφήβων, ἐκ δὲ τούτων ς a / a a al δῆμος ἕνα Ths φυλῆς ἑκάστης χειροτονεῖ σωφρονιστήν, καὶ

Ν 11 Versus in fine ἐνγράφει ἐγγράφειν (sc. ἐπάναγκές ἐστιν αὐτὸν ἐγγράφειν) recte

al van Leeuwen (H-L, B, K-w%, Kt, Th): ἐνγράφετ ἐγγράφεται K!, K-w!?; constructio quidem utraque recte se habet ; ἐπάναγκες ἐγγράφειν defendunt c. 29, 21, Pol. 1266 10, 17, 18 et 1301 23; ἐπάναγκες ἐγγράφεται Pol. 1266 a 15; sed manus tertia nun- quam aut Ta! contrahit aut ai supra verbi finem scribit, N autem septies eodem in ν a » Vv Vv loco ponit, c. 41, 30 exkAnowa, C. 42, 34 λαμβανουσι, Cc. 43, 4 χειροτονουσι, 7 πρυτανεύει,

ν v ν

15 βουλη, 17 χειροτονει, 29 κελευουσι; quorum exemplorum sex in fine versus inventa

sunt. 15 κατὰ Kontos (edd.): [εἰ]ς τὰς olim K.

TESTIMONIA.

18 ὀκτωκαίδεκ᾽ K-W, B, Κ΄, Th: -dexa ΚΙ, H-L.

14 ETTAN: ἐπειδὰν H-L.

18—25 Bekk. Azecd. 301 (infra exscriptum).

οἶκον πέντε ἄνδρας ὑπὲρ τριάκοντα ἔτη γεγονότας. Cf. Class. Rev. v 221 a.

πωλεῖ] Dionys. on Isaeus, 16 p. 617, ἐγράφη δή τις ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων νόμος" ἐξέ- τασιν γενέσθαι τῶν πολιτῶν κατὰ δήμους, τὸν δὲ ἀποψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν δημοτῶν τῆς πολιτείας μὴ μετέχειν, τοῖς δὲ ἀδίκως ἀποψηφισθεῖσιν ἔφεσιν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον εἶναι, προσκαλεσαμένοις τοὺς δημότας, καὶ ἐὰν τὸ δεύτερον ἐξελεγχθῶσι, πεπρᾶσθαι καὶ τὰ χρήματα εἶναι δημόσια (cf. Wyse’s ZIsaeus, p. 714 f). Bekker, Avnecd. (and Suidas) s. v. drowngicbévra: εἴ τις ξένος ἔδοξεν εἶναι καὶ οὐ πολίτης, τοῦτον ἐν ταῖς διαψηφίσεσι τῶν δήμων ἀπεψηφίζοντο οἱ δημόται, καὶ ἐλέγετο ἀπε- ψηφισμένος. εἶτα εἰσήγετο εἰς τὸ δικασ- τήριον καὶ ἐκρίνετο ξενίας, καὶ εἰ μὲν ἑάλω, ἐπιπράσκετο ws ξένος" εἰ δὲ ἐκράτει, ἀνελαμβάνετο εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. οὕτω Δη- μοσθένης (de Cor. 132). Cf. Meier and Schémann, p. 440 Lips., ἢ. 705.

§§ 2—5. Ο the military training of the Ephebt. On the Zphedi, see Dittenberger, De Ephebis Atticts, 1863 ; Dumont, Zssat sur l’ Ephébie Attique, 1875-6; Grasber- ger, Erzichung und Unterricht tm Klass. Alterthum, iii, 1881. Also Capes, Uni- yersity Life in Ancient Athens, 1877; Wayte on Zphebus in Smith, Dict. Ant.; P. Girard, /’Education athenienne, 1889,

pp- 271—327; and (since the discovery of this treatise) the same scholar’s article in Daremberg and Saglio, 1891, iii 621— 636, P. Ostbye, Die Schrift vom Staat der Athener und die attische Ephebie,

Christiania, 1893, and Wilamowitz, i 189—I94. § 2. δοκιμάζει] This δοκιμασία (like

that of adopted sons) probably took place at the time of the ἀρχαιρεσίαι (Isaeus 7 § 28; Dem. c. Leoch. 44 39) at the beginning of the official year (Lys. 21 8 1). Cf. Thumser, Gr. Ant. p. 458 n. 7:

ὑπὲρ τετταράκοντα ἔτη] Similarly any χορηγὸς who had boys under his superin- tendence had to have attained the age of 40 (56 § 3).

Xetporovet] one of the few exceptions to the general rule by which appoint- ments at Athens were made by lot. Cf. 43 § 1 and Headlam, Ox the Lot, p. 104.

σωφρονιστήν] [Plat.] Axioch. 367 A, πᾶς τοῦ μειρακίσκου χρόνος (v. 1. mévos) ἐστὶν ὑπὸ σωφρονιστάς. Deinarchus, adv. Philocl. 15, μὲν δῆμος ἅπας οὔτ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς οὔτε δίκαιον νομίζων εἶναι παρακαταθέσθαι τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ παῖδας, ἀπεχειροτόνησεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ἐφήβων ἐπιμελείας. Philo- cles, the στρατηγὸς here referred to, was a σωφρονιστής, not a κοσμητής (Gilbert, i 297; Dumont, Essai sur PEphébie

arate,

wld hey

WEE Per curyeric tems ον ἘΠΕῚ ΠῚ Δ piyip yeeees

eee ee a eres

FRAT ais ies aa ea a a AT ESP ae Sy BUY | woe

ΤΡ ΤΥ rete ote Tet ee

WITEVR Fay Ob τ ΤΩΣ rR

(he

CH. 42, l. 1ο---20.

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ.

163

, / 3 κοσμητὴν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπὶ πάντας. συλλαβόντες δ᾽ Φ \ 3 / A \ \ \ A . eee ? οὗτοι τοὺς ἐφήβους, πρῶτον μὲν τὰ ἱερὰ περιῆλθον, εἶτ᾽ εἰς 20

19 κοσμητὴν Paton (edd.): [ἐπιμ]ελητὴν K}.

TTANTA vel TTANTAC ante CYAA :

πάντα. συλλ. K!; πάντας. συλλ. K-W, B, K*, Th; πάντας. παραλ. H-L, cf. 49 § 2.

Attique, 1876,p.169f). In Bekker Anecd. 301 the σωφρονισταί are defined as ἄρχοντές τινες χειροτονητοί, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, ἑκάσ- της φυλῆς εἷς. ἐπεμελοῦντο δὲ τῆς σωφρο- σύνης τῶν ἐφήβων, μισθὸν παρὰ τῆς πόλεως λαμβάνοντες ἕκαστος καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δραχμήν (similarly in Photius and Etym. M. s. z.).

They are mentioned in the earliest ephebic inscr. now extant, B.C. 334-3 (Bull. Corr. Hell. xiii 253, [τῷ σωφρΊ]ο- νι[στῇ]ι πειθ αρχοῦ]σι τῷ χειροτονηθέντι ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου]; in B.C. 333—331 (CIA iv (2) p. 262, Michel no. 1033,...07¢- φανωθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφήβων kal τῶν σωφρονι- στῶν καὶ τῶν κοσμητῶν) ; also in B.C. 320/19 (CIA ii 581); and in B.c. 305/4. This last inscr., as restored, includes the words: [rod κοσμητοῦ καὶ τ]ῶν σωφρο[νιστῶν καὶ τῶν δι]δασκάλων. The κοσμητὴς also ap- pears to be named near the beginning: [ἐπειδὴ of ἔφηβοι. ... ἐπ]ιμελοῦνται €[....Kal .. φιλοτ])ιμοῦν[ται. ...} ἐτωσι εὐτάκτως... τε κοσμηῖτ.... τ]άλλα τὰ περὶ τὴν... τοῖς διδα]σκάλοις κτλ. In the same inscr. the ἔφηβοι are described as ἐγγραφέντες (Kohler, Mittheclungen, 1879, iv 324-7). The latest inscr. belongs to B.C. 303/2,.. σωφρονιστὴς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου χειροτονηθεὶς [τῶν] ἐφήβων τῶν ἐγγραφέντων [τῆς] Παν- διονίδος φυλῆς ἐπὶ Λεωστράτου ἄρχοντος (B.C. 303) καλῶς καὶ σωφρόνως καὶ εὐτάκτως ἐΐπι- με]μέληται αὐτῶν καὶ ἀποφϊαίνἼουσιν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν φυλὴν [οἱ π]ατέρες τῶν ἐφήβων ἐπι- μεμ[ελ]ῆσθαι κατὰ τοὺς νόμους τῶν ἐφήβων κτλ. (Bull. Corr. Hell. 1888, xii 149). A re- lief published in Rev. Arch. 1876, ii 185, copied in Daremberg and Saglio, iii 628, represents three σωφρονισταί in their robes holding their wands of office in the pre- sence of a divinity who cannot be identi- fied. The office was apparently suppressed early in the third century B.c. to be re- stored in imperial times. See Ditten- berger, De Ephebis Atticis, pp. 29, 443 Dumont, Sur l’Ephébie, p. 200 ; Smith, Dict. Ant. i 998 6; Gilbert, i 348; esp. Girard in Daremberg and Saglio, iii 626.

κοσμητὴν] Erotianus, Lex. 4722. s.v. κόσμου" κοσμηταὶ οἱ τῶν ἐφήβων εὐταξίας προνοοῦντες. The word is found in [Plat. ] A xioch. 363 E(asquoted by Stobaeus), ἐπει- dav δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς ἐφήβους ἐγγραφῇ. κοσμητὴς καὶ φόβος χείρων, and in a general sense in Plat. Zeg. 372 A. The usual formula for the election of this officer is xetporov7-

θεὶς κοσμητὴς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφήβους εἰς τὸν ἐπὶ (τοῦ δεῖνος) ἄρχοντος ἐνιαυτόν, CIA ii 465, 467, 469: in 4711. 56 the people κοσμη- [τ]ὴν καθίστησιν ἐκ] τῶν ἄριστα βε[βι]ωκό- των. Hardly any of the inscriptions in which this officer is mentioned are earlier than the second century. The earliest belongs to B.C. 305/4 (quoted in last n); the next to about B.c. 282 (CIA ii 316, 1o=Dittenberger, /zscr. no. 346). [ is suggested by Dittenberger (De Zphedzs, p- 31) that the office was created soon after the time of Alexander. The inscr. of B.C. 305 (already quoted) shews that the κοσμητὴς and the σωφρονισταὶ existed together. This is confirmed by the text. The κοσμητὴς is also mentioned in CIA ii 316 (282/1 B.c.). Cf. Dumont, Zphédze Attique, p. 166 ff; Gilbert, i 348, 3517; and Girard in Daremberg and Saglio, iii 626-7.

In literature, one of the earliest passages on the κοσμητής is in Teles (fl. end of 3rd cent.),ap. Stob. 98, 72, ἔφηβος γέγονεν" ἔμπαλιν τὸν κοσμητὴν φοβεῖται, τὸν παιδο- τρίβην, τὸν ὁπλομάχον, τὸν γυμνασίαρχον, ὑπὸ πάντων τούτων. μαστιγοῦται, παρα- τηρεῖται, τραχηλίζεται. ἐξ ἐφήβων ἐστὶ καὶ ἤδη εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν: ἔτι φοβεῖται καὶ παρατηρεῖ καὶ ταξίαρχον καὶ στρατηγόν.

A passage in Deinarchus, 3 § 15, καὶ μὲν δῆμος ἀπεχειροτόνησεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ἐφήβων ἐπιμελείας, led Boeckh to suppose that some of the officials in charge of the ἔφηβοι were known as ἐπιμεληταί. The above passage refers to Philocles, who was στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Μουνιχίαν (Wilamowitz, i 193 n. 11). See also the last note on p. 162.

ἐπὶ πάντας] For ἐπὶ, of persons set over others, cf. Xen. Cyr. iv 5, 58, ἐπὶ τοὺς πεζοὺς καθιστάναι ἄρχοντα, and Hell. iii 4, 20. In this sense it is more common c. gen. or dat.

§ 3. τὰ ἱερὰ περιῆλθον] It was pro- bably at this stage that the ἔφηβοι took the oath in the cave of Aglauros (Dem. 2. Δ. 303; Lycurgus, Zeocr. 76; Sto- baeus, Flor. 43, 49; Pollux viii 105; another clause is quoted in Plut. A/c. 15). Cobet, WV. Z. 223, regards the formula in Stobaeus and Pollux as a figment of the grammarians; but it can hardly be doubted that some such oath was taken, although it is not mentioned in the text..

11--.2

164

AOHNAIQN

COL, 21, 1. 30—42.

/ / \ a Πειραιέα πορεύονται, καὶ φρουροῦσιν οἱ μὲν τὴν Μουνιχίαν, οὗ

δὲ τὴν ᾿Ακτήν.

χειροτονεῖ δὲ καὶ παιδοτρίβας αὐτοῖς δύο, καὶ

.“ ς a \ , \ > ΄ διδασκάλους, οἵτινες ὁπλομαχεῖν καὶ τοξεύειν καὶ ἀκοντίζειν

24 καὶ καταπάλτην ἀφιέναι διδάξουσιν.

21 Πειραιᾶ H-L. ΛΛΟΥΝΥΧΙὰΝ.

Ch. c 19, 8.

δίδωσι δὲ Kai eis τροφὴν

23 [οἵτινες K, H-L, B, K-W?:

ATTEATHN

t[ér]7[a]oas <ol> K-w'?, 24 KATHN

H-L, K%, B, Th, cf. Meisterhans, p. 14° (καταπαλτῶν annis A.C. 330—323).

καταπέλτην (ΚΙ, K-w?): -πάλτην K-wh, διδάξουσιν

Rutherford (H-L, K-w®, Kaibel 204): διλδεκουοιν K, B, K-w?, sl, Th.

(Cf. Schomann, Anz. p. 359 E. T.; Gil- bert, 1348n. 1.) The taking of the oath is exhibited on a vase in the Hermitage Museum, which ‘shews us an ἔφηβος, armed with shield and spear, holding his right hand over an altar; the oath is being administered by an aged man (pro- bably representing the βουλὴ) beyond it: behind the ἔφηβος we have a Νίκη holding a helmet (Daremberg and Saglio, iii 624). One of the temples visited was probably that of Nemesis at Brauron (Paus. i 339.2).

For the aor. περιῆλθον we should have expected the present περιέρχονται.

Mownsiaid 19 § 2. Even in Roman times, B.C. 100, the ephebi περιέπλευσαν ...€ls Μουνιχίαν (CIA ii 467, 22).

᾿Ακτήν] the name given to the southern peninsula of the Peiraeus, the highest point of which is about 180 feet above the sea. Harpocr. 5. v. ἐπιθαλαττίδιός Tis μοῖρα τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς. Lycurg. Leocr. 17, 55; Diod. xx 45; ἐς 61 § 1. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 46.

παιδοτρίβας] officials employed to train the ephebt in gymnastic exercises. In B.C. 305/4 their number was reduced to one (Kohler, MWitthetlungen, iv 327, cf. Teles ap. Stob. Flor. 98, 72). In the inscriptions this officer generally takes precedence over the other instructors. Dumont, pp. 177—185 ; Daremberg and Saglio, iii 627 ὁ.

ιδασκάλους] Down to about B.c. 136 this term is regularly applied to the in- structors of the ephebz, including the παιδοτρίβης, the ὁπλομάχος and the rest (CIA ii 341, 465, 467, 469): after that date they are usually called παιδευταί. Du- mont, p. 176; Daremberg and Saglio, iii 627 ; Grasberger, iii 167.

The four following verbs describe the functions of the several instructors. The corresponding official titles have hitherto been known to us from the ephebic in- scriptions of the 3rd century. The literary evidence of the text is earlier than the

earliest inscriptions mentioning these in- structors.

ὁπλομαχεῖν] Xen. Anvad. ii τ, 7; Plat. Gorg. 456 E, τοὺς παιδοτρίβας καὶ τοὺς ἐν ὅπλοις διδάσκοντας μάχεσθαι, Luthyd. 271 D, Laches 179 E, 182 Β, Leg. 804 D, 813 D, 833 E; Teles ap. Stob. Flor. 98, 72; Theophr. περὶ μικροφιλοτιμίας (with Jebb’s note on p. 657). In the ephebic inscriptions the ὁπλομάχος, ΟΥ̓“ drill-ser- jeant,’ ranks next to the κοσμητής and the παιδοτρίβης (Dumont, pp. 185-9). CIA ii 467 (= Ditt. no. 347) l. 52, B.C. 100, ἐπαινέσαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς διδασκάλους, τόν τε παιδοτρίβην---καὶ τὸν ὁπλομάχον---καὶ τὸν ἀκοντιστήν---καὶ τὸν ἀφέτην. In an inscr. of Teos, the ὁπλομάχος precedes τὸν διὲ- δάξοντα τοξεύειν καὶ ἀκοντίζειν and receives a stipend of 300 α77., as against 250 (Ditt. no. 349, 22—27). In the Attic inscrip- tions the usual order of precedence is ὁπλομάχος, ἀκοντιστής, τοξότης, καταπαλτ- αφέτης, and after these the γραμματεὺς and ὑπηρέτης (CIA ii 316, 465, 467, 469— 471, 482). The drill was held in the Lyceum (Grasberger, iii 139).

τοξεύειν] On the τοξότης, see Dumont, p- 1523; Daremberg and Saglio, iii 628. He was not necessarily an Athenian (CIA ii 316, ll. 29, 72). Cf. Plat. Leg. 813 D.

ἀκοντίζειν] On the ἀκοντιστής, see Dumont, p. 190; Daremberg and Saglio, Z.c. The same person is repeatedly men- tioned in the inscriptions as holding this office for several years (CIA ii 465, 471).

καταπάλτην ἀφιέναι] 7h. iii 2, 17, p- ΠΠῚῚ a 11, δὲ πράττει ἀγνοήσειεν ἄν τι», οἷον... δεῖξαι βουλόμενος ἀφεῖναι, ws τὸν καταπέλτην. The instructor in charge of this department was called the ἀφέτης or the καταπαλταφέτης (le maitre de balis- tigue). The former title is found in B.c. ioo; the latter in B.c. 282, CIA ii 316 (=Ditt. 346), 28, ἐπαινέσαι δὲ καὶ τὸν παιδοτρίβην---καὶ τὸν ἀκοντιστήν---[καὶ τὸν καταπ᾿)]αλ[τα]φέτην---καὶ τὸν γραμματάα--- καὶ τὸν τοξότην (mentioned last in this case because he was not an Athenian, but

ὙΦ. or ἈΒ λας 4

᾿ς 4 πάντων.

CH. 42, 1. 2I—30. TIOAITEIA 165

a \ a 4 t esc a > ee ies τοῖς μὲν σωφρονισταῖς δραχμὴν μίαν ἑκάστῳ, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐφήβοις 25

/ a a a τέτταρας ὀβολοὺς ἑκάστῳ Ta δὲ τῶν φυλετῶν τῶν αὑτοῦ λαμ-

, e \ > , ν 3 U a > \ ᾿βάνων, σωφρονιστὴς ἕκαστος ἀγοράζει τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πᾶσιν εἰς TO

\ a \ A a κοινὸν (συσσιτοῦσι yap κατὰ φυλάς), Kal TOV ἄλλων ἐπιμελεῖται \ \ ? καὶ TOV μὲν πρῶτον ἐνιαυτὸν οὕτως διάγουσι" τὸν δ᾽ » / ν᾽ “Ὁ ὕστερον, ἐκκλησίας ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ γενομένης, ἀποδειξάμενοι τῷ

25 δραχμὴν μίαν per compendium scriptum <a. 26 παρὰ δὲ τῶν Kontos.

28 συσσιτοῦσιν Β. 29 οὕτω H-L. 29—30 AYCTEPON ; δ᾽ ὕστερον K, H-L, B: rir

δεύτερον K-W, coll. Harpocr. τὸν δεύτερον ἐνιαυτόν. 30 TEN? γενομένης Hude,

Blass (edd.). ATTOAEIZ K, K-W, B, Th; ἐπιδειξ. H-L.

TEsT. §4 *Harp. weplroNos:...’Ap. ἐν AO. πολ. περὶ τῶν ἐφήβων λέγων φησὶν οὕτως" τὸν δεύτερον ἐνιαυτὸν ἐκκλησίας ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ γενομένης (yw. Epit. εἰ 6) ἀποδεξάμενοι (ἀποδειξάμενοι Dittenberger) τῷ δήμῳ περὶ τὰς τάξεις καὶ λαβόντες ἀσπίδα καὶ δόρυ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου περιπολοῦσι τὴν χώραν καὶ διατρίβουσιν ἐν τοῖς φυλακτηρίοις. παρατηρητέον οὖν ὅτι μὲν ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἕνα φησὶν ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς περιπόλοις γίγνεσθαι τοὺς ἐφήβους, δὲ

Αἰσχίνης δύο. Frag. 4.282, 468°.

Schol. Aeschin. 2, 167 (infra exscriptum).

a Cretan). καταπαλταφέτης, καταπαλτα- gecia and xaramdArns occur in an inscr. of Ceos, Ditt. no. 348, 25, 30, 27. Cf. CIA ii 413 (= Ditt. 196), 15 (after B.C. 200), els τοὺς καταπάλτας νευρὰς ἐπέδωκεν. The engine used in this exercise is termed in the inscriptions καταπάλτης, ὄργανον or λιθοβόλος. καταπαλτῶν is the spelling found in B.c. 356—348 (CIA ii 61); B.C, 330 Sp ii 807 129, 131, 132); in B.C. 325 (20. 809 το, 12, 13); and in B.C. 323 (2. 811 196, 200). Cf. Dumont, p. 191; Daremberg and Saglio, iii 628 a; Gras- berger, iii 166.

᾿ διδάξουσιν] c. 29 § 1 οἵτινες συγγράψουσι, and 5 οἵτινες καταλέξουσι (both after ἑλέσθαι).

δραχμὴν μίαν κτλ.] Bekker, Avecd. 301, quoted on σωφρονιστήν p. 152 α. Boeckh, II xvi p. 332 Lamb.

§ 4. Tov μὲν πρῶτον ἐνιαυτόν κτλ. Aeschines says of himself, 7. Z., 2 § 167, περίπολος τῆς χώρας ταύτης ἐγενόμην δύ᾽ ἔτη. Hence it has been supposed that the ἔφηβοι served as περίπολοι for two years (Schémann, Ant. p. 360 E. T.; Philippi in Rhein. Mus. 34, 613). The text describes the first year as spent in military exercises, and the second as de- voted to the duties of περίπολοι (this was the view already held by Dittenberger, De Ephebis, and Gilbert, i 2971, cf. 3492). The discrepancy is noticed in Harpocr. δ. U. περίπολοι...παρατηρητέον οὖν ὅτι μὲν ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἕνα φησὶν ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς περιπόλοις γίγνεσθαι τοὺς ἐφήβους, δὲ Αἰσχίνης δύο (cf. Dumont, p. 28 ff.). The purport of the text is quoted by the Schol. on Aeschin. /. ¢., of yap ἔφηβοι τὸν δεύ- τερον ἐνιαυτόν, ἐκκλησίας ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ

γενομένης, λαβόντες ἀσπίδα καὶ δόρυ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου, περιεπόλουν τουτέστι περιήρ- χοντὸ τὴν χώραν καὶ διέτριβον ἐν τοῖς φυλακτηρίοις ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις ἐνίοτε ἔτος μόνον, ἐνίοτε So. The context of the present passage shews that they acted as φρουροί for both years 5), while it is implied that they served as περίπολοι for the second year alone. Girard endeavours to remove the discrepancy by observing that the author ‘ne dit pas expressé- ment, en effet, que les éphébes n’étaient astreints au service de περίπολοι que la seconde année. 1] se borne constater que la premiére année était remplie par une sorte d’apprentissage du metier de soldat, mais cet apprentissage, qui se faisait au Pirée et Munychie, avait déja le caractére de ce que devait étre, Vannée suivante, la vie éphebique’ (Darem- berg and Saglio, iii 629, note174). It seems simpler to suppose that Aeschines was using a popular and only approximately accurate phrase in describing himself as περίπολος for two years.

ἐκκλησίας ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ] Cf. A. Miiller, Biihnenalterthiimer, p. 741} and Jebb in Smith’s Dict. Ant.ii 820a. ‘Juv. x 128; Plut. Zzmol. 34, 3; 38,33; Nepos, 7zmo/. 4, 2. Athenian decree in Joseph. Azz. xiv 8, 5. The inscriptions bearing on this point are collected by Adam Reusch, de diebus contionum ordinarits ap. Athent- emses, diss. phil. Argentor. sel. iii 4’ (John Mayor).

ἀποδειξάμενοι κτλ.] 2.6. ‘having given public proof of proficiency in military exercises.’ Harpocr. has ἀποδεξάμενοι, corrected by Dittenberger, De Ephebis, p> 12, ἢ, 10, The ἔφηβοι of B.C. 100

166 AOHNAIQN COL, 21, 1. 42—22, 1. 14.

δήμῳ || τὰ περὶ tas τάξεις, καὶ λαβόντες ἀσπίδα καὶ δόρυ παρὰ [Col τῆς πόλεως, περιπολοῦσι τὴν χώραν καὶ διατρίβουσιν ἐν τοῖς φυλακτηρίοις. φρουροῦσι δὲ τὰ δύο ἔτη, χλαμύδας ἔχοντες, καὶ 5

> a > U \ / BA / BA /

ἀτελεῖς εἰσι πάντων" καὶ δίκην οὔτε διδόασιν οὔτε λαμβάνουσιν,

σι

\ , > an» 7 \ \ 41}Ὁ , ἵνα μὴ πρόφασις τοῦ ἀπιέναι, πλὴν περὶ κλήρου Kal ἐπικλή-

ὡς ἧς \ pov, Kav τινι κατὰ TO γένος ἱερωσύνη γένηται. A a fal ΕΣ \ lal », > / τῶν δυεῖν ἐτῶν, ἤδη μετὰ TOV ἄλλων εἰσίν.

διεξελθόντων δὲ τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὴν

> A \ \ > / a Ψ Ν / τῶν TOMTWY ἐγγραφὴν Kal τοὺς ἐφήβους τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον.

31 τὰ om. Harp.

32 τῆς πόλεως: τοῦ δήμου Harp. et Schol. Aeschin.

35 π[ρ]ό[ φ]ασις τί ο]ῦ ἀπιέναι et in ectypo et in charta feliciter agnovit Blass (κϑ, K-w3, Th) ; legebatur πράγμασι συμμιγεῖέν te? Κ' ; πρά[γμ]ασι συμμιγνύωνται Jos. Mayor,

Hude (H-L); πράγ[ μ]ασι συγγίνωνται Rutherford (k-w).

τὸ γένος K, H-L, B, Th; κατὰ γένος K-W.

37 λυειν W etc): δυοῖν K-wl?,

36 KATATOLENOC?, κατὰ

IEPOCYNH ; ἱερωσύνη K, H-L, B, K-w®, Th; iepewotvn Κ- 12 (cf. Meisterhans, p. 46°).

Al€.EABOINTWN : διελθόντ. H-L.

similarly appeared in public, at the end of their period of service, ἐποιήσαντο δὲ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἐξόδῳ τῆς ἐφηβείας τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῇ βουλῇ, CIA ii 467 (=Ditt. 347, 43); ef. ii 468, 26.

ἀσπίδα καὶ δόρυ] These are exhibited on the vase representing the ephebus taking the oath, mentioned in note on § 3, τὰ ἱερὰ περιῆλθον.

§ 5. φρουροῦσι] Xen. Cyrop. i 2, 12, χρῶνται δὲ καὶ τοῖς μένουσι τῶν ἐφήβων αἱ ἀρχαί, ἤν τι. φρουρῆσαι δεήσῃ κτλ. Plat. Leg. 760 C, δύο δ᾽ ἔτη τὴν.. φρουρὰν γίγ- νεσθαι, and Rep. 537 B, the γυμνάσια end at 20. The Schol. on Aeschin. /. Z. 167 quotes the two following lines from Eupolis, οὗτος ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις κοιτά- tera, and τοὺς περιπόλους ἀπιέναι εἰς τὰ φρούρια. The ἔφηβοι of B.C. 334-3 (Bull. Corr. Hell. xiii 253, 1. 21) καλῶς καὶ φιλοτίμως ἐπιμελοῦνται THs φυλακῆς ᾿Ελευ- σῖνος οἱ ταχθέντες ἔφηβοι καὶ σωφρονιστὴς αὐτῶν, and those of B.C. 100 (CIA ii 467, 22 and 87) ἐξῆλθον ἐπὶ τὰ φρούρια καὶ τὰ ὅρια τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς πλεονάκις ἐν ὅπλοις. Among the φρούρια were Anaphlytus, Thoricus, Sunium, Rhamnus, Eleusis, Phyle, Aphidna (Gilbert i 349%).

χλαμύδας] ‘short gowns or mantles.’ Pollux, x 164, τὸ δὲ τῶν ἐφήβων φόρημα πέτασος καὶ χλαμύς" Φιλήμων ἐν Θυρωρῷ

ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐς τὴν χλαμύδα κατεθέμην ποτέ καὶ τὸν πέτασον.

Cf. Antidotus, ap. Athen. 240 B, éyypa- φῆναι kai λαβεῖν τὸ χλαμύδιον. Meleager, in Anth. P. vii 468, has an epitaph on youth whom his mother ὀκτωκαιδεκέταν ἐστόλισεν χλαμύδι. ἐκ χλαμύδος ΞΞ ἐξ ἐφή- βου in Plut. ii 752 E, cf. 754 F. It ap- pears on vases as the characteristic dress

of young men (1, and 8), e.g. Tischbein, Vases,it4; Hamilton, Vases,i 2 (in Smith, Dict. Ant. i 416); and esp. on a lecythus from Eretria apres sears Samat des kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. ii 163; Daremberg and Saglio, iii 630, fig. 2680). The garb of the ἔφηβοι is sometimes supposed to have been yellow or saffron-coloured’ (Dict. Ant. |.c.), but it was black accord- ing to Philostratus, Vit. Soph. ii 1, 5, μελαίνας χλαμύδας ἐνημμένοι τὰς ἐκκλη- σίας περιεκάθηντο καὶ τὰς πομπὰς ἔπεμπον. Herodes Atticus altered it into white and himself defrayed the cost of the change (cIA iii 1132; Capes, Univ. Life, p. 9).

ἀτελεῖς---πάντων] This general exemp- tion did not include the τριηραρχία, which was incumbent on all Athenians of a cer- tain census from the time of their en- rolment on the ληχιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον (Dem. Aid. 154). Even this λῃτουργία was remitted for one year in the case of orphans, Lys. 32 § 24, οὕς πόλις οὐ μόνον παῖδας ὄντας ἀτελεῖς ἐποίησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπειδὰν δοκιμασθῶσιν ἐνιαυτὸν ἀφῆκεν ἁπασῶν τῶν λῃτουργιῶν.

περὶ κλήρου] Thus Demosthenes sued his guardians as soon as he came of age, Oneét. i. 15, 17; Mid. 78. ἐπικλήρου] At the age of 18, the young Athenian became κύριος THs ἐπικλήρου, Isaeus 8 § 31, 10 12, Srag.go, Hyperid. frag. 223 = 194 ; Suidas, 5. U. ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον, B; A. Scha- fer, Dem. Ill 2, p. 24 f.

The list of lawsuits in the text is pos- sibly not exhaustive. In Lys. 10 § 4 the speaker, who was 13 at the time when his father was put to death by the Thirty, instituted a prosecution against them before the Areopagus as soon as he

CH. 42,]. 3I—CH. 43,1. 3.

TIOAITEIA

167

\ > > \ \ \ \ > 4 / oe / 43. τὰς δ᾽ ἀρχὰς tas περὶ τὴν ἐγκύκλιον διοίκησιν ἁπάσας a \ a a ποιοῦσι κληρωτάς, πλὴν ταμίου στρατιωτικῶν Kal τῶν ἐπὶ TO

θεωρικὸν καὶ τοῦ τῶν κρηνῶν ἐπιμελητοῦ.

K XLII 2 ττληρωτὰο (6 TTAHPOYTAI). Richards.

8 KPHNWN: κοινῶν J W Headlam (H-1).

᾿ς Ν “Ὁ ταύτας δὲ χειροτονοῦ- 3

-«-τοῦ:- ταμίου --τῶν Ξ- στρατιωτικῶν χειροτονοῦσι-«-ν: Bi.

came of age, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐδοκιμάσθην 31, in B.C. 399). The other alternative is to assume that the statement applies only to the time of the writer (Hager in Smith, Dict. Ant. ii 1066 a).

XLIII§ 1. On offictals elected by show of hands. 8 1. τὴν ἐγκύκλιον διοίκησιν] Po/.

1255 25, ἐγκύκλια διακονήματα, 1263 a 21, ἐγκύκλιοι διακονίαι (every-day duties). 1269 35 (of courage), χρήσιμος πρὸς οὐδὲν τῶν ἐγκυκλίων ἀλλ΄ εἴπερ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον. Oecon. 2, 1346 α 8, πρόσοδος ἀπὸ τῶν ἐγκυκλίων.

ποιοῦσι κληρωτάς] Pol. 1303 α 18; ἐξ αἱρετῶν ἐποίησαν κληρωτάς, Isocr. Panath. 15, 4, τὰς ἀρχὰς οὐ κληρωτὰς ἀλλ᾽ αἱρετὰς ποιήσαντος (τοῦ Λυκούργου).

ταμίου---στρατιωτικῶν] The manage- ment of military finances, which, in the fifth century, had been entrusted to the ἑλληνοταμίαι, was entrusted in B.C. 338 to a new officer called the ταμίας τῶν στρατιωτικῶν. The first to hold this office was Callias, the brother-in- law of Lycurgus ([Plut.] Vit. Zyc. § 27). It was supposed by Boeckh (11 vii) that it was immediately after the archonship of Eucleides that the ἑλληνοταμίαι were superseded by the ταμίας τῶν orp. and the superintendents of the theoric fund. But as late as 347 B.c. we find the ἀποδέκται described as making payments ἐκ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν χρημάτων (᾿Αθήναιον, vi 152), which implies that the ταμίας τῶν στρ. was not yet in existence (A. Schaefer in Rhein. Mus. xxxiii 431, quoted by Gilbert i 274? n. 3, and Dem. u. S. Zeit 11? 307 n. 2). In Boeckh, ἢ. 317, Frankel assigns 347 as the date when this office was instituted; but he is op- posed by Hartel, Studien, p. 132 (Diirr- bach, Lycurgue, p. 32). It is at present therefore impossible to assume any earlier date than 338 for its institution. In 334 (CIA ii 739) he makes payments to the treasurers of Athene and to the Commis- sioners for restoring the figures of Νίκη and the articles of plate used in proces- sions (see further in Hartel, Studien ziber att. Staatsrecht, pp. 135-6; Gilbert, i 2747; and cf. Wilamowitz, i 196 ἢ. 19. —The same official took part in farming

᾿ ἐπιμελεῖται

out the taxes (47 2) and in superintend- ing the Panathenaic games (49 § 3).

τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικὸν] probably instituted under the administration οὗ Eubulus (be- tween B.C. 354 and 339). It has beena moot point whether there was only one official ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικὸν or more (Gilbert i 2737). The text implies that there were several. In B.C. 343/2, CIA ii 114 C 5, a single individual is mentioned ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικόν, immediately after the γραμματεὺς κατὰ πρυτανείαν and ἐπὶ τὰ ψηφίσματα, and immediately before the βουλῆς ταμίαι; thus he is possibly only a βουλευτὴς charged with looking after that depart- ment of business and is not necessarily to be identified with the management of the fund. Aeschines, c. Cfes. § 24, men- tions the archon of the year in which Dem. was elected treasurer of the dew- ρικόν; hence it was inferred by Boeckh (II vii p. 248 Lamb) that the office was annual. The text shews that it was held for four years, from one Panathenaic festival to the next. Cf. 47 § 2.

κρηνῶν ἔπιμελητοῦ] κρηνῶν ἐπιμεληταὶ are mentioned in /o/. 1321 4 26, where Athens is doubtless in Aristotle’s mind, though not expressly named. Plato, Leg. 758 E, refers to κρηνῶν ἐπιμελητάς. An inscr. published in the ᾿Εφημερὶς ᾿Αρχαιο- λογική, 1889, pp. 13—16, no. 28 (Michel’s Recueil, no. 105), describes the work done by one Pytheas as ἐπιμελητὴς τῶν κρηνῶν in B.C. 333. ἐπειδὴ Πυθέας αἱρεθεὶς ἐπὶ τὰς κρήνας τῶν τε ἄλλων ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ καλῶς καὶ φιλοτίμως κτλ. ἐπαινέσαι Πυθέαν... ἀρετῆς ἕνεκα καὶ δι- καιοσύνης τῆς περὶ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν κρηνῶν, ὅπως ἂν οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ ἀεὶ χειροτονού- μενοι ἐπὶ τὰς κρήνας φιλοτιμῶνται ἕκαστοι

- els τὸν δῆμον κτλ.

Cf. Hesych. s. v. κρηνάγγη (sic)* ἀρχὴ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐπιμελείας ὕδατος, and Pollux viii 113, ἐπιμελητὴς δέ tis...eylvero, ὃς καὶ ἐκαλεῖτο ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ, ἦν...καὶ κρηνοφυλάκιον ἀρχή: also Photius, κρηνοφύλαξ᾽ ἦν δὲ καὶ ἀρχή τις ᾿Αθήνησιν. It is uncertain whether κρηνοφύλαξ was another name for this officer or the title of a subordinate official. The importance of this officer is indicated by his being elected and not

168 AOHNAIQN ‘COL. 22, 1. 15—24. σιν, καὶ οἱ χειροτονηθέντες ἄρχουσιν ἐκ Παναθηναίων εἰς ἸΠαναθή-

vaia. χειροτονοῦσι δὲ καὶ τὰς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἁπάσας.

βουλὴ δὲ κληροῦται πεντακόσιοι, πεντήκοντα ἀπὸ φυλῆς 2

e 4 / 9 3 / A ~ , 55 Ψ “Δ ἑκάστης. πρυτανεύει δ᾽ ἐν μέρει τῶν φυλῶν ἑκάστη καθ᾽ τι ἂν

λάχωσιν, ai μὲν πρῶται τέτταρες ἕξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ἑκάστη, <Tijs> φυλῆς B (51, Th).

TESTIMONIA. XLIII § 2 *Harp. mpurarelas:...€o7e δὲ ἀριθμὸς ἡμερῶν πρυτανεία ἦτοι AS Ae, καὶ (ἃς Sauppe) ἑκάστη φυλὴ πρυτανεύει. διείλεκται δὲ περὶ τούτων Ap. ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. Harp. (=Bekk. Az. 291, 4, Lex. Dem. Patm., Schol. Plat. p. 459) πρυτάνεις:...ἐπρυτάνευον δὲ...ἐκ διαδοχῆς ἀλλήλαις αἱ δέκα φυλαὶ κλήρῳ λαχοῦσαι. Schol. Plat. Leg. 9536 : πρυτανεία δέ ἐστιν ἀριθμός τις ἡμερῶν ἤτοι AS de, ἃς ἑκάστη φυλὴ πρυτανεύειν λέγεται... καὶ διήρηνται εἰς ταύτας αἱ ἡμέραι τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ" κατὰ yap σελήνην ἄγουσι τοῦτον, ὡς ἑκάστῃ φυλῇ τῶν δέκα ἐπιβάλλειν λε ἡμέρας, πλεονάζειν δὲ ὀλίγας. διὸ καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἀπέδωκαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ταῖς πρώταις λαχούσαις τέσσαρσι φυλαῖς, ἵνα ἐκείνων μὲν ἑκάστη τὰς AS ἡμέρας πρυτανεύῃ, αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ ἕξ ἀνὰ re. Fere eadem Photius, πρυτανεία, inter alia ἐνιαυτὸν δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὸν σεληνιακὸν ἦγον (Frag. 2032, 433°). Schol. Maximi Planudis ad Hermog. in Rhet. Gr. v p. 509, 20 Walz:

ὡρισμέναι ἦσαν ἐκκλησίαι κατὰ πρυτανείαν ἑκάστην τέσσαρες" δέκα δὲ οὐσῶν ᾿Αθήνησι φυλῶν ἐπρυτάνευον αἱ μὲν πρῶται λαχοῦσαι φυλαὶ τέσσαρες ἀνὰ τριάκοντα ἔξ ἡμέρας, αἱ

6 DN (K, K-w, Β, Th); πεντακόσιοι, πεντήκοντα H-L.

δὲ λοιπαὶ ἕξ ἀνὰ τριάκοντα πέντε κτλ.

‘appointed by lot. The office of ὑδάτων ἐπιστάτης was held by Themistocles (Plut. Them. 31 § 1). Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Apzmeletes, ii p. 668 ὁ.

As two of the officials mentioned in the text are connected with finance, some surprise has been felt that no notice is taken of the important financial officer called the ταμίας τῆς κοινῆς προσόδου or ἐπὶ τῇ διοικήσε. The silence of Aristotle shews that this official known as 6 ἐπὶ τῇ διοικήσει had not yet come into existence between 329 and 322 B.C. He belongs to the end of the fourth century (Gilbert, i 2767; Wilamowitz, i 208).

ἐκ Παναθηναίων eis Παναθήναια] 2.6. for four years. The phrase (with és for els) occurs in CIA i 32 A 28, B 27 (Hicks, no. 37); I17, 33 121; 125; 1293 1335 141, etc; 170; 273 (Hicks, no. 46 The greater Panathenaea were held in every third Olympic year, in the same year as the Pythian games. The J/ocz classict are collected in Michaelis, Par- thenon, Anhang 11, 318—333-

The fact that the κρηνῶν ἐπιμελητὴς was elected at the Panathenaea (about 23—28 Hecatombaeon, before the middle of August) is confirmed by the above decree in honour of Pytheas, which is dated g Metageitnion, eleven days after the close of the Panathenaea.

Tas πρὸς Tov πόλεμον] The offices of στρατηγοὶ and their subordinates, the ἵππαρχος, φύλαρχος and ταξίαρχος. Cf. Gilbert, i 256? ff., and Headlam, Ox the

Lot, p. 102; inf. 61 § 1. 88. 2, 3. Zhe Councel. On the subject

in general, see Hermann, Staatsalt. 88

125—127; Schodmann, Ant., Ὁ. 371-9, E. T.; Gilbert, i 295—314?; Smith, Dzc¢. Ant. i 309.

§2. κληροῦται] It was appointment by lot that made the Council consistent with the democratical constitution of Athens and prevented its becoming an oligarchical body of higher authority than the public assembly. The power of the old aristocracy had centred in a Council, and this power was broken down by the

introduction of the lot. The Council of Ξ

400 under the Dracontic constitution’ is described as appointed by lot (4 § 3). The earliest documentary evidence bear- ing on this subject is an inscr. of Erythrae, the constitution of which was modelled on that of Athens in B.c. 455—450. It is there ordained for Erythrae (as for Athens) ἀπὸ κυάμων βουλὴν εἶναι (CIA 1 9 = Hicks, no. 22). Cf. Headlam, Oz the Lot, pp. 41—56, 86.

πρυτανεύει)] ‘presides,’ 2.6. sits as a superintending sub-committee of the Coun- cil. Cf. Harpocr. s. v. πρυτάνεις, Schol. Aeschin. 3 § 3; also Schémann, p. 376, and Gilbert, i 255. Even the order in

ESI.

which the πρυτάνεις held office is deter-— ;

mined by lot (cf. Headlam, /.¢., p. 51). This fact had already been ascertained by Clinton, /astz, ii 344-6= 415-8.

ai μὲν πρῶται κτλ.] The normal Attic year consisting of 354 days, the tenth part would be 35 days, and 4 over. It

CH. 43,1. 4---11. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 169

e \ a 6 4 \ ς 7 ς , Ν αι δὲ ἕξ αι ὕστεραι TEVTE και τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ΕΚαΟσ ΤΉ" κατα

/ > a σελήνην yap ἄγουσιν τὸν ἐνιαυτόν. οἱ δὲ πρυτανεύοντες αὐτῶν

lal \ fa) > A 7 ᾿ U > , \ πρῶτον μὲν συσσιτοῦσιν ἐν TH θόλῳ, λαμβάνοντες ἀργύριον Tapa

9—10 κατὰ σελήνην---ἐνιαυτόν del. Lipsius, Herwerden: agn. Schol. in Platonem, et Photius. 10 ἄγουσι H-L.

TEST. §§ 3, 4, 6 Pollux Vili 95, πρυτάν εἰς : οὗτοι τὴν βουλὴν συνάγουσιν ὁσημέραι, πλὴν ἄν τις ἄφετος ἢ, ““τὸν δὲ δῆμον τετράκις" ἑκάστης πρυτανείας" καὶ προγράφουσι πρὸ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὲρ ὧν ““ δεῖ χρηματίζειν.᾽" τῶν δ᾽ ἐκκλησιῶν μὲν κυρία, ἐν 7 τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐπιχειροτονοῦσιν, εἴπερ καλῶς ἄρχουσιν, ἀποχειροτονοῦσιν" ἐν καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας βουλόμενος εἰσαγγέλλει, “" καὶ τὰς ἀπογραφὰς τῶν δημευο- μένων" ἀναγυγνώσκουσιν οἱ πρὸς ταῖς δίκαις, ““καὶ τὰς λήξεις τῶν κλήρων." οὔ, δὲ δευτέρα ἐκκλησία ἀνεῖται τοῖς βουλομένοις ἑκετηρίαν θεμένοις λέγειν ἀδεῶς περί τε τῶν ἐδίων -καὶ τῶν δημοσίων" δὲ τρίτη “κήρυξι καὶ πρεσβείαις " ἀξιοῖ χρηματίζειν, ods δεῖ πρότερον τοῖς π ‘Sele gthe big ἀποδοῦναι τὰ γράμματα, δὲ τετάρτη περὶ ἱερῶν καὶ ὁσίων (Frag. 3043, 434°). Cf. Schol. in Aeschin. I § 104

§§ 3, 4. “Harp. κυρία ἐκκλησία :...τίνες δὲ ai κύριαι ἐκκλησίαι ‘Ap. δεδήλωκεν ἐν τῇ AG. ‘Od. λέγων τοὺς πρυτάνεις συνάγειν “τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον," τὴν (leg. ““τὴν μὲν" vel καὶ ““τὴν μὲν “᾿ βουλὴν i ὁσημέραι, “πλὴν ---ἑκάστης." προγράφουσι δέ φησι καὶ κυρίαν ἐκκλησίαν, ἐν 7 δεϊ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀποχειροτονεῖν οἱ δοκοῦσι μὴ καλῶς ἄρχειν" “καὶ περὶ φυλακῆς τῆς χώρας." “καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας---ποιεῖσθαί᾽" φησι καὶ

τὰ ἑξῆς (Frag. 3957, 435°).

has been supposed by Gilbert, i 2551, that these four days were assigned to the several prytanies by lot. The text states that they were assigned to the first four prytanies, which thus lasted for 36 days, the remaining six lasting for 35 only. This fact was already known to us through Photius, Suidas and the Schol. in Hermo- genem, v p. 509; but their authority was set aside on the evidence of the Choiseul Marble, ΟἿΑ i 188 (Ditt. no. 44), ll. 25— 50, B.C. 410/9, where we have express mention of the 36th day of the 8th, gth, and roth prytanies. Hence it was in- ferred by Clinton, Fas¢z, ii 346—418, that the four supernumerary days were assigned to the /ast tribes and not to the frst. While this was clearly the case in B.c. 410, the text shews that, in the writer’s time, the latter plan was adopted instead.

The duration of the. πρυτανεῖαι is dis- cussed by Unger, Phzlol. 38 p. 425 ff., Usener, Rhetn. Mus. 34 p. 392 ff., and A. Schmidt, Gr. Chronologie, pp. 241, 423 etc.

In the imaginary constitution of Plat. Leg. 758 one twelfth of the βουλὴ is in full office for one twelfth of the year.

κατὰ σελήνην--ἐνιαυτόν]! This ex- planation is introduced quite as natu- rally as that in the corresponding passage of Schémann’s Avz., p. 376 E. T., where, immediately after defining the duration of a prytany, the writer continues: The Athenians, it may be explained, had a legal lunar year consisting of 12 months of 29 and 30 days alternately, and therefore. of 354 days altogether.’ The phrase re-

minds one of Arist. zd. 626, κατὰ σελήνην ὡς ἄγειν χρὴ τοῦ βίου τὰς ἡμέρας, and Diog. Laert. i 59 (of Solon), ἠξίωσέ τε ᾿Αθηναίων τὰς ἡμέρας κατὰ σελήνην ἄγειν. The explanation (like many others in this treatise) would not be needed by Athenian readers; but it does not neces- sarily follow that it is an interpolation, as suggested by Lipsius, Leipzig Verhand., 1891, Ρ- 47 n. It is also found in the Schol. Plat. Zeg. quoted in the Zestémonia.

So far as we are aware, the lunar year alone was recognised in Greece. Hence the above clause is not intended as a statement of a noteworthy fact. It is rather the writer’s own apology for re- ferring to so erroneous a year as one of 354 days, the true length of the year having Jong been known. Eudoxus had endeavoured to bring into public use the solar year of the Egyptians; but the lunar year alone was recognised in the laws of Solon (cf. Wilamowitz, i 4).

§ 3. συσσιτοῦσιν ἐν τῇ θόλῳ! Dem. 2. 2. 8 190, οἱ πρυτάνεις θύουσιν ἑκάστοτε κοινῇ καὶ συνδειπνοῦσιν ἀλλήλοις καὶ συ- σπένδουσιν. Ammonius ap. Harpocr. 5. Φ. θόλος,--- δὲ τόπος ὅπου ἑστιῶνται οἱ πρυ- τάνεις καλεῖται θόλος. Cf. Pollux viii 155; Bekker, Anecd. 264. On a special emergency the βουλὴ even passed the night there, Andoc. de AZyst. 45- It was also called the σκιάς (Gilbert, i 256, n. 4). It was near the βουλευτήριον (Paus. i 5, 1), to the north of the east end of the Areopagus (Curtius, Stadtgeschichte, p. xciii and 171). Thus the πρυτάνεις could readily leave the θόλος to attend the

170 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 22,1]. 24---41.

» »᾿ U \ \ \ \ \ a τῆς πόλεως, ἔπειτα συνάγουσιν καὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ Tov δῆμον" τὴν μὲν [οὖν] βουλὴν ὅσαι ἡμέραι, πλὴν ἐάν τις ἀφέσιμος ἦ, τὸν δὲ δῆμον τετράκις τῆς πρυτανείας ἑκάστης. καὶ ὅσα δεῖ χρηματί-

\ \ Ἄς b] ς , an ς ΄, ν ae 7 15 ζειν τὴν βουλὴν καὶ TL ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ ὅπου καθίζειν, οὗτοι προγράφουσι. προγράφουσι δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας οὗτοι" μίαν μὲν κυρίαν, ἐν δεῖ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐπιχειροτονεῖν εἰ δοκοῦσι καλῶς ἄρχειν, καὶ περὶ σίτου καὶ περὶ φυλακῆς τῆς χώρας χρημα- 12 Kai (vel €1?): καὶ τὴν Κ8, K-w, Β, Th: εἰς τὴν ΚΙ, τὴν H-L. 13 OYN om. Harp. (K-W, H-L, B, Th): retinet K coll. Ar. Poet. 1458 25 etc (Jud. Ar. p. 540 42, μὲν οὖν saepe usurpatur, ubi notio modo pronunciata amplius explicatur’). | TAHNENAN corr. K. 14 YPHMATIZEI corr. K. 15 KalorTi (corr. e ΟΔΙΤΟΥ) secl. B! (Ss!) ;

defendit Kaibel 205. OTIOYKAO..€1: τι οὐ καθήκειν Κ' ; OTIOYKAGEIZEI? ὅπου καθίζειν egregie K-w (edd.); etiam Herwerden verbum καθίζει hic latere suspicabatur.

Test. § 4 *Lex. rhet. Cantab. κυρία ἐκκλησία :... ἄμεινον οὖν ᾿Αριστοτέλει « πεί- θεσθαι:-" τὰς γὰρ ἀρχὰς ἐν ταῖς κυρίαις ἐκκλησίαις ἔφησε χειροτονεῖσθαι καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας --τὸν βουλόμενον εἰσαγγέλλειν addidit Meier> καὶ τὰ ἄλλα (τὰς ἄλλας cod., corr. Meier) τῶν ἀναγκαίων χρηματίζειν “' καὶ περὶ σίτου -- καὶ περὶ add. Meier>

φυλακῆς τῆς χώρας, καὶ τὰς ἀπογραφὰ----κλήρων.

meetings of the whole body of the Council in the neighbouring βουλευτήριον. Cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 315.

συνάγουσιν κτλ. CIA ii 417, 459 and elsewhere (of the rpurdves), ἐπεμελήθησαν δὲ καὶ τῆς συλλογῆς τῆς τε βουλῆς kal τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν αὐτοῖς προσέταττον οἱ νόμοι.

ὅσαι ἡμέραι) The manuscript reading has been retained, ‘as it facilitates the following tis’ (Jos. Mayor). Hitherto our earliest authority for this equivalent to ὁσημέραι has been Themistius (A.D. 355), who also has ὅσαι wpa in p. 192 D. ὅσοι μῆνες occurs in Dem. 744, 25 (L and S).

ἀφέσιμος] Aristides, i 344 Jebb. The large number of such holidays is noticed in [Xen.] de Rep. Ath. 3, 2. Among them were the Afaturza (Athen. 171 E), the Zhesmophoria (Arist. Thesm. 79), the Kronia (Dem. 24 § 26), and the ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι (Plut. Alc. 34). Gilbert, i 3072, n. I

Tetpakis] Elsewhere (Photius, s. v. κυρία ἐκκλησία, Schol. Arist. Ach. 19 and Schol. Dem. 24 § 20) we are told of three meetings in each month, all of them termed κυρίαι ἐκκλησίαι. But the text shews that there was only one κυρία ἐκκλησία in each month 4), as already held by Gilbert, i 269, n. 1 (318?, n. 3).

ὅπου KaO(fev] The sessions of the βουλή, though ordinarily held in the βουλευτήριον, were occasionally trans- ferred to the Eleusinion, the Theseum or the Panathenaic Stadium, or even to the Acropolis (Gilbert, i 3072, n. 2).

a

προγράφουσι] CIA ii 61, ἐπειδὰν de

ταῦτα παρασκευασθῇ, τοὺς πρυτάνεις προ- γράψαι περὶ τούτων ἐν βουλευτηρίῳ ὅταν οἷόν τε 7.

88. 4—6. The Public Assembly.

§ 4. προγράφουσι--ἐκκλησίας] Five days notice was given; Bekker, Axecd. 296, 8, πρόπεμπτα (Gilbert, i 320? n. 3).

μίαν μὲν κυρίαν] see note on τετράκις, § 3. The agenda for the κυρία ἐκκλησία

were already known through citations of

this passage in Harpocr. and Pollux, viii 25 (Gilbert, i 318? f). The κυρία ἐκκλη- σία was not necessarily the earliest of the four. In B.C. 332 and 330 it was held on the 32nd day of the prytany (CIA ii 177, 183).

ἔπιχειροτονεῖν] ‘confirm the election of.’ Harpocr. s. v. καταχειροτονία " ἔθος ἣν ᾿Αθήνησι κατὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ κατὰ τῶν συκοφαντῶν προβολὰς ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τίθεσθαι" εἰ δέ τις καταχειροτονηθείη, οὗτος εἰσήγετο εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον. For this κατα- χειροτονία he refers to Theophrastus, ἐν δ΄ Νόμων. Cf. Schdmann, De Comitzis, p- 231; Ant. 391 E. T. The term προς βολὴ is inaccurately applied to the ἐπίχει-

porovla (Meier and Schémann, note 389

Lips. ; and Smith, Dict. Ant. ii 492 δ). περὶ σίτου] Xen. AZem. iii 6, 13, πόσον

χρόνον ἱκανός ἐστιν ἐκ τῆς χώρας yryvd-

μενος σῖτος διατρέφειν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ πόσου εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν προσδεῖται.

περὶ φυλακῆς] 26. το, περί γε φυλακῆς τῆς χώρας οἷδ᾽ ὅτι ἤδη σοι μεμέληκε, καὶ οἷσθα, ὁπόσαι τε φυλακαὶ ἐπίκαιροί εἰσι καὶ ὁπόσαι μή, καὶ ὁπόσοι τε φρουροὶ ἱκανοί εἰσι κτλ. This topic of deliberation is

CH. 43, 1. 12—24. TIOAITEIA 171 τίζειν, καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τοὺς βουλομένους ποιεῖσθαι, καὶ τὰς ἀπογραφὰς τῶν δημευομένων ἀναγιγνώσκειν καὶ τὰς λήξεις τῶν κλήρων καὶ τῶν ἐπικλήρων [ἀναγινώσκειν], ὅπως 5 μηδένα λάθῃ μηδὲν ἔρημον γενόμενον. ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ἕκτης πρυτα- νείας πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις καὶ περὶ τῆς ὀστρακοφορίας ἐπιχειροτο- νίαν διδόασιν, εἰ δοκεῖ ποιεῖν μή, καὶ συκοφαντῶν προβολὰς τῶν

20, 21 ἀναγιγνώσκειν (15) κϑ, H-L (Meisterhans, n. 14793): ἀνᾶγιν (K}, K-W); verbum in v. 21 566]. K-w, Β, K4, Th. 23 HPHMENOIC. ἐπιχειροτονίαν 5 idem habet lexici rhet. Cantabrig. codex a Dobreo exscriptus (K, H-L, B): mpoxetpo-

τονίαν K-wW quod ibidem a Meiero ex coniectura scriptum est. 24 AiAoacl. προβολὰς <mapa> δίδοασι Papageorgios. τῶν 560]. Thalheim; ᾿Αθηναίων caret articulo

_ in sermone publico.

TEST. § 572. ‘‘émi δὲ τῆς ἕκτης---ἐπιχειροτονίαν ᾽᾽ (προχειροτονίαν edd.) δίδοσθαι εἰ δοκεῖ μή (Frag. 3967, 436°). Hesych. κυρία ἐκκλ. : μία κυρία ἐκκλησία ἤγετο᾽ Αθήνησιν,

ἐν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐπιχειροτονεῖν ἔδει.

mentioned in Ar. Αἰὐλεί. i 4 § το, περὶ φυλακῆς THs χώρας μὴ λανθάνειν πῶς φυ- λάττεται κτλ. : in Pol, 1298 3 it is omitted. Cf. CIA ii 225 and 334, els φυλακὴς τῆς χώρας (Gilbert i 319? ἢ. 1).

tas εἰσαγγελίας] Such information might either be brought before the βουλὴ, through the πρυτάνεις ; or (as here) before the ἐκκλησία, through the θεσμοθέται (c. 59). Cf. Hager in Smith, Dict. Ant. i 709, 11 1067.

τὰς ἀπογραφὰς τῶν δημευομένων] in- ventories of confiscated property.’ ol. 1298 a 3, περὶ...δημεύσεως. On ἀπο- γραφὴ see Meier and Schomann, pp. 304 —6 Lips., and Dict. Ant. s. v.

τὰς λήξεις τῶν κλήρων Kal τῶν ém- κλήρων] 2.6. the legal claims (or ‘lists of suits’) for the right of succession to in- heritances, and for that of marrying the daughter of a citizen who has left no son to inherit his estate (56 § 6, κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων ἐπιδικασίαι). [Dem.] 46 § 22, lex, κληροῦν δὲ τὸν ἄρχοντα κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων. Meier and ϑοῃοιηδῃῃ, Pp. 791-4, 606-8, 616 Lips.; Dict. Ant.

Ss. v. Heres, 947 a, and Lfzclerus, -

P- 747 ὦ.

ὅπως---ἔρημον γενόμενον] ‘that all may have cognisance of any vacancy in an estate.’ This clause refers only to the Suits concerning κλῆροι and ἐπίκληροι. ἔρημος is a specially appropriate epithet for an estate deprived of its owner, or for children bereft of their father: Plat. Zeg. 925 C, ἐξηρημωμένον οἶκον, 927 C, Tots εἰς ὀρφανὰ καὶ ἔρημα ὑβρίζουσι. The object of this public recital was partly to draw attention to any claims on the estate; partly to give due notice to all who were interested in establishing a right of succession.

§ 5. ἕκτης πρυτανείας) In B.c. 410/9, when the Attic year began on July 14, the sixth mpuraveia began on Jan. 5, B.C. 409 (Clinton, Fastz, ii 347=418). Philo- chorus, ap. Lex, Cant. s.v. ὀστρακισμός, says that the preliminary vote was taken before the eighth πρυτανεία.

ὀστρακοφορίας] On this occasion the point to be determined was whether there was a case for having recourse to ostra- cism; if so, a day was fixed for the final voting in the eighth πρυτανεία (Lex. Cant. 5. uv. ὀστρακισμός ; Schol. Arist. Hg. 851, and fragm. Lex. Dem. Aristocr.; cf. Blass in Hermes, 1882, p. 1523 Kaibel, 206 ; Wilamowitz, ii 256).

‘“A. Schmidt, Gr. Chronologie, p. 259, seeks to reconcile Aristotle and Philo- chorus. The date of the écrpaxogopia is explained by the desire to settle a danger- ous political struggle before the opening of spring, i.e. before the end of Anthesterion. The 6th prytany in an ordinary year is equivalent in general to Gamelion 1— Anthesterion 5. But Philochorus wished to embrace the case of an intercalary year in which the 7th prytany is equivalent in general to Gamelion 22—end of Anthe- sterion: ‘before the eighth prytany’ means either in the 6th or 7th, for z/ the principle was that the ostracism was to be proposed in Gamelion or Anthesterion, it might fall in the 7th prytany of an intercalary year. The hypothesis is absurd, for ab- solutely no reason is suggested why the Athenians should have ostracised men later in the year if it chanced to be inter- calary,—to say nothing of other obvious objections (Wyse).

συκοφαντῶν προβολὰς] A προβολὴ was a preliminary criminal information brought before the public assembly ; if the people

2

σι

172

AOHNAIQN

COL. 22, 1. 41—23, 1. 4.

3 : a / A Αθηναίων καὶ τῶν μετοίκων μέχρι τριῶν ἑκατέρων, κἄν τις

ὑποσχόμενος TL μὴ ποιήσῃ τῷ δήμῳ.

Tiare δα Πα

--

ἑτέραν δὲ ταῖς ἱκετηρίαις,6 2

ἐν 7) θεὶς βουλόμενος ἱκετηρίαν, [ὑπὲρ] ὧν ἂν βούληται || καὶ ἰδίων ee

καὶ δημοσίων διαλέξεται πρὸς Tov δῆμον.

25 εκὰτερὰν ? kal ἐάν τις K-Wl?, non capit,’ K%,

ai δὲ δύο περὶ τῶν ἄλλων

κἄν τις BI-3 (H-L, κϑ, Κ-νν8, Th), καὶ ἄν τις Bt; ἐάν τις κὶ; 26 ἑτέραν δὲ Κ, K-W, Β, Th; ἑτέρα δ᾽ ἐστί H-L, quod ‘spatium 27 OYBOYAO corr. K. WN ΚΙ:

περὶ ὧν Kontos, Lipsius, Gertz,

K-W, sed spatium vix duarum litterarum capax vacuum relictum ; ὑπὲρ (Y) ὧν H-L (Β,

K4, Th). 28 λιὰλεξζετὰι: ἕτεραι δὲ maluit Foucart.

διαλέξεται Καὶ (K-wW, B, Th); διαλέγεται H-L.

ai δὲ :

approved, a trial before an ordinary law- court ensued. This procedure was applied in the case of those who had accused the generals concerned in the battle of Ar- ginussae (Xen. He//.i 7 34). The case against Midias began with a προβολή. Cf. Schomann, De Comitzis, Ὁ. 321 ff., Meier and Schémann, p. 335 Lips., Dict. Ant. ll 492 ὦ, 732 a.

For its application in the case of συκο- φάνται, cf. Isocr. Amtid. 314, κατὰ δὲ τούτων (sc. τῶν συκοφαντῶν ἐποίησαν) ypa- φὰς μὲν πρὸς τοὺς θεσμοθέτας, εἰσαγγελίας δ᾽ εἰς τὴν βουλὴν, προβολὰς δ᾽ ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, and Aeschin. /. Z. 145, τῶν συκοφαντῶν ὡς κακούργων δημοσίᾳ προβολὰς ποιούμεθα, also Pollux viii 46, προβολαὶ δὲ ἦσαν καὶ αἱ τῆς συκοφαντίας γραφαί.

The parallel passages (Dem. 50 57) Plat. 7072 541 E, Ar. Thesm. 344) shew that these προβολαὶ must be separated from the εἰσαγγελία which forms the ps of the next sentence (Kaibel, 206).

τῶν μετοίκων], This implies that a μέτοικος could be charged with συκοφαν- tla. Hence it follows that he was en- titled to give information against public offenders. Ordinarily this right was con- fined to citizens (Plut. So/. 18, ἐξῆν τῷ δυναμένῳ καὶ βουλομένῳ κτλ.).. A fo- reigner, who desired to accuse a person of any offence against the people, was required to obtain special permission for that purpose, ἄδεια, Andoc. De Myst. § 15. Cf. Meier and Schémann, p. 330 Lips.

μέχρι τριῶν] Plat. Zee. 756 B, μέχρι

vou,

κἄν τις ὑποσχόμενος KTA.] Dem. Lepr. 100, ἔστι δὲ δήπου νόμος ὑμῖν, ἐάν τις ὑποσχόμενός τι τὸν δῆμον βουλὴν δι- καστήριον ἐξαπατήσῃ, τὰ ἔσχατα πάσχειν, and 26. 135 (where it is called a νόμος ἀρχαῖος and death is named as the pen- alty). For the antiquity of the law, cf. the case of Miltiades in Hdt. vi 136. The procedure began either with a προ-

Bory (as in Xen. Hell. i 7 § 35) or an εἰσαγγελία, [Dem.] c. Zzmoth. 49 67.

§ 6. ἑτέραν δὲ] προγράφουσιν ἐκκλη- σίαν. ἱκετηρίαι5] su plications,’ ‘for- mal petitions.’ For Gels... «ἱκετηρίαν cf. Dem. de Cor. 107, οὐχ ἱκετηρίαν ἔθηκε τριήραρχος οὐδεὶς πώποθ᾽ ws ἀδικούμενος παρ᾽ ὑμῖν, c. Timocr. 12, ἔθεσαν τὴν ix. ὧν ἦσαν τὰ χρήματα ἄνθρωποι, 16. 533 Aeschin. 2. Z. 15, ix. θέντες οἱ οἰκεῖοι ἐδέοντο ὑμῶν ; Dittenberger, Sy//ove, no. 393, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἱερεὺς τῆς Ἴσιδος ἔθετο τὴν ἱκετηρίαν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ. The ἱκετηρία (ῥάβδος) was an olive-branch bound with wool (Aesch. Suppl. 22, 192), which the suppliant,’ or petitioner, held in his hand before depositing it on the altar in the place of public assembly. Such an appli-

cation for the right of petition might also

be laid before the βουλή, Aeschin. ¢. Timarch. 104. 110—116, it is laid before the βουλὴ on the occasion of its session in the ’E)ev- σίνιον, although presenting a petition in that place was forbidden, 24. 116. Such petitions might include applications for the recovery of civil rights, or for the remission of sentences; and, in general, for exemption from legal penalties. Cf. Dem. c. Zimocr. 46, τῆς ἀδείας δοθείσης, and see Schémann, Az? p. 397 E. T.; Gilbert, i 3442 f; Dict. Ant. 1 24 6, 702 a.

Cf. Pollux, viii 96, τοῖς βουλομένας ἱκετηρίαν θεμένοις λέγειν ἀδεῶς περί τε τῶν ἰδίων καὶ τών δημοσίων.

αἱ δὲ δύο κτλ.] Pollux, who gives in viii 96 a paraphrase of the present pas- sage and its context, describes the hear- ing of heralds and embassies as the busi- ness of the third ἐκκλησία, while that of the fourth is περὶ ἱερών καὶ ὁσίων. This distinction is not in accordance with the text. The latter is confirmed by Aeschines I § 23, πώς δὲ κελεύει τοὺς προέδρους χρη- ματίζειν;---προχειροτονεῖν---περὶ ἱερῶν τών πατρίων καὶ κήρυξι καὶ πρεσβείαις καὶ ὁσίων, and by CIA ii 50 and Add. 52 c¢, where

In Andoc. De Myst.

AO ak anh id ee aI Pa νω oe ak dA AR

Sean nat ee

CH. 43,1. 25—30.

TIOAITEIA

173

mf 3 if , ΄, \ e fal / , εἰσίν, ἐν αἷς κελεύουσιν οἱ νόμοι τρία μὲν ἱερῶν χρηματίζειν, τρία , 7 ar ΟΥ͂ δὲ κήρυξιν καὶ πρεσβείαις, τρία δὲ ὁσίων: χρηματίζουσιν δ᾽ ἐνίοτε

29 --προχειροτονίᾳ::- τρία μὲν Papageorgios. 80 κήρυξι H-L (B4).

coll. Aeschin. 1, 23, Th.

χρηματίζειν : προχειροτονεῖν ? TPIAAOCIWN suprascripto

CYPAKOCIWN ‘corruptumne ex Capd A OCIWN ut Ar. τέτταρα δ᾽ ὁσίων scripserit ?’

K-W. ζουσιν δ᾽ Sakellarios.

«-χρηματίζουσι δ᾽ οἱ πρυτάνεις περὶ τούτων προχειροτονίαν διδόντες -- χρηματί- χρηματίζουσι Ἠ-1..

embassies form part of the business of two ἐκκλησίαι during the same prytany. The statement in Pollux may have origin- ated in some confused and fragmentary reminiscence of the constitution in c. 30 § 5, where, in the order of business before the βουλή, the third place is assigned πρεσβείαις, after which they deliberate περὶ τῶν ἄλλων (-ε ὁσίων).

τρία] This implies that only three questions under each of the several head- ings were allowed to be discussed in each mpuravela. Similarly in § 5. only three συκοφαντῶν mpoBoral could be brought against Athenians, and three against resi- dent aliens. These limitations have been hitherto unknown.

Hartel, Studien tiber Urkundenwesen, cites, as examples of business connected with ritual etc, being brought before the people ἐν ἱεροῖς, CIA 11 325, 352 ὦ, 373 ὦ, and (a decree of the Κήρυκες and Εὐμολ- πίδαι) 605. On p. 173 ff. he cites the following inscriptions: ᾿Αθήναιον vi 152 (=Ditt. no. ror, Hicks no. 111) lL. 55 (B.c. 347/6 on the πρέσβεις from the sons of Leucon), χρηματίσαι τοὺς προέδρους οἱ ἂν λάχωσι προεδρεύειν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τῇ ὀγδόῃ ἐπὶ δέκα πρῶτον μετὰ τὰ ἱερά. The privilege of access to the βουλὴ (and in most cases to the δῆμος) μετὰ τὰ ἱερά was granted to Aretus of Colophon (CIA i 36), to the Νεοπολῖται (26. 51 Suppl. p. 17), to the communities of Mytilene, Colophon and Cythnus (CIA ii 52 c, 164, 233), and to certain individuals named in I 4, 34, 206, 209, 289, 316. Cf. Dem. 24 § 25 ff.

ἱερῶν... ὁσίων] ‘things sacred and pro- fane.’ ὅσια, when contrasted with ἱερά, includes all that is untouched by divine law. Thus, in things concrete, ἱερὰ would include temples and their treasures; ὅσια, civic buildings and money belonging to the state. Dem. 24 9, τῶν ἱερών μὲν χρημάτων τοὺς θεούς, τῶν ὁσίων δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἀποστερεῖ. The same terms are used to contrast religious and civil privi- leges, Dem. 23 65; 39 35; as well as the corresponding legal enactments, as in Lys. 30 § 25, τῶν ὁσίων καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἀντιγραφεύς (see Frohberger’s Lysias, iii p- 172, and Ruhnken, 7imaeus, s.v. ὅσια"

τὰ ἰδιωτικά, καὶ μὴ ἱερά).

κήρυξιν καὶ πρεσβείαις] The construc- tion changes from gen. to dat., as in Aeschin. I § 23, where the order in which the four kinds of business are mentioned is the same as in the text. Foreign envoys were usually introduced to the éx- κλησία by the βουλή (Aeschin. /. ZL. § 58). Dem. 24 150, καὶ κήρυκος καὶ πρεσβείας, F. 1. 185 ὅταν κήρυξι καὶ πρεσβείαις προγεγραμμένον. Cf. c. 30 5.

χρηματίζουσιν---ἄνευ προχειροτονίας].

‘Sometimes the members of the ἐκκλη- σία take the initiative in bringing for- ward public business, without a prelimi- nary vote (on the question whether it will discuss a proposal on the part of the βουλή, or ‘accept it without discussion).’ Cf. Harpocr. s.v. προχειροτονία" .. ὁπόταν τῆς. βουλῆς προβουλευσάσης εἰσφέρηται eis τὸν δῆμον γνώμη" πρότερον γίνεται χει- ροτονία ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ πότερον δοκεῖ περὶ τών προβουλευθέντων σκέψασθαι τὸν δῆμον, ἀρκεῖ τὸ προβούλευμα. In Dem. 24§ 12 (after προβούλευμα) γενομένης ἐκκλησίας προὐχειροτόνησεν δῆμος. Cf. Aeschin. 1 § 23, and see Gilbert, i 327? ἢ. 4.

The course described in the text would involve a departure from the principle laid down by Solon, μηδὲν ἐᾶν ἀπροβού- λευτον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν εἰσφέρεσθαι (Plut. Sol. 19). This principle was also vir- tually set aside when the βουλή, without arriving at any conclusion on its own part, referred a question to the ἐκκλησία direct. Thus,on the memorable evening when themessenger arrived with news of Philip’s capture of Elateia, the ἐκκλησία had already begun to assemble before the βουλὴ had had time to draw up a pre- liminary decree ; and, the business being urgent, the πρυτάνεις brought it imme- diately before. the assembly (Dem. ae Cor. 170). It was also open to any member of the ἐκκλησία to take the in- itiative by moving to refer any question to the βουλὴ with a view to a προβού- λευμα being drawn up by the latter (Gilbert, i 330? ἢ. 1).

On mpoxetporovia cf. Wilamowitz, ii 254-6.

33

174

καὶ ἄνευ προχειροτονίας.

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

COL. 23,1]. 5—18.

προσέρχονται δὲ Kal οἱ κήρυκες καὶ οἱ

πρέσβεις τοῖς πρυτάνεσιν πρῶτον, καὶ οἱ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς φέροντες

/ > / τούτοις ἀποδιδόασι.

44. ἔστι δ᾽

ΕῚ A al ἐπιστάτης TOV πρυτάνεων εἷς λαχών'

: “ὦ a ͵ Wier 7 \ ov , OUTOS ETLOTATEL VUKTA καὶ NMEPAV, Καὶ οὐκ ἐστιν οὔτε πλείω

χρόνον οὔτε δὶς τὸν αὐτὸν γενέσθαι.

32 πρυτάνεσι H-L, Β.

K XLIV 3f tTrAEICTAC; κλεῖς Tas K-w, κϑ, B, Th (cf. Meisterhans,

H-L.

TESTIMONIA. XLIV §§ 1, 2 “Harp. ἐπιστάτης:..

~ > φΦ 7 lal τηρεῖ δ᾽ οὗτος τάς τε κλεῖς 83 ἀποδιδόασιν H-L.

p. 36%): κλῇς K},

«δύο εἰσὶν οἱ καθιστάμενοι ἐπιστάται,

μὲν ἐκ πρυτάνεων κληρούμενος, δὲ ἐκ τῶν προέδρων, ὧν ἑκάτερος τίνα διοίκησιν διοικεῖ δεδήλωκεν ᾽Αρ. ἐν "AO. πολ. Lex. Dem. Patm. p. 13 Sakkelion, ἐπιστάτης: οὗτος ἐκ

τῶν πρυτάνεων ἐκληροῦτο καὶ ἐπεστάτει ““ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν (leg. dis) τὸν αὐτὸν γίνεσθαι (leg. γενέσθαι). τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰ γράμματα τῆς πόλεως... ἐπιστάτης ἐλέγετο. φυλάσσει δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὰς κλεῖς ἐν τὰ δημόσια χρήματα, ἔτι μὴν καὶ τὴν

“ἐ τῶν πρυτάνεων. εἷς λαχὼν ᾿" ἐξῆν.

δημοσίαν σφραγῖδα (φυλάσσει---σφραγῖδα Etym. Μ. p. 364, 41). συναγάγωσι τὴν βουλὴν τὸν δῆμον," ἐπιστάτης ἕνα ““πλὴν τῆς πρυτανευούσης.

πρυτάνεις ““ ἀπὸ ““ φυλῆς ἑκάστης"

ἐπιστάτην ἕνα καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα (sic) παραδίδωσιν.

μόνον, καὶ οὐκ ἐξῆν δεύτερον τὰς δὲ κλεῖς τῶν ““ἱερῶν ἐν ots” ἀπέκειτο Suidas (e lexico Photiano) ἐπιστάτης : δὶς δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπιστατῆσαι οὐκ

ἐπειδὰν δὲ οἱ “κληροῖ προέδρους ἐννέα," καὶ πάλιν" ἐκ τῶν ἐννέα τούτων

Telephus ap. Eustath. in Od. ρ 455...

γίνεται γάρ φησιν ᾿Αθήνησιν ἐκ τῶν πρυτάνεων εἷς ὃς ““ἐπιστατεῖ νύκτα Kal Huépay” μίαν, καὶ πλείω χρόνον οὐκ ἔξεστιν οὐδὲ ““ δὶς τὸν αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, τάς τε κλεῖς -- τῶν ἱερῶν Ξ- ἐν οἷς τὰ χρήματά εἰσι φυλάττει καὶ τὰ γράμματα τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὴν

δημοσίαν σφραγῖδα.

πρυτανευούσης καὶ πάλιν ἐκ τούτων ἐπιστάτην éva” (Frag. 3972, 437°).

KXy pot δὲ καὶ προέδρους ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἕνα “πλὴν τῆς

Pollux viii 96:

δ᾽ ἐπιστάτης καλούμενος ἐστὶν εἷς τῶν “πρυτάνεων, κλήρῳ λαχών, δὶς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔξεστι

γενέσθαι τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπιστάτην. καὶ τὰ γράμματα.

ἔχει δὲ οὗτος τὰς κλεῖς τῶν ἱερῶν, ἐν οἷς τὰ χρήματα καὶ ὅταν οἱ πρυτάνεις τὸν δῆμον τὴν βουλὴν συναγάγωσιν, οὗτος ἐξ

ἑκάστης φυλῆς πρόεδρον ἕνα κληροῖ, μόνην τὴν πρυτανεύουσαν ἀφιείς (Frag. 3043, 434°).

προσέρχονται.---τοῖς πρυτάνεσιν πρώ- τον] <Aeschin. /. Z. 58, (the βουλὴ) ταῖς gevixais πρεσβείαις τὰς εἰς τὸν δῆμον προσόδους προβουλεύει. On the capture of Elateia, the messenger brought the news ὡς τοὺς πρυτάνεις (de Cor. 169). Cf. Arist. Thesm. 654, ταῦτα τοῖς πρυτάνεσιν ἀγγελώ.

XLIV. 7 he Public Assembly, con- tinued.

§ 1. ἐπιστάτης τῶν πρυτάνεων] In the fifth century the ἐπιστάτης τῶν πρυ- τάνεων actually presided at the meetings of the βουλὴ and ἐκκλησία, and took the sense of the meeting. Thus, in 415 B.C., we find Nicias addressing the President at the Assembly in the words καὶ σὺ, πρύτανι, ταῦτα... ἐπιψήφιζε (Thuc, vi 14). Again, in 406, on the memorable occa- sion when Socrates refused to put the illegal proposal that the generals con- cerned with the battle of Arginussae should have judgment passed upon them collectively, his own tribe was the φυλὴ πρυτανεύουσα (Plat. Agol. 32 B), and he

was ἐπιστάτης for the day (Xen. Mem. i 1, 18, ἐπιστάτης ἐν τῷ δήμῳ yevduevos). Cf. Gilbert, i 302-62.

In the fourth century, on the institu- tion of πρόεδροι with an ἐπιστάτης of their own, the duty of presiding in public was transferred to the ἐπ. τών προέδρων (Gilbert i 3057), while the ἐπ. τῶν πρυ- τάνεων discharged the duties stated in the text. As the latter remained in the θόλος for the day and night during which he was in office, he was necessarily pre- cluded from presiding over the ἐκκλησία or the βουλή. On the institution of the πρόεδροι, see § 2.

τάς Te κλεῖς KTA.] The keys of the public treasure kept in the ὀπισθόδομος on the Acropolis (Boeckh, 111 xx). The

custody of the keys did not involve any

responsibility for the actual management of the fund. The Arg. to Dem. Androt. P- 590 applies to the ἐπιστάτης language of less precision than that in the text: αὐτὸς Tas κλεῖς τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ἐπιστεύετο καὶ πάντα τὰ χρήματα τῆς πόλεως. It

CH. 43,1. 3I—CH. 44,1.8. TOAITEIA 175

\ » e A \ 7 y \ \ 4 fal

Tas TOV ἱερῶν, ἐν ols τὰ χρήματ᾽ ἔστιν καὶ (Ta) γράμματα TH πόλει, καὶ τὴν δημοσίαν σφραγῖδα, καὶ μένειν ἀναγκαῖον ἐν τῇ 5

θόλῳ τοῦτόν (τ᾽) ἐστιν καὶ τριττὺν τῶν πρυτάνεων ἣν ἂν οὗτος

2 κελεύῃ. καὶ ἐπειδὰν συναγάγωσιν οἱ πρυτάνεις τὴν βουλὴν τὸν

δῆμον, οὗτος κληροῖ προέδρους ἐννέα, ἕνα ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης

4 γράμματα Κ' : -τὰ:- γράμματα e gramm. Κ- (edd.).

Rutherford. 6 τοῦτόν <7’> K-W; <xai> τοῦτον Papageorgios.

Test. §§ 2, 3 *Harp. πρόεδροι ἐκληροῦντο τῶν πρυτάνεων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πρυτανείαν εἷς ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς πλὴν τῆς πρυτανευούσης, οἵτινες τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν (τὰς ἐκκλησίας Epit.) διῴκουν... .ὅτι δ᾽ καλούμενος ἐπιστάτης κληροῖ αὐτούς, εἴρηκεν ᾽Αρ. ἐν ᾽.θ. πολ. (=Suid. 5.ν.). Photius (Bekk. Az. 290) πρόεδροι : οἱ τὰ περὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ᾿Αθήνησι διοικοῦντες -«-καὶ τῆς εὐταξίας ἐπιμελούμενοι add. Lex. Dem. Patm. p. 12>.

4 τῇ πόλει del.

εἷς ἐκληροῦτο ὑπὸ τῶν πρυτάνεων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐκκλησίαν ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς.

Aeschin. iii 4.

Cf. Schol.

adds: ἵν᾽ οὖν μὴ ἐρασθῇ τυραννίδος, διὰ τοῦτο μίαν ἡμέραν ἐποίουν αὐτὸν ἄρξαι. τῶν ἱερῶν does not necessarily imply that the public treasure was kept in more than one temple. Hence the pl. throws no light on the obscure question whether the ὀπισθόδομος of the ‘old temple’ of Athene between the Erechtheum and Par- thenon was at this time still in use, as well as the Parthenon (see Miss Harri- son’s Mythology &c of Athens, p. 505- 8). The ‘old temple’ was burnt in 406 B.c. (Xen. /e//. i 6), and the burning of the ὀπισθόδομος mentioned in Dem, 24 § 136 may refer to the same event. In B.C. 353 the priestess transferred to the ἐπιστάται (probably the ἐπ. δημοσίων épywr) in the archonship of Thudemus certain ‘gold ornaments’ which were removed from the ‘old temple’ to the Parthenon (CIA ii 758 11 7). The public records (γράμματα) were preserved in the M7- Tpwov near the βουλευτήριον (Aeschin. 3 187; Paus. i 3, 5; Lycurg. Leocr. 66). Cf. Curtius, das Metroon, Gotha, 1868. δημοσίαν σφραγῖδα] [Xen.] de Vect. 4, 21, ἀνδράποδα σεσημασμένα τῷ δημοσίῳ σημάντρῳ. The seal probably represented an owl or a Gorgon’s head. Cf. Curtius, Abh. d. Berlin. Akad. 1874, p. 88 (Gilbert, i 303? n. 2 ult.). Both the badges above mentioned may be seen on the extant _ examples of δικαστών πινάκια (c. 63 § 4). § 2. προέδρους] In the 7/7 century it was the πρυτάνεις who presided over the βουλὴ and ἐκκλησία in the person of one of their own body who was the ém- στάτης τῶν πρυτάνεων and was necessarily a member of the rpuravevovoa φυλή. Thus, in CIA ii 14, we have two decrees of the _ year of Eucleides, B.C. 403-2. (1) was passed in the prytany of the tribe Pandi- onis, and the ἐπιστάτης was of the deme of

“Qa, which belonged to that tribe; (2) in the prytany of the tribe Erechtheis, and the ἐπιστάτης was of the deme of Κηδαί belonging to that tribe. As a general rule the deme of the ἐπ. τῶν πρυτάνεων is not specified; it necessarily belongs to the presiding tribe.

In the fourth century the πρόεδροι came into existence. The ἐπιστάτης τῶν πρυ- τάνεων was deprived of his preeminence and obtained in its place the privilege of appointing by lot nine πρόεδροι, one from each of the tribes except his own, and of drawing lots among those nine for one of them to act as the ἐπιστάτης τῶν προ- é5pwv. Under this system, the ἐπ. τῶν προέδρων was necessarily a member of some other than the πρυτανεύουσα φυλή. In ΟΙΑ ii 176 (Ditt. no. 64), in the ar- chonship of Nausinicus, B.C. 378/7, though the πρόεδροι are mentioned, the deme of the ἐπιστάτης is uncertain; but in CIA ii 17 (Ditt. no. 63), in the same year, in the prytany of the tribe Hippothontis, the ἐπιστάτης is of the deme “A@uovov which belongs to a different tribe, Ce- cropis. In ii 50 (Ditt. 75), B.c. 368/7, in the prytany of the tribe Aeantis, the ἐπιστάτης belongs to a deme of the tribe Aegeis. In ii 116 (Ditt. 107), B.c. 341/o, in the prytany of the tribe Pandionis, the ἐπιστάτης belongs to another tribe. Be- tween the years 378 and 320 we have in all 24 decrees giving the name of the pry- tany and the president, and in no case does the deme of the president belong to the φυλὴ πρυτανεύουσα. For the years between Eucleides and Nausinicus (403— 378) there is at present no evidence; but it is probable that the change came into force in the latter year, a date of special importance in the financial history of Athens. The aim of the change was

Io

176

AOHNAIQN

COL, 23, 1. 18—30.

\ A 7 πλὴν τῆς πρυτανευούσης, καὶ πάλιν ἐκ τούτων ἐπιστάτην ἕνα, καὶ 7] \ / Lal Π . παραδίδωσι τὸ πρόγραμμα αὐτοῖς" of δὲ παραλαβόντες τῆς T 3. » , a a , = εὐκοσμίας ἐπιμελοῦνται, καὶ ὑπὲρ ὧν δεῖ χρηματίζειν προτιθέασιν,

10 πρόγραμμα corrupte mutatum in πρᾶγμα habet Suidas 5. ν. ἐπιστάτης. - -AEIK(Al). 11 A€IXPHMATIZEIN: δεῖ χρηματίζειν K, H-L, B, Th: χρημα-

B: οἱ K, H-L, Th. τίζειν δεῖ K-W.

ot K-W,

clearly to give all the tribes a concurrent share in the superintendence of the βουλὴ and ἐκκλησία, instead of each tribe having in turn the sole superintendence for the duration of its own prytany. (See esp. Prof. W. W. Goodwin’s paper in 7yvans. of the American Philol. Association, 1885, vol. xvi 165—175.)

In the fifth century the formula for describing the president was δεῖνα ἐπε- ordre. From 378 to 347 the same formula is used to denote the ἐπιστάτης τῶν mpo- ἔδρων, side by side with a new formula, τῶν προέδρων ἐπεψήφιζεν δεῖνα. From 347 onwards the last alone is found (Gil- bert, i 305? n. 4).

It was once supposed that the 50 πρυ- τάνεις were divided into five groups of ten πρόεδροι holding office for one-fifth of a prytany (generally for seven days) and appointing one of their number to serve as ἐπιστάτης for each day. This suppo- sition rested on the Scholia to Aeschin. c. Ctes. 39 and Dem. p. 594, 5, and onthe end Arg. to Dem. Axdrot. p. 590. It was accepted in an early work of Schémann (De Comitiis Ath., 1819), where, in the endeavour to reconcile the conflict of evi- dence, it was suggested that there were two sets of πρόεδροι in existence at the same time, (1) the jproedri contribules, belonging to the same tribe as the πρυ- raves, and forming a subdivision of that body; and (2) the proedri non-contribules, belonging to a different tribe to that of the πρυτάνεις.

Nearly three centuries earlier it was held by Sigonius (1529—1584) in his De Atheniensium Republica, that, wher- ever the πρόεδροι were mentioned, they were the nine who were not of the same tribe. This opinion was accepted by K. F. Hermann (1843), who noticed fur- ther that the πρόεδροι are never men- tioned until after the time when one of the πρυτάνεις used to preside in the As- sembly. Hence the πρόεδροι (707-contri- éules) were a later institution, and the proedri contribules were a merely ima- ginary body. Schdémann’s earlier view survived in Grote, c. 31, iii 118, but it had meanwhile been abandoned by Scho- mann himself, in favour of Hermann’s

view which is conclusively confirmed by the text. See Schémann, Azz. p. 377 E.T.

Some confusion has arisen from the fact that Harpocration, s. v. πρόεδροι, implies that the πρόεδροι held office du- ring the whole of each prytany, whereas the text, which he professes to follow, really describes them as appointed by lot for each meeting of the βουλὴ or ἐκκλησία. The most accurate citation of the text is that preserved by Telephus ap. Eustath. on Od. 17. 455, and by Suidas, 5. Ὁ. ἐπι- στάτης, art. 2. On the general question see Goodwin 7. ¢., and Gilbert, i 305? (with the authorities there quoted); also Caillemer on Soule in Daremberg and Saglio, i 740-1, and Chavannes on .322- states, tb. iii 700; and Wayte in Smith’s Dict. Ant. i 320-1, and on Dem. Zzmoer. § 21.

ἐπιστάτην] sc. τῶν προέδρων. He is mentioned as presiding (1) at the βουλὴ in Aeschin. Ὁ. 7zimarch. 104, βουλευτὴς ὧν καὶ προεδρεύων, and in CIA ii 168 (B.C. 333) τῶν προέδρων ἐπεψήφιζεν, and simi- larly in ii 179 (B.C. 325) about the time when this treatise was written; (2) at the ἐκκλησία, td. c. Cles. 39, Tov δ᾽ ἐπιστάτην τῶν προέδρων διαχειροτονίαν διδόναι τῷ δή- μῳ, FL. 82, (Demosthenes) λαγχάνει προ- εδρεύειν and (84) ἀναστὰς ἐκ τῶν προέδρων οὐκ ἔφη τὸ ψήφισμ᾽ ἐπιψηφιεῖν, cf. 2b. 68.

τὸ πρόγραμμα] 43 § 3, προγράφουσι.

§ 3. εὐκοσμίας ἐπιμελοῦνται] In the previous century the same duties had been performed by the πρυτάνεις with the aid of the τοξόται: Arist. Zhesm. 923, 929—946, and esp. 854, εἰ μὴ

Kooplws ἕξεις ἕως ἂν τῶν πρυτάνεών Tis

φανῇ. The πρόεδροι as well as the mpu- τάνεις are named in Aeschin. c. C/es. 4, Ths τῶν ῥητόρων ἀκοσμίας οὐκέτι κρατεῖν, δύνανται οὔθ᾽ οἱ νόμοι οὔθ᾽ οἱ πρυτάνεις οὔθ᾽ οἱ πρόεδροι οὔθ᾽ προεδρεύουσα φυλή. The phrase ἐπιμελεῖσθαι εὐκοσμίας is found in Pol. 1299 6 16 and το (cf. 13210 14 and 20); also in Isocr. Aveop. 37- προτιθέάσιν] 48 § 2; Xen. Mem. lv 2, 3, τῆς πόλεως λόγον προτιθείσης. In Aeschin. /. Z. 65 we have the excep- tional proposal that, at the first of two- ἐκκλησίαι, there should be a debate; and that, at the second, the πρόεδροι should

RSLS

CATA oh

ibd

αι eae a ROE Se TERY ee τ αι μα:

FN TRA

octets sar Smet DRA ae

ADRES TEs

CH. 44,1. 9----τ8, TIOAITEIA 177

3 ΡΨ ; / A Kal τὰς χειροτονίας κρίνουσιν, Kal τά (7) ἄλλα πάντα διοικοῦσιν, ἴω a a \ > καὶ τοῦ [7] ἀφεῖναι κύριοί εἰσιν. καὶ ἐπιστατῆσαι μὲν οὐκ an - / > ἔξεστιν πλέον ἅπαξ ἐν τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ, προεδρεύειν δ᾽ ἔξεστιν ἅπαξ ᾿ ἐπὶ τῆς πρυτανείας ἑκάστης. : 4 ποιοῦσι δὲ Kai ἀρχαιρεσίας στρατηγῶν Kal ἱππάρχων καὶ TOV nA \ \ , > A > δ κα , > ἄλλων τῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀρχῶν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, καθ᾽ τι ἂν a 7 A An 3 ς Ν \ 7 rn it ale, τῷ δήμῳ δοκῇ" ποιοῦσι δ᾽ οἱ μετὰ THY ἕκτην πρυτανεύοντες ἐφ᾽ ὧν

15

13 τ᾽ delent Richards, edd.; in δ᾽ mutat Hude, in γ᾽ Picco- lomini; τὴν ἐκκλησίαν Rutherford (H-L). τοῦ τ᾽’ ἀφεῖναι <xal τοῦ λῦσαι:- Papa- georgios. 14 ἔξεστι H-L; alterum ἔξεστιν delet Gennadios. TIAGION (K-W, 8): πλέον H-L, K8, Th, Meisterhans, p. 152°. 16 λεκ(δι)λεκὰρχ K!: delevi Aek e Aexk(al) male iterato exortum, idem fecerunt Blass, Frankel, K-w, H-L, K?; etiam in versu’ propinquo (18) dittographiae vitium denuo apparet METATATHN (μετὰ τὴν).

12 τά <7’> K-W.

put the question to the vote, λόγον δὲ μὴ προτιθέναι. In the fifth century this was the duty of the πρυτάνεις. Thuc. vi 14, πρύτανι...«γνώμας προτίθει αὖθις, ἯΙ 36, 43 42, I.

xetpotovias] Aeschin. c. Cres. 3, ἂν δέ τις τῶν ἄλλων βουλευτῶν ὄντως λαχῇ κληρούμενος προεδρεύειν καὶ τὰς ὑμετέρας χειροτονίας ὀρθῶς ἀναγορεύῃ κτλ.

ἀφεῖναι] Arist. Ach. 173, οἱ yap πρυ- τάνεις λύουσι THY ἐκκλησίαν. Dem. 7imocr. § 26 (during the Κρόνια), ἀφειμένης τῆς βουλῆς.

ἐπιστατῆσαι)] sc. τῶν προέδρων. In Dittenberger, 77257, nos. 98 and to1, we have two decrees in the same prytany of B.C. 347-6, in both of which Θεόφιλος ᾿Αλιμούσιος ἐπεστάτει. It was rightly inferred by A. Schaefer that both were passed at the same meeting of the

ἐκκλησία. The text shews that no one - could be ἐπιστάτης τῶν προέδρων more

than once in each year.

§ 4. στρατηγῶν] 61 1. ἱππάρχων,

61 § 4. Boy ες 61 §§ 3, 5. Cf. Aeschin. c. Cres. 13, (ἀρχὰς) ἃς δῆμος εἴωθε χειροτονεῖν ἐν ἀρχαιρεσίαις, στρατη- γοὺς καὶ ἱππάρχους καὶ τὰς μετὰ τούτων ἀρχάς, also Xen. Mem. iii 4,1; Dem. 23 - $171; Plut. Phoc. 8. ob μετὰ τὴν ἕκτην πρυτανεύοντες] The author of the 2nd Arg. to Dem. _ Androt. p. 590 erroneously states that _ the ἀρχαιρεσίαι fell on the last four days of the Attic lunar year of 354 days. But, as observed by Schémann, Azz. 390 E.T., they could not possibly have been held so late in the year: they must necessarily have taken place much earlier, so as to allow time for the δοκιμασία. It has been inferred by Kohler (A/onatsé. α΄. Akad, d. W., Berlin, 1866, p. 343) that they were held in the first ἐκκλησία

Ss. A.

of the minth prytany. This inference is drawn from an inscription of the time of the 12 tribes (after B.C. 307), CIA ii 416, in which the ἀρχαιρεσίαι are fixed κατὰ τὴν μαντείαν for the 22nd day of Munichion (early in May), corresponding (in the time of the 1o tribes) to the be- ginning of the ninth prytany (see also Gilbert’s Bettrdge, pp. 5—13, and Busolt in Miiller’s Handbuch, 1v i 2217). The text shews that the election might be held in the seventh prytany. This would begin three days before the end of Gamelion (the first six prytanies containing 214 and the first seven months 217 days), and would mainly correspond to the month Anthesterion (middle of February to middle of March).

This statement has a direct bearing on the story of Sophocles being appointed στρατηγὸς against Samos etc. owing to the success of his Antigone (on the au- thorities for the story, see Jebb’s /uztrod. p- xliii). If the play was produced at the Great Dionysia (1to—15 Elaphebolion = March—April), Ζ.6. late in March, B.c. 441, the ordinary election of στρατηγοὶ for the ensuing official year had already taken place a month before. We must therefore either infer that the story is false ; or that the date of the election was exceptionally delayed in that year owing to inauspicious weather; or that, at that time, the ἀρχαιρεσίαι fell later than was the case in B.C. 325. If the election of Sophocles took place a month before the Great Dionysia, and was prompted by the success of the Antigone, the play must have been performed at the Great Dionysia of the previous year, in which case eleven months must have elapsed before the election. But by that time the impression produced by the play would

‘12

178

AQHNAIQN

COL, 23, l..31—24, 1. 6.

By > ΄ oa ἂν εὐσημία γένηται. δεῖ δὲ προβούλευμα γενέσθαι καὶ περὶ

20 τούτων.

᾿ς 46, δὲ βουλὴ πρότερον μὲν ἦν κυρία καὶ χρήμασιν ζημιῶσαι - καὶ δῆσαι καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι. ---- ---- καὶ Λυσίμαχον αὐτῆς ἀγαγούσης

ὡς τὸν δήμιον, καθήμενον ἤδη μέλλοντα ἀποθνήσκειν, Εὐμη-

19 Γενεοθὰι edd.: γίνεσθαι K-w. XLV 1 χρήμασι H-L. deleto καὶ Papageorgios.

2 post ἀποκτεῖναι lacunam indicant K-w. αὐτῆς <wor am>ayayovons Bt appendix.

«- Λυσιμ. δ᾽ -- 8 καθήμενον

ἤδη Κ, K-W, H-L, Th; καθ. ἤδη <xal> Jos. Mayor (B); *xal αὐθημερὸν ἤδη 5}, coll.

-Aeschin. 1 § 16 (Zex) παραδοθεὶς τοῖς ἕνδεκα τεθνάτω αὐθημερόν.

3,5 ATTOONHCKEIN:

ἀποθνήσκειν edd., cf. Meisterhans, p. 177°, n. 1475.

have become appreciably weaker, and the story would have lost its point. On the bearing of the date of election on the ‘de- position of Pericles,’ see Class. Rev. v 165, vill 78 £; Swoboda in Hermes xxviii part 4; Beloch, i 529 ἢ. 1.

εὐσημία] ‘on whatsoever days there are signs of fair weather. εὐσημία is found in Hippocr. 1170; εὔσημος in Meteor. p. 363 a 27, γέγραπται τοῦ μᾶλ- λον εὐσήμως ἔχειν τοῦ ὁρίζοντος κύκλος.

The proviso is one of practical im- portance in the case of a large meeting on an open hill-side like that of the Pnyx. Even when the ordinary ἐκκλη- σίαι came to be held in the theatre of Dionysus (e.g. in 290 B.c.), the. Pnyx continued to be the scene of the ἀρχαι- ρεσίαι (Pollux viii 133).

When the δῆμος was desiring to elect Cleon as στρατηγός, there was thunder and lightning, an eclipse of the moon and afterwards one of the sun, Arist. Vd. 581 τό (and Schol.). Presumably amid all these portents the election was deferred. In Thue. v 45 w/¢. an ἐκκλησία is adjourned because of an earthquake. Even a drop of rain was sufficient to be regarded as a ‘sign from heaven,’ διοσημία ᾽στι καὶ pavis βέβληκή με (Ach. 171). Cf. Suidas, s.v.

προβούλευμα κτλ.] In accordance with the general principle ordained by Solon, Plut. Sol. 19, μηδὲν ἐᾶν ἀπροβούλευτον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν εἰσφέρεσθαι.

XLV—XLIX. 7214 functions of the Council.

XLV 1. κυρία--ημιῶσα!)͵ The βουλὴ was not competent to inflict a higher fine than 500 dr., Dem. c. Zuerg. p- 1152 § 43, (after an εἰσαγγελία) ἐν τῷ διαχειροτονεῖν ἦν βουλὴ πότερα δικαστηρίῳ παραδοίη ζημιώσειε ταῖς πεντακοσίαις, ὅσου ἦν κυρία κατὰ τὸν νόμον. In decree drawn up about 446 B.C. any encroach- ment on the Πελαργικὸν is punished by a

fine of 500 ay., to be inflicted after an εἰσαγγελία has been brought before the βουλὴ by the archon βασιλεύς (Ditt. πο. 13, 59): ΐ pif δῆσαι] Arist. Zhesm. 943, ἔδοξε TH © βουλῇ σε δεῖν. A limitation to this right is mentioned in the oath taken by the Council in Dem. c. Zimocr. 144, οὐδὲ δήσω ᾿Αθηναίων οὐδένα, ds ἂν ἔγγυητὰς τρεῖς καθιστῇ τὸ αὐτὸ τέλος τελοῦντας" πλὴν ἐάν τις ἐπὶ προδοσίᾳ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου συνιὼν ἁλῷ τέλος τι πριάμενος ἐγγυησάμενος ἐκλέγων μὴ καταβάλλῃ. It is there stated that this oath wasinthe - interest of untried persons to give them ~ every opportunity for preparing for their defence. In § 148 we aretold that ‘Solon’ made the Council ἄκυρον τοῦ δῆσαι, 1.6. did not grant them an absolute right of im- prisonment, but a limited right subject to proper bail being found. In certain cases, however, bail was not allowed, and in these the Council’s right was ποῦ barred. See also 22 §2 and 4881. Cleophon was imprisoned by the Council and then handed over to the © dicastery (Lys. 30 10); he was con- demned to death by a court consisting of the Council and a dicastery, 2.11, and 13 § 12 (Newman). i Avoipaxov] possibly the person of that name mentioned in Xen: fe//. ii 4, 8, (the Thirty) Λυσίμαχον τὸν ἵππαρχον éxé= λευον ἀναγαγόντα παραδοῦναι αὐτοὺς Tots ἕνδεκα. On the restoration of the demo- cracy his services to the Thirty may well have been remembered against him. | καθήμενον ἤδη μέλλοντα ἀποθνήσκειν) The culprit is described as seated, ready to receive the fatal blow. The double © participle is awkward, but no satisfactory _ improvement of the text has been sug- gested. Cf. Kaibel, 208. 4 - One Sosias had a similarly narrow ~ escape: Antiphon 5 § 70, ἀνὴρ ἀπήχθη (Mss, ἀνήχθη Dobree, ἀπελύθη Kayser,

CH. 44,1. 19--Η. 45,1. τ6.. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ. 170 _ λίδης ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν ἀφείλετο, οὐ φάσκων δεῖν ἄνευ δικαστηρίου γνώσεως οὐδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποθνήσκειν" καὶ κρίσεως ἐν δικα- στηρίῳ γενομένης, μὲν Λυσίμαχος ἀπέφυγεν, καὶ ἐπωνυμίαν ἔσχεν ἀπὸ τοῦ τυπάνου, δὲ δῆμος ἀφείλετο τῆς βουλῆς τὸ θανατοῦν

\ a \ / an. \ / £0 A LO an καὶ δεῖν καὶ χρήμασιν. ζημιοῦν, Kat νόμον ἔθετο, av τινος. ἀδικεῖν

»

βουλὴ καταγνῷ ζημιώσῃ, τὰς καταγνώσεις καὶ τὰς ἐπιζημιώ-

> f- \ / > \ / \ o@ Xx e σεις εἰσάγειν τοὺς θεσμοθέτας εἰς TO δικαστήριον, καὶ ὅ. τι ἂν οἱ

ΕΣ μι.

\ / TO δικαστήριον.

δικασταὶ ψηφίσωνται, τοῦτο κύριον. εἶναι.

κρίνει δὲ || τὰς ἀρχὰς βονλὴ τὰς πλείστας, καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅσαι χρήματα διαχειρίζουσιν" οὐ κυρία δ᾽ κρίσις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφέσιμος εἰς ἔξεστι δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἰδιώταις εἰσαγγέλλειν ἣν ἂν

΄ tal > a \ A a / BA \ A

βούλωνται τῶν ἀρχῶν μὴ χρῆσθαι τοῖς νόμοις" ἔφεσις δὲ καὶ n \

τούτοις ἐστὶν εἰς TO δικαστήριον, ἐὰν avT@Y βουλὴ καταγνῷ.

8 ΕΥ̓ΛΛΗλΕΙλΗΟ coll. Φιλομηλείδης Od. p 134): Εὐμηλίδης K-w, H-L, Κϑ, B2~4,

Th. 4 dAAWTTIEOHKEN corr. Κ. in c. 46, το et c. 55, 7 τῷ non inserunt. Th): ἔσχε 8, εἶχεν ΚΙ. 8 ἐάν H-L. K, K-W, B, Th: ἕημιώσεις Wyse, H-L. Th). 18. ἔτ᾽ ἐφέσιμος H-L.

5 <T@> δικαστηρίῳ K-wl? (τῷ om. K-W?), idem 6 ἀπέφυγε H-L.

ECXEN (K-W, H-L, K4, 9 ἐπιζημιώσεις (nusquam alibi inventum)

12 καὶ suprascriptum agn. Sakellarios (K+,

ἀπηλλάχθη Baiter; ἀφείλετο, in the text, suggests ἀφῃρέθη) ὑπὸ τοῦ. δήμου τοῦ ὑμετέρου παραδεδομένος ἤδη τοῖς ἕνδεκα. Εἰὐὐμηλίδη9] The only passage where ‘the name is found, as that of an Athenian, is [Dem.] 49 § 11, τῷ παιδὶ τοῦ Ἐὐμηλίδου. ‘The date of the speech i is B.C. 362. - _ ἀφείλετο] here ‘rescued him.’ used below in another sense: ‘of the power of.’ δικαστηρίῳ] without the art. in 46 § 2 and 55 § 2; but with the art. in 47 § 3, 49 3,55§4and 56§1. The article is ‘omitted only where the court is contrasted with another (Kaibel, 208f). βουλὴ always -has the article. ἀπὸ τοῦ τυπάνου] ‘the man who escaped the bastinado.’ Schol. Arist. 476, «τύμπανα... ξύλα, δι’ ὧν τοὺς καταδίκους ἔτυπτον, and Photius, SU. τύμπανον. Cf. Lys. 13 56, ws dv 5po- φόνον ὄντα--τῷ δημίῳ παρέδοτε καὶ ἀπε- τυμπανίσθη, 2b. 67, 68; and Dem. 9 861.

It is ‘deprived

- This form of punishment was inflicted on

κακοῦργοι, including ἀνδροφόνοι. This ‘confirms the conjecture that Lysimachus ‘was arraigned for taking part in causing

citizens to be put to death under the

Thirty (Xen. Δ c.). The restriction in

_ -the powers of the βουλὴ mentioned in this _-chapter has already been noticed in more general terms in c. 41, αἱ τῆς βουλῆς κρίσεις

els τὸν δῆμον ἐληλύθασιν, passage referring to the time subsequent to the archonship

of Eucleides: Even before that time the βουλὴ did not necessarily enforce its right of inflicting penalties, but sometimes ex- ercised the option of referring the case to a law-court, cf. CIA-i 59, (τὴν βουλὴν) κολάζειν τῶν δωροδοκησάντων καταψηφιζο- μένην, καὶ εἰς δικαστήριον αὐτοὺς εἰσάγειν, καθότι ἂν δοκῇ αὐτῇ.

ἐπιζημιώσειΞ] not found elsewhere. τὰ ἐπιζήμια is used of ‘penalties’ in Dem. and Plato; ᾿ἐπιζημιοῦν, in Xen. Hell. v2 8 223 ἐπιζημίωμα, in Pollux viii 149. We also have ἐπιβάλλειν ζημίαν and ἐπι- τιμίαν.

θεϑιἰυθένα] 50.

§ 2. ᾿κρίνει τὰς ἀρχὰς] Antiphon, 6 § 49, πυθόμενος αὐτοὺς (the πορισταί, πωληταί, πρακτόρες and vroypaymareis) δεινὰ Kai σχέτλια ἐργάζεσθαι, εἰσῆγον εἰς τὴν βουλήν.

ἐφέσιμος] [Dem.] 7 8 9: ταῦτα δὲ “κύρια ἔσεσθαι οὐκ. ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ τῷ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν κυρωθῇ.. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὰν ὡς ἑαυτὸν ἐπανενεχθῇ, ἐφέσιμον τὴν παρ᾽ ὑμῶν γενο- μένην γνῶσιν ὡς ἑαυτὸν ποιούμενος. Lucian, pro Imagintbus 15, ἐφέσιμον ... δίκην Pollux vili 125, (κρίσιν) ἐφέσϊμον.

εἰσαγγέλλειν] probably here used in the general sense of bringing to the know- ledge of the Council, without reference to the special process called εἰσαγγελία. The procedure in the latter case is de- scribed by Dr Hager in Dict. Ant. Se Vey i 709 @.

I ae

20

1 80

AQHNAIQN .

COL, .24, 1. 6----2 5, |. 4.

δοκιμάζει δὲ καὶ τοὺς βουλευτὰς τοὺς τὸν ὕστερον ἐνιαυτὸν 3)

βουλεύσοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας.

καὶ πρότερον μὲν ἦν

> / , a \ \ 7 » / > > \ ἀποδοκιμάσαι κυρία, νῦν δὲ (Kal) τούτοις ἔφεσίς ἐστιν εἰς TO

δικαστήριον.

4 \ bd 4 τούτων μὲν οὖν ἄκυρός ἐστιν βουλή" προβουλεύει δ᾽ εἰς TOV 4 a \ > 54 >Q\ > / o> x \ δῆμον, καὶ οὐκ ἔξεστιν οὐδὲν ἀπροβούλευτον, οὐδ᾽ TL ἂν μὴ , e / / lal / 3 Ν \

᾿ προγράψωσιν οἱ πρυτάνεις, ψηφίσασθαι TO δήμῳ" κατ᾽ αὐτὰ yap

a / e lal ταῦτα ἔνοχός ἐστιν νικήσας γραφῇ παρανόμων.

40.

ἐπιμελεῖται δὲ καὶ τῶν πεποιημένων τριήρων καὶ τῶν

“-. ἈΝ an \ , x σκευῶν καὶ τῶν νεωσοίκων, καὶ ποιεῖται καινὰς [[δὲ]] τριήρεις

19 <xai> τούτοις K-W, Β. Kontos, H-L; v. Dem. 20 § 96.

XLVI 2 δὲ secl. K (edd.); ‘an δέκα Th.

23 τὸν δῆμον Papageorgios.

κατὰ γὰρ ταῦτα

8.3. ϑοκιμάζει--- βουλευτὰς] Dem. A/a. 111, βουλεύειν μου λαχόντος δοκιμαζομένου κατηγόρει, eaer. 3, λαγχάνει βουλεύειν ᾿Απολλόδωρος" δοκιμασθεὶς δὲ καὶ ὀμόσας τὸν νόμιμον ὅρκον κτλ. Two of the speeches of Lysias are concerned with the δοκιμασία of a βουλευτής: Or. 31, κατὰ Φίλωνος, is a speech for the prose- cution; Ov. τό, ὑπὲρ Μαντιθέου, for the defence. § 9 of the latter speech shews the wide scope of the scrutiny in such cases: ἐν δὲ ταῖς δοκιμασίαις δίκαιον εἶναι παντὸς τοῦ βίου λόγον διδόναι.

ἄρχοντας] Lys. Or. 26, κατ᾽ Ἑὐάνδρου, is a speech in accusation of one who was appointed by lot to be First Archon in reserve. The case was heard on the last day but one of the preceding official year (midsummer, B.C. 382). The next day was a public holiday, and, in the event of his rejection, an appeal was im- possible: 6, δικαστήριον...οὐ δυνατὸν πληρωθῆναι. Dem. Left. go asserts that the junior archons underwent a double δοκιμασία :----τοὺς θεσμοθέτας dis δοκιμασ- θέντας ἄρχειν ἔν τε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν

ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ. The δοκιμασία before

the βουλὴ is called an ἀνάκρισις in Dem. Eudul. 66; it is described as affecting all the archons (26. 70). Cf. c. 55 2.

ἔφεσις] c. 55 § 2.

§ 4. οὐδὲν ἀπροβούλευτον] Plut. So/. 19, quoted onc. 44 w/t. προγράψωσιν] 43 3 wit. scoalt παρανόμων] Here the illegality turns on a point of form. Among cases in point are the motion of Androtion to award a crown to the outgoing βουλή (Dem. Androt. 5); and that of Thrasy- bulus to grant Lysias the citizenship of Athens (note on 40 § 2).

XLVI 1. τῶν τριήρων] Gilbert,

‘moved that they should receive the cus-_

i 310° n. 2.

τῶν σκευῶν] esp. of ‘naval stores and engines,’ and ‘the tackling of ships.’ [Dem.] 47, c. Zuerg. το, σκεύη τριηρικά. Xen. Oec. viii 12, διὰ πολλῶν... ξυλίνων σκευῶν (‘oars,’ ‘rudders,’ ‘masts,’ ‘yards’) καὶ πλεκτῶν (‘cables’) dpuiferar ναῦς καὶ ἀνάγεται, διὰ πολλῶν δὲ τῶν κρεμαστῶν (‘sails’ and rigging’) καλου- μένων πλεῖ. The specifications of the © famous σκευοθήκη in the Peiraeus, designed by the architect Philon under the ad- ministration of Lycurgus (published by Fabricius in Hermes and by Foucart in ~ Bull. Corresp. Hell., both in 1882), are still extant (CIA ii 1054=Ditt. no. 352). This σκευοθήκη was intended τοῖς κρεμᾶ- στοῖς σκεύεσιν, and (though not finished) was probably already in use in B.C. 329, _ a few years before the text was written. Cf. Diirrbach, Lycurgue, pp. 64—73.

τῶν νεωσοίκων] Strictly speaking, the νεώσοικοι are the sheds in which the ships are laid up, and νεώρια the dock- - yards; but the terms are sometimes inter- changed (cf. Dict. Ant. ii 206 a, and) Diirrbach, /.c. p. 65, n. 3). In [Xen.J~ de Rep. Ath. iii 2, among the duties of ~ the βουλὴ we find νεωρίων ἐπιμεληθῆναι. From B.C. 347 to 323 an annual property tax amounting to ten talents was raised for the building τῶν νεωσοίκων καὶ TIS σκευοθήκης (CIA ii 270). a3

καινὰς τριήρεις] Twenty, according to Diod. xi 43. In 8.0. 356/5 the Council failed to build the requisite number of” new triremes; Androtion nevertheless

tomary compliment of a golden crown; and for this he was attacked under γραφὴ παρανόμων (Dem. Androt. 8). ᾿

CH. 45,1. 17-—CH. 46,1.το. TIOAITEIA

[81

ς , e a

τετρήρεις, ὁποτέρας ἂν δῆμος χειροτονήσῃ, Kal σκεύη ταύταις καὶ νεωσοίκους" χειροτονεῖ δ᾽ ἀρχιτέκτονας δῆμος ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς. ἂν δὲ μὴ παραδῶσιν ἐξειργασμένα ταῦτα τῇ νέᾳ βουλῇ, τὴν δωρεὰν οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτοῖς λαβεῖν: ἐπὶ γὰρ τῆς ὕστερον βουλῆς λαμβάνουσιν. || ποιεῖται δὲ τὰς τριήρεις, δέκα ἄνδρας ἐξ αὑτῆς 8 ή

Β ε 7, / Ε , \ \ \ ? t \ I 2 ἑλομένη τριηροποιούς. ἐξετάζει δὲ καὶ τὰ οἰκοδομήματα τὰ δημό- ᾿ς σία πάντα, Kav τις ἀδικεῖν αὐτῇ δόξῃ, τῷ τε δήμῳ τοῦτον ἀποφαίνει καὶ καταγνοῦσα παραδίδωσι δικαστηρίῳ.

δ ἐὰν H-L.

7 incipit scriba quartus.

αὑτῆς]. Wilcken (K-w®, B%-4, K4, Th),

ἑαυτῆς olim Wayte; αὑτῶν] K-wh?, Bl? coll, 48, 13; ἁπάντων] K!, H-L, 5].

10 κὰἀτὰγνογοὰ K!, H-L, Th: καταγνόντος K-w, B, 51, K4,

<T@> δικαστηρίῳ

Gennadios, Naber (H-L, idem τῷ non addunt in c. 45, 5); sed cf. Kaibel 208.

τετρήρεις] In the list of the fleet for B.C. 330/29 eighteen quadriremes are mentioned: CIA ii 807 76—79, Ter- ρήρεις δ᾽ ἐμ μὲν τοῖς νεωρίοις παρέδομεν PIII, ἐμ πλῴ δὲ Δ. For the three years between B.C. 334/3 (6. 804) and the above date the lists are missing. The earliest notice of quinqueremes is in B.C. 325/4, when seven are mentioned, 2b. 809 d go, the list for the previous year (26. 808 αἱ 36) giving quadriremes, as well as triremes, but no quinqueremes (Boeckh, Seeurkunden, p. 76). The archonship of Cephisophon, B.c. 3209/8, is mentioned in c. 54 § 7. Hence the date of the treatise falls after B.c, 328, and before 325, the year in which quin- queremes appear for the first time (C. Torr in Athenaeum, Feb, 7, 1891; and Lipsius in Letpzig Verhandlungen, 1891, Ῥ. 45; also Wilamowitz, i 211 ἢ. 43).

ἀρχιτέκτονας] ‘naval architects,’ or ‘master ship-builders.’ These are not mentioned elsewhere, but the names of 35 such persons are known to us from inscriptions (Boeckh, Seurkunden, pp. 93—100). The ἀρχιτέκτων of Dem. de _ Cor. 28 is a different kind of official,—

_the manager of the Theatre of Dionysus.

παραδώσιν] of βουλευταί.

τὴν δωρεὰν] Dem. Androt.§ 8, (νόμου) οὐκ ἐῶντος ἐξεῖναι μὴ ποιησαμένῃ τῇ βουλῇ τὰς τριήρεις αἰτῆσαι τὴν δωρεάν (= τὸν στέφανον, ib. 36). At that time the βουλὴ asked for the crown while it was still in office; but the text shows that, by a change in the law, the question was now decided by the zext βουλὴ (Wilamo- Witz, i 211 ἢ. 44).

τριηροποιούς] In Dem. Androt. 17 the treasurer of this body is mentioned : οὐχ βουλὴ γέγονεν αἰτία rod μὴ πεποιῆσθαι τὰς ναῦς, ἀλλ᾽ τῶν τριηροποιῶν ταμίας ἀποδρὰς ᾧχετο ἔχων πένθ᾽ ἡμιτάλαντα.

. The reference to the τριηροποιοὶ in

Aeschin. ¢. C/es. 30 is concerned with an exceptional case: ods αἱ φυλαὶ καὶ ai τριττύες Kal of δῆμοι ἐξ ἑαυτῶν αἱροῦνται τὰ δημόσια χρήματα διαχειρίζειν. In this case, they were chosen by the tribes out of candidates nominated by the demes, The text, in its present revised form, shews that the βουλὴ elected them out of its own body. Among commissioners elected by the tribes, may be mentioned: the τειχοποιοί and the ταφροποιοί ; the ἀποστολεῖς were certainly elected ἐξ ᾿ Αθη- ναίων ἁπάντων (Gilbert, i 2947).

2. οἰκοδομήματα] The inspection of public buildings has not hitherto been known to be one of the functions of the βουλή. But it is naturally connected with their duty of letting τεμένη καὶ ἱερὰ καὶ οἰκίας, [Xen.] de Vect, iv το.

ἀποφαίνει] ‘formally denounces,’ re- ports.’ Ant. de Chor. 9, ἀποφήνασι καὶ ἐξελέγξασιν, Lys. 20 § 7 (οἱ κατήγοροι) ἀδικοῦντας ἀποφαίνουσι, and Dinarch. c. Dem. 48, κἀμοῦ κατέγνω πρότερον βουλή (the Areopagus), and 26. 49, ἀπέφηνεν βουλή.

καταγνοῦσα] The proposal καταγνόν- τος is attacked by Foucart on the ground that we have no precedent for a person condemned by the Assembly being sent by the Council for trial by a law-court. Again, a double reference (1) from the Council to the Assembly and (2) from the Assembly to the Council would be a novelty in the public law of Athens.

In defence of the text καταγνοῦσα, he suggests that, as the Council had lost the right of pronouncing a definitive con- demnation (c. 45 § 1), its sentence was brought before a law-court for final con- firmation. Cf. Aeschin. i 111, ἐὰν μὲν βουλὴ καταγνοῦσα Tovrovl ἀδικεῖν .. δικαστηρίῳ παραδῷ. Possibly the

Io

182

AT

AQHNAIQN --

© COL: 23) L 413.)

.- συνδιοικεῖ δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρχαῖς Ta πλεῖστα... πρῶτον

μὲν γὰρ οἱ ταμίάι τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς εἰσὶ μὲν δέκα, κλη[ροῦτα]ι δ᾽ εἷς -ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς, ἐκ πεντακοσιομεδίμνων κατὰ τὸν Σόλωνος νόμον (ἔτι yap ὁ] νόμος κύριός ἐστιν), ἄρχει δ᾽ λαχὼν κἂν πάνυ πένης ἧ. παραλαμβάνουσι δὲ τό τε ἄγαλμα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ τὰς Νίκας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον καὶ τὰ χρ[ήματ]α ἐναντίον τῆς βουλῆς.

XLVII 2 κληροῦται δ᾽ Gertz (edd.) : κληρωτοὶ ΚΙ.

2, 7 κληροῦνται δ᾽ εἷς ἐξ

ἑκάστης φυλῆς Wyse coll. 61, 2 ;---ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς <éxdorns> Bury.

TESTIM. §1 *Harp. ταμίαι RS

«ἀρχή τίς map’ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἦν οἱ ταμίαι, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν. παραλαμβάνουσι δ᾽ οὗτοι “τό τε ἄγαλμα---βουλῆς,᾽

ὡς φησιν ’Ap. év’A@. πολ. Phot.

(Bekk. An. 306, 7): ἄρχοντές εἰσιν ᾿Αθήνησι κληρωτοὶ ἀπὸ τῶν πεντακοσιομεδίμνων, οἱ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐν ἀκροπόλει χῥῤῥήματα ἱερά τε καὶ δημόσια φυλάττουσιν," ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς <xal τὸν κόσμον add. Bekk. An. οι Pollux viii 97: ταμίαι τῆς θεοῦ κληρωτοὶ μὲν ἐκ πεντακοσιομεδίμνων ἦσαν, τὰ δὲ

χρήματα παρελάμβανον τῆς βουλῆς παρούσης.

reason why the Assembly reported to the Council was to give the latter the

option of taking extraordinary action, if necessary (/ourn. de Philologie, 1894,’

247 ἢ. The text is also defended by Lipsius, Das Attische Recht, 197.

παραδίδωσι δικαστηρίῳ! CIA i 59 (B.C. 410), [τὴν βουλὴν Bovredolar ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἕδίρᾳ ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ κο- λάζειν τῶν Swpol δοκησάντων Kara ]ηφι- ζομένην, καὶ εἰς δικαστήριον αὐτοὺς. εἰσά- yey, καθότι ἂν δοκῇ αὐτῇ " τ[ῶν δὲ δικαστῶν τοὺς] παρόντας ἀποφαίνειν, κτλ.

XLVII § 1. οἱ ταμίαι τῆς ᾿Αθηνάς] The full title is ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων τῆς ᾿Αθηναίας. This is found in the in- ventories of the treasures in the Par- theron, the Hecatompedos and _ the Pronaos (CIA i. 117—175), and in the records of payments from the treasure of Athena for public purposes .(2d. 179, 180, 188). Cf. Hicks, Ast. Zuscr. nos. 50; 51, 53, 54. The short title, ταμίας τῶν τῆς θεοῦ, is found in inscr. of 325 (Boeckh, Seeurkunden, Ὁ. 465). See Boeckh 11 v; Schomann, p. 418; Gil- bert, i 2697; and cf. note on 30 2, ταμίας τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων κτλ.; also Panske, de Masgistratibus Atticis, 1890, 1 pp. 13—46. The ταμίαι τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν are last mentioned in 343 B.C., if CIA ii 702 has been correctly restored : (Gilbert, i 2707 ἢ. 3; Wilamowitz, i 212 ἢ. 45).

‘els ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς] Cf. Xen. Hell. ii 45 23, εἵλοντο δέκα, ἕνα ἀπὸ φυλῆς.

Σόλωνος νόμον] 8 1, κληροῦν τοὺς es ἐκ πεντακοσιομεδίμνων.

ἄρχει δ᾽ χαχὼν κτλ.] Solon’s law regulate the qualification was practically obsolete. Οἵ ον. 7 ult. - ᾿ παραλαμβάνουσι κτλ. The accounts

of the treasures transferred in each year.

were annually audited; they were also inscribed on blocks of stone once in four

years (ἐκ Παναθηναίων és Παναθήναια).

τὸ ἀγαλμα] The statue is not mentioned in our inventories; but from B.C. 385 there is proof of the existence of a sepa- _ rate specification respecting it. This was kept in the temple and the treasurers certified in each year that the statue and its appurtenances were all safe κατὰ τὴν στήλην (Kohler in Aditthezlungen, 1879, Ρ. 89, quoted by Hicks, p. 89). These ἄγαλμα is incidentally named in CIA ii ~ 652, 42 (B.C. 398). b

τὰς Νίκας καὶ tov ἄλλον κόσμον] About 435/4 B.C. the treasures of the Par- thenon included golden figures of Νίκη, CIA i 32, B 2, Tas Ni[kas τὰς χρυ]σᾶς καὶ τὰ π[ομπεῖα]. The number was probably ten. About 407/6 eight of these were

melted down and made into gold coin, Ran. 720 αὶ Seven of the pedestals of these figures were still in existence be- tween 377 and 367 (CIA ii 678, 47). In the earliest inventory after ‘the archon- _ ship of Eucleides a χρυσῆ Νίκη is men-

the καινὸν χρυσίον of Arist. (see. Schol.).

tioned (CIA ii 642). This Νίκη, which was nearly two talents (52 kilogr. = 115 Ib.) in weight, was probably made out of the proceeds of the confiscated property of the Thirty (Michaelis, Parthenon, p. 301).

The same Νίκη is entered in an in- ~

ventory of the ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν xXpn- μάτων τῆς ᾿Αθηναίας καὶ- τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν, who existed as joint body from about 403 to 389 B.C., to. be separated again in 385. It is also named in CIA ii 677) B.C. 367.

- Under the financial administration of

Ὁ}. eee: eee ky

CH. 47, 1..1—12. TIOAITEIA 183

ἔπειθ᾽ of πωληταὶ δέκα μέν εἰσι, κληροῦται δ᾽ εἷς ἐκ, τῆς φυλῆς. μισθοῦσι δὲ τὰ μισθώματα πάντα, καὶ τὰ μέταλλα

ΨΩ, \ Ν , \ nq πωλοῦσι καὶ τὰ τέλη μετὰ TOD ταμίου TOV στρατιωτικών. Kab.

> \ \ \ / A a τῶν ἐπὶ TO θεωρικὸν ἡρημένων ἐναντίον τῆς [βουλῆς], Kal κυροῦσιν,

Ψ xX \ i ὅτῳ ἂν βουλὴ χειροτονήσῃ, καὶ τὰ πραθέντα μέταλλα τά τ᾽ oS / ᾿

ἐἐργάσιμα τὰ εἰς τρία ἔτη πεπραμένα καὶ τὰ συγκεχωρημένα τὰ

- pp. 8ο--Οἱ.

10 καὶ κυροῦσιν Papageorgios papyro confirmatus (Κ΄, Th); κατακυροῦσιν ΚΙ, K-wl-2,, τᾷ

Bi, sl; καὶ κατακυροῦσιν Κ-νν8, Β ἄρχοντες (v. 15) transtulit Sakellarios. κί, Th: ὅσα kK}. Poland, Busolt.

11f καὶ τὰ πραθέντα---πεπραμένα post

11 τά 7’ K-w, Wilcken, B, lectio ἱποογία,", 12 τὰ eis τρία ἔτη πεπραμένα secl. K-W.

συγκεχωσμένα,

TEST. 882,3 *Harp. πωληταὶ καὶ πωλητήριον: οἱ μὲν πωληταὶ ἀρχή τίς ἐστιν ᾿Αθήνησι,

δέκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἄνδρες, εἷς ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης.

διοικοῦσι δὲ τὰ πιπρασκόμενα ὑπὸ

τῆς πόλεως πάντα, τέλη καὶ μέταλλα καὶ μισθώσεις καὶ τὰ δημευόμενα... διείλεκται δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν καὶ ᾽Αρ. év’A@. πολ. Fere eadem in Bekk. Az. 291, 17 et Lex. Dem. Patm.

. 14. Pollux vili 99: πωληταὶ τὰ τέλη πιπράσκουσι “wera τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικὸν ἠρημένων,᾽ καὶ τὰς “τῶν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου᾽᾽ μετὰ τὸν πρότερον λόγον φυγόντων οὐσίας

καὶ τὰ δεδημευμένα (Frag. 4013, 441%).

Lycurgus (B.c. 338/7—326/5) part of the surplus of the public revenues was spent on preparing a number of golden Nika, which were set apart among the treasures on the Acropolis. The decree of Strato- cles, preserved in [Plut.] ii 852, recites that Lycurgus αἱρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου χρήματα πολλὰ συνήγαγεν εἰς τὴν ἀκρό- πολιν καὶ παρασκευάσας τῇ θεῷ κόσμον Νίκας τε ὁλοχρύσους πομπεῖά τε χρυσᾷ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ καὶ κόσμον χρυσοῦν εἰς ἑκατὸν κανηφόρους (cf. 2b. vit. Lycurg. § 5, πομ- πεῖα TE χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ TH πόλει κατε- σκεύασε καὶ Νίκας χρυσᾶς, and Paus. i 29, 16, κατεσκεύασε δὲ πομπεῖα τῇ θεῷ καὶ Νίκας χρυσᾶς καὶ παρθένοις κόσμον ἑκα- τόν). It was in B.C. 334 that, according to the λόγος ταμιῶν τῆς θεοῦ and a special commission acting with them, part of the surplus handed over by the ταμίας τῶν στρατιωτικῶν was spent εἰς τὰς Nix[as καὶ] τὰ π[ομ]πεῖα (CIA ii 739). These may be identified with certainty as the Nixa: of the text. κόσμος refers in part to the κόσμος κανηφορικός (CIA ii 162, frag. c 10), including δίφροι, ὑποδερίδες (necklaces), ἀμφιδέαι (bracelets), and στέφανοι (ii 741 Bc 3—5). Cf. Michaelis, Parthenon, 0». 292; Boeckh, note 719 Frankel; Foucart, Zes Victoives en or de PAcropole, Bull. de corr. hellén. xii, 1888, 283—; and Diirrbach, Zycurgue, τὰ χρήματα, the actual money, contrasted with the works of art previously mentioned. hits, § 2. πωληταὶ] Thumser, Siaazsalt. p- 619; Schémann, p. 417 E.T.; Gilbert,

i 2662; Panske, de Magistratibus Atticts,. i p. £0. μισθοῦσι--τὰ μισθώματα] ‘farm out the public contracts.’ Thus the con- tracts for setting up tablets inscribed with public documents (στῆλαι) were let out by the πωληταί (Ditt. no. 13, 51; 43, 353 45, 8). The contract for building the walls in Athens in 334—3726 is let out by the same body (CIA ii 167). τὰ μέταλλα πωλοῦσι] By the ‘sale of the mines’ is meant the sale of the right of working them. The purchaser,’ who may be more correctly described as the lessee, paid a fixed price together with one twenty-fourth part of the net produce as a perpetual tax. The ordinary price of a share was one talent. See Boeckh, On the Silver Mines of Laurium, Ap- pendix to Publ. Econ., ed. Lewis. In CIA ii 780—783, and 782 b (p. 513), we have fragments of διαγραφαὶ μετάλλων drawn up by the πωληταί, and in Zh. Arch., 1890, p. 222, πωληταὶ οἱ ἐπὶ ᾿Αναξικράτους ἄρχοντος μέταλλα τάδε ἀπε- δόντο. ; τὰ τέλη] Most of the tolls, customs and taxes were farmed by redwvae (Boeckh, 111 viii; Gilbert, i 3942; Dzct. Ant. s.v.). . τοῦ ταμίου τῶν στρατιωτικῶν] See c. 43 8 τ. τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικὸν] See c. 43 § I. ἐργάσιμα] The adj. is contrasted with ἀργὸς in Plat. Leg. 824 B. , τρία ἔτη] It has hitherto been supposed that the state never let the mines for a

15

¥84 AOHNAIQN COL. 25, l. 13—24.

εἰς (δέκα) ἔϊτη] πεπραμένα. καὶ tas οὐσίας τῶν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου / \ a lA 2 ΄ a A πάγου φευγόντων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐναν[ τίον τῆς] βουλῆς πωλοῦσιν, a / κατακυροῦσι δ᾽ οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, καὶ τὰ τέλη τὰ εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν

᾿πεπραμένα, ἀναγράψαντες εἰς λελευκωμένα ραμματεῖα τόν

te πριάμενον καὶ [ὅσου] ἂν πρίηται, τῇ βουλῇ παραδιδόασιν. ἀναγράφουσιν δὲ χωρὶς μὲν ods δεῖ κατὰ πρυτανείαν ἑκάστην :

13 εἰς. ἔτη κϑ, K-wW, B, Th; ‘numerus aut + aut ¢ esse videtur,’ K*; [εἰς ἀεὶ] H-L; εἰς <déxa>s*% 14 ἄλλων ἐναν[τίον τῆς] coni. Kaibel (82:2, κέ, Th) ; [ἄλλοθεν ἐ]ν[αντίον τῆς] B!; [ὀφειλε]τῶν x3 (sl); [ἐξ ἐφε]τῶν dubitanter K-wh?; ...émi K- we; ἀτίμων (quod

quondam conieci) acceperunt H-L. 17 [ὁπόσου] Tyrrell, H-L; ὅσου spatio aptius K-w, κϑ, Bl, K*, Th; [ὅσ]α fortasse.L, quod retinet B2~*. 18 τὴν ante πρυτανείαν ins. B, Th.

term of years, but only granted them on perpetual leases (Boeckh’s St/ver Mines of Laurium, § 7, p. 645).

We have already been told that the πωληταὶ ‘sell the mines.’ We are now told that they lease for a term of three years, not only the mines that are still workable, but also those that are the subject of special concessions. It is ob- served by Boeckh, ὦ. ς. p. 646, that it could ‘scarcely have been compulsory upon a tenant to pay to the state the purchase money of a new mine, if, after having expended his trouble and capital, he was unsuccessful in finding any ore.’ It may therefore be here suggested that a term.of three years was fixed for a pro- visional letting of the lease, and that the annual payment of οἷς was not due until the three years had elapsed. Possibly the original purchase money was in the first instance paid conditionally, and was recovered in the event of no ore being found. In the other event, at the end of the three years the provisional lease would be ‘confirmed’ in the presence of the βουλή.

In connexion with the mines, a period of ‘three years’ is mentioned in Hy- perides, Zux. col. xliv, and [Dinarchus] fragm. in Baiter and Sauppe, Oratores Attici, ii 325 4; but it seems to have no bearing on the present passage.

τὰ συγκεχωρημένα] possibly mines ‘let under a special agreement’ without the previous payment of purchase money, or abandoned by the first lessees as unpro- ductive. Foucart (Journ. de Philol. 1894, 250) refers it to sites which have not yet been worked, but which the lessee obtains as a concession, taking the risk of making a profit on it. It has been suggested, however, that some word contrasted with ἐργάσιμα is needed, such as ovy- κεχωσμένα, exhausted mines with heaps of scoriae accumulated near them. Such

mines, if they had reverted in any way . to the state, would have to be ‘sold’ for © a very much smaller sum. InCIA ii 782, shortly after the time of Lycurgus, we find mention of a (μέταλλον) παλαιὸν ἀνασάξιμον, ‘an old mine reopened and worked afresh,’ which is sold in the © second mpuravela (td. 780) for the small sum of 150 dr. Ξ

τὰ εἰς -- δέκα -- ἔτη] πεπραμένα] The ᾿ numeral in the lacuna resembles γ΄ or τ΄. ~ The term of three years is out of the © question as, in that case, the sentence would have run:—vrda τ᾽ ἐργάσιμα καὶ τὰ συγκεχωρημένα eis τρία ἔτη πεπραμένα ἀμφότερα. Hence we accept the term οὗ ten years, which is also more probable in ~ itself, the longer term being natural in the case of mines of small value. Cf. | Kaibel, P; 210. *

TOV & ᾿Αρείου πάγου φευγόντων] In trials before the Areopagus a person ac- cused of wilful murder might (except in cases of parricide) withdraw from Attica

‘after delivering his first speech’ (Demi a τὶ 23 § 69) and thus avoid the penalty of death (Pollux, viii 117). Such a person | was never allowed to return; and, when ~ any decree was passed to sanction the restoration of exiles, there was a special clause excluding of ἐξ ᾿Αρείον πάγου φεύγοντες, Plat. Leg. 871 Ὁ. Their pro-— perty was confiscated, Dem. 23 45, τῶν ἀνδροφόνων τῶν ἐξεληλυθότων, wy τὰ χρήματα ἐπίτιμα.

τῶν ἄλλων] all other persons whose property was confiscated.

λελευκωμένα yp.] [Dem. ] 46 § 11, ΩΝ [ λελευκωμένον. Lys. 9 § 6 , (of a fine γράψαντες eis λεύκωμα τοῖς ταμίαις mape- δοσαν. Dem. 24 Zimocr. 23, (of a new law) dvaypdwas εἰς λεύκωμα. Bekker, Anecd. p. 277, λεύκωμά ἐστι πίναξ γύψῳ, ἀληλιμμένος, πρὸς γραφὴν πολιτικῶν Lie 5 μάτων ἐπιτήδειος.

: / \ a » τ} a , , 4 καταβάλλουσιν δὲ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς ἐνάτης πρυτανείας.

CH. 47, 1. 13—26. TIOAITEIA 185 καταβάλλειν εἰς δέκα γραμματεῖα, χωρὶς δὲ ods τρὶς τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, γραμματεῖον κατὰ τὴν καταβολὴν ἑκάστην ποιήσαντες, χωρὶς δὲ ods ἐπὶ τῆς ἐνάτης πρυτανείας. ἀναγράφουσι δὲ καὶ τὰ χωρία Kal τὰς οἰκίας, τἀ πο]γρα φ]έντα καὶ πραθέντα ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ" καὶ γὰρ ταῦθ᾽ οὗτοι πωλοῦσιν. ἐστὶ] δὲ τῶν μὲν οἰκιῶν ἐν πέντε ἔτεσιν ἀνάγκη τὴν τιμὴν ἀποδοῦναι, τῶν δὲ χωρίων ἐν δέκα" εἰσφέρει δὲ καὶ βασιλεὺς τὰς μισθώσεις τῶν τεμενῶν, ἀναγράψας ἐν

19 τρὶς τοῦ K-w, B, K*, Th; τ[ελοῦντος] Κ', τέλει τοῦ] κϑ, πρὸ τέλους H-L. 22 [τὰ ἀπογραφ)έντα Wyse, K-W, H-L, K*, B*; τἀπογρ. BI—3 (K4) ; τ[ὰ μισθωθ]έντα

kl, 23 [ἔστι] δὲ K-w (edd.): καὶ H-L.

edd.) : παραδίδωσι quondam Paton (H-L).

yse, Blass, edd.

25 καταβάλλουσι H-L. εἰσφέρει K-W 26 T(WN) M(EN)WN: τῶν τεμενῶν

§ 3. καταβάλλειν... καταβολὴν] of payment by instalments, as in [Dem.] ¢. Neaer. 27, ἐωνημένος τὴν πεντηκοστὴν τοῦ σίτου... καὶ δέον αὐτὸν καταβάλλειν τὰς καταβολὰς εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον κατὰ πρυ- τανείαν, c. Timocr. 98, αἱ τῶν τελῶν καταβολαί.

ἐνάτης πρυτανείας] The time when the purchase money for the τέλη was paid: Dem. Zimocr. 93, 98.

ἀπογραφέντα] In CIA i 274-281 we have the accounts rendered by the πωλη- ταὶ for property (probably that of the Ἑρμοκοπίδαι) which had been confiscated and sold by the state. See also CIA ii 777, and 779 (τάδ᾽ ἐπράθη ἐδάφη ἀτίμητα

νταὴ; also 811 col. ¢ 183—195, κατε- βλήθη ἐξ ἀπογραφῆς, ἧς ἀπέγραψεν --- τοῦτο κατεβλήθη πρὸς πωλητὰς τοὺς ἐφ᾽ Ηγησίου ἄρχοντος, B.C. 324/3; cf. Boeckh, Seeur- Runden, Ὁ. 543. ε...δέκα] These details have been hitherto unknown. The only definite Statement about the rent of a house is in Isaeus, 11 § 42, where a house in Melite worth 30 minas, and another at Eleusis worth 5, jointly produce an annual rent of 3 minas; so that in less than 12 years the occupant would have paid the value of the houses. In the same passage an estate at Thria, worth 150 minas, pro- duces 12 minas per annum; so that in 124 years the occupant would have paid the value of the estate.

§ 4. βασιλεὺς] The functions of this archon being mainly religious, he is here described as responsible for bringing the leases of sacred enclosures to the know- ledge of the Council. Cf. Οἵα iv fase. 2, 53 (quoted by Wyse, Class. Rev. v 275 a): (418/7 B.C.) v. 3 sgg. ᾿Αδούσιο[ς elle: εἶρξαι τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ Κόδρου καὶ τὸ Νηλέως καὶ τῆς Βασίλης (Plat. Charm.

153 A) κ[α]ὶ μισθῶσαι τὸ τέμενος κατὰ τὰς συνγραφάς, οἱ δὲ πωληταὶ τὴν εἷρξ[»} ἀπομισθωσάντων, τὸ δὲ τέμενος βασιλεὺς ἀπομισθωσάτω κατὰ [τ]ὰς ξυνγραφάς ..... τὸ δὲ ἀργύριον ἐς τὴν εἶρξιν ἀπὸ τοῦ τεμένους εἶναι, πρᾶξαι δὲ ταῦτα πρὶν ἐξιέναι τήνδε τὴν βουλὴν εὐθύνεσθαι χιλίαισι δραχμῆσι ἕκαστον κατὰ τὰ εἰρη- μένα. ν. τι sgg.: ᾿Αδούσιος εἶπε: τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ τῇ βουλῇ" δὲ βασιλεὺς μ[ι:Πσθωσάτω καὶ οἱ πωληταὶ τὸ τέμενος τὸ Νηλέως καὶ τῆς Βασίλης κα[τ]ὰ τὰς ἕυν- γραφὰς εἴκοσι ἔτη. τὸν δὲ μισθωσάμενον εἶρξαι τὸ ἱε[ρ]ὸν τὸ Κόδρου καὶ τὸ Νηλέως καὶ τῆς Βασίλης τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ τέλεσιν. ὁπ[6]- onv δ᾽ ἂν ἄλφῃ μίσ[θ]ωσιν τὸ τέμενος κατὰ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστον, καταβαλλέτω τὸ ἀργύριον ἐπὶ τῆς ἐνάτης πρυτανείας τοῖς ἀποδέκται-ς], οἱ δὲ ἀποδέκται τοῖς ταμίαισι τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν παραδιδόντων κατὰ τὸν νόμον. δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐὰν μὴ ποιήσῃ τὰ ἐψηφισμένα ἄλλος τις οἷς προστέτακται περὶ τούτων, ἐπὶ τῆς Αἰγηίδος πρυτανείας, εὐθυνέσθω μυρίησι δραχμῆσιν. τὸν δὲ ἐξω]νημένον τὴν ἰλὺν ἐκκομίσασθαι ἐκ τῆς τάφρου ἐπὶ τῆσδε τῆς βουλῆς ἀποδόντα τὸ ἀργύριον τῷ Νηλεῖ ὅσου ἐπρίατο. δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐξαλει[ψ]άτω τὸν πριάμενον τὴν ἰλὺν ἐπειδὰν ἀποδῷ τὴμ μίσθωσιν. τὸν δὲ μισθωσάμενον τὸ τέμενος καὶ ὁπόσου ἂν μισθώσηται ἀντενγραψάτω βασιλεὺς ἐς τὸν τοῖχον καὶ τοὺς ἐγγυητὰς κατὰ τὸν

νόμον ὅσπερ κεῖται (περὶ) τῶν τεμενῶν..

Cf. J. R. Wheeler in American Journal of Archaeology, iii, nos. 1 and 2, and lite- rature quoted in Michel’s Recuez/, no. 77.

The βασιλεὺς is associated with other officials in an inscr. of B.C. 329, Ἐφ. ᾽Αρχ. iii, 1883, p..110°B 29, [τῶν τεμενῶν] ἐμίσθωσαν βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ πάρεδροι καὶ οἱ ἐϊπι]στάτ[αι οἱ ᾿Εἰ]λε[υσινόθεν καὶ οἱ ἐπι- μεληταὶ τῶν] μυστηρίων.

τὰς μισθώσεις τῶν τεμενῶν] [Dem.] 43

186

AOHNAIQN

COL.-28,'l. 24-37.

γραμματεί[οις λε]λε[υ]κωμένοις. ἐστὶ δὲ καὶ τούτων μὲν μίσθωσις εἰς ἔτη δέκα, καταβάλλεται δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς [ἐνάτης] πρυτανείας" διὸ καὶ πλεῖστα χρήματα ἐπὶ ταύτης συλλέγεται τῆς πρυτανείας." 30 εἰσφέρεται μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν τὰ γραμματεῖα κ[ατὰ] τὰς κατα- 5 βολὰς ἀναγεγραμμένα, τηρεῖ δ᾽ δημόσιος" ὅταν δ᾽ χρημάτων [κατα]βολή, παραδίδωσι τοῖς ἀποδέκταις αὐτὰ ταῦτα καθελ[ὼν] ἀπὸ τῶν] ἐπιστυλίων, ὧν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ δεῖ τὰ χρήματα καταβλη- θῆναι «lai ἀἸπαλειφθῆναι" τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα ἀπόκειται χωρίς, ἵνα μὴ

35 προεξαλει[φθη].

27 suppleverunt Jackson, van Leeuwen (edd.). Th; τὰ τὰς K-w, B1, 5] ; πάντων τὰς H-L sed spatium non sinit.

διατεταγμένα ? Th.

35 προεξαΪ λείφηται] H-L.

30 KTAC, κατὰ τὰς Β5 4, K4, 31 ἀναγεγραμμένα :

82 καθεϊ[λὼν] ἀπ[ὸ τῶν] van Leeuwen (H-L, Κϑ, B, K-W*, Th): καθελ[ὼν] ἐκ [τῶν] K-w? sed ἐκ valde dubium putat Κ.

34 ATTAAEIMENAI corr. K.

§ 58, τοὺς μὴ ἀποδιδόντας τὰς μισθώσεις τῶν τεμενῶν. Didymus ap. Harpocr. s.v. ἀπὸ μισθωμάτων (Isocr. Aveop. 11)... ἐκ τῶν τεμενικῶν προσόδων. [Xen.] de Vect. iv 19, μιδθοῦνται γοῦν καὶ τεμένη καὶ ἱερὰ καὶ οἰκίας, καὶ τέλη ὠνοῦνται παρὰ τῆς πόλεως. Plat. Leg. 759 E; CIA ii 1059, quoted in next note.

ἔτη δέκα] CIA ii 1059 (=luscr. Brit. Mus. p. 24 xiii), in B.c. 321, μισθοῦσι Πειραιεῖς Ἰ]Παραλίαν καὶ ᾿Αλμυρίδα καὶ τἄλ- λα τεμένη ἅπαντα for term of ten years. The same term of years is recorded in a lease granted by a φρατρία in B.C. 300 (26. 600), and also in an Attic inscr. re- lating to some land in Delos and Rheneia belonging to the Delian temple ΟἿΑ i 283 (B.C. 434). Wyse (Class. Rev. v 275 ὁ) quotes a Delian inscr. of B.c. 250: ἐμισ- θώσαμεν δὲ καὶ τὰ τεμένη τὰ τοῦ. θεοῦ εἰς ἔτη δέκα κατὰ τὴν ἱερὴν συγγραφήν (Homolle, Les Archives de [ Intendance Sacrée Délos, p. το n. 1).

treiora—tmpvtavelas] It may further be noticed that all who had not paid their debts to the treasury by. this date (the penultimate prytany of the Attic year) had their property sold by the State.

§ 5. τὰ γραμματεῖα κατὰ τὰς κατα- βολὰς ἀναγεγραμμένα] 47 § 3, ἀναγρά- Povet..., γραμματεῖον κατὰ τὴν καταβολὴν. ἑκάστην ποιήσαντες. ἔν

& δημόσιος] ‘the public clerk’; slaves were employed as ἀντιγραφεῖς or check- ing-clerks.’ Dict. Ant. s.v., and Gilbert, 1.382 ἢ. 2.

ἀποδέκταις] 48 1.. SC. τὰ γρὰμματεῖα."

. ἐπιστυλίων] It has been. suggested that this term is metaphorically. applied to the ‘columns’ in the list of .accounts

. αὐτὰ ταῦτα,

(Class. Rev. ν. 181 6); but obviously it cannot mean ‘columns’ at all, but some- thing that rests «fom them. . In archi- tecture the ἐπιστύλιον is’ generally the ‘architrave’ (Plut. Fer. 13 § 5; Vitruv. iv 3 § 4, ‘supra epistylium conlocandi sunt triglyphi cum suis metopis’; CIG 4608 (A.D. 151), παραστάδας καὶ κιόνια. kal Ta ἐπάνω αὐτῶν ἐπιστύλια καὶ ψαλί- das): it is even said to be sometimes used of the whole of the entablature (Smith, Dict. Ant. s.v. ad fin.), but I know of no authority for this statement.

In the present passage I should under-. stand it to mean a shelf supporting a series of ‘pigeon-holes,’ and itself sup- ported by wooden pedestals, in the office of the public clerk. The entablature in Doric architecture, with its originally open metopes alternating between the triglyphs, may well have suggested a metaphorical term for a shelf of pigeon- holes’ used for the preservation of public documents. (‘May there not have been pillars in the structure of the building? If so, may not the tablets have rested in a row on nails or hooks in the architrave, or perhaps on a flange of the architrave designed as a shelf for this very purpose? Might not the shelf run from capital to capital level with the lower face of the architrave?’—W. E. Heitland.) K-W translate it xefosttorium or loculz. WHaus- soullier suggests a modern parallel in ‘certains bureaux turcs douane ou de santé) ott les papiers sont serrés dans les sacs que l’on accroche aux poutres et que l’on décroche au moyen d’un long baton.’ 3 .

προεξαλειφθῇ}] not found elsewhere. ἐξαλείφειν, however, is found as a syno- nym of αἀπαλείφειν, being applied to

t a

(bureaux de

ee δον ΩΝ high

CH. 47, 1.27—-CH. 48,18. TIOAITEIA 187

| 48. [εἰσὶ] δ᾽ ἀποδέκται δέκα, κεκληρωμένοι κατὰ φυλάς" ᾿ς οὗτοι δὲ παραλαβόντες τὰ γραμματεῖα, ἀπαλείφουσι τὰ κατα- / / > ad “Ὁ) An > a Ὅν.

βαλλόμενα χρήματα ἐναντίον τῆς βουλῆς] ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ, καὶ πάλιν ἀποδιδόασιν τὰ γραμματεῖα τ[ῷ δημοσίῳ κἄν τις ᾿ἐλλίπῃ καταβολήν, ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἐγγέγραπται, καὶ διπλάσιον ἀἸνάγκη τὸ [ἐλλ]ειφθὲν καταβάλλειν δεδέσθαι, καὶ ταῦτα εἰσπράτ[τειν ᾿2βο]υλὴ καὶ δῆσαι [κυ]ρία κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἐστίν. τῇ μὲν οὖν προτεραίᾳ δέχονται τὰς [καταβολὰς] καὶ μερίζουσι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς, τῇ

XLVIII 4 ἀποδιδόασι H-L. 5 ΕΝΤΕΥΘΕΝΓΕ, ἐντεῦθεν γέγραπται ΚΙ: ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἐγγέγραπται Herwerden, Kontos, Gertz (edd.). διπλά[σιον] B2-4, K-w%, κί, Th; durd[odv] olim van Leeuwen (K-W!?, H-L, K3, Bl, .s1), 8 post τὰς legit τ vel x

Blass, unde καταβολὰς Kaibel 213 (B*4, Th); 7 vel Wilcken, unde idem Kaibel πίάσα]ς, ‘quod potest verum esse’ K*; τὰ χρήματα] olim ΚΙ, Β2, 5. .

TESTIMONIA. XLVIIIS§$1,2 *Harp. ἀποδέκται:...᾽Αρ. δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. δεδήλωκεν ὡς δέκα τε ἦσαν (Epit.; εἴησαν codd.) καὶ ὡς ““παραλαβόντες-- χρήματα" τῆς βουλῆς ἐναντίον ““ἐν τῷ---δημοσίῳ." καὶ ἁπλῶς πράττουσι διασαφεῖ. Bekk. An. 198, 1 (Etym. M. 124, 41; Zonaras 234; Bekk. Az. 427, 13): ἄρχοντες κληρωτοί, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν κατὰ φυλήν εἰσιν, οἵτινες παρελάμβανον καὶ ἀπεδέχοντο τὰ γραμματεῖα τῶν ὀφειλόντων τῷ δημοσίῳ... εἶτα ἐξήταζον τά τε ὀφειλόμενα καὶ τὰ ἀποδιδόμενα χρήματα σὺν τῇ βουλῇ καὶ ἐμέριζον εἰς χρὴ ἀναλίσκειν (Frag. 4007, 440%). Schol. in Aeschin. 3

§ 25 ἀποδέκται ἦσαν οἱ δεχόμενοι τὰ χρήματα τῶν καταβολῶν κτλ.

annulling laws and decrees (in Lys. 1 § 48, and Andoc. De Myst. 76), and to cancelling debts (in Dem. 25 § 70, ἐξα- λήλιπται τὸ ὄφλημα, and CIA i 32, 10, ἀποδόντων Ta χρήματα Kal ἐξαλειφόντων). Cf. cIA iv fasc. 2, 53 a, ἐξαλειψάτω con- trasted with dvrevypaydrw. -~XLVIII 1. αποδέκται] ‘general receivers.’ These officials were instituted by Cleisthenes to take over most of the duties previously performed by the κωλα- kpérat (Androtion ap. Harpocr. s.v.). They are mentioned in Dem. ς. Zimocr. §§ 162, 197, Aesch. ες. Cres. 25, Pol. 1321 31, ἄλλη δ᾽ ἀρχὴ πρὸς ἣν ai πρόσοδοι τῶν κοινῶν ἀναφέρονται, παρ᾽ ὧν φυλατ- τόντων μερίζονται (cf. 1. 8 μερίζουσι) πρὸς ἑκάστην διοίκησιν: καλοῦσι δ᾽ ἀποδέκτας τούτους καὶ ταμίας, also in an inscr. of 418/7 B.C. quoted in note on § 4, βασι- he’s. See Boeckh, 11 iv; Schémann, p. 417: Gilbert, i 2642; and Dict. Ant. s.v.; also Panske, de Magistratibus Atticis, i 46—60. : :

τὰ καταβαλλόμενα χρήματα] CIA ii 807 col. 15, τοῦτο κατεβάλομεν ἀπο- δέκταις. in B.C. 330/29; 30, in. B.C. 329/83; 803 col. 93 and 138, eis Bov- λευτήριον κατεβάλομεν, B.C. 360 and 63. ὃν ᾿ ἐλλίπῃ καταβολήν] ‘fail to pay an instalment.’ Polyb. iv 60, 2, ἐλλελοι- πέναι τινὰ τῶν ὀψωνίων.

ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἐγγέγραπται]. there stands his

name already entered’ (while the rest are wiped out); this seems preferable to é- τεῦθεν γέγραπται, ‘a note is made of it from this record’ (K.). ἐντεῦθεν évyé- ypamrat is preferred by Foucart: ‘a par- tir de ce moment il est inscrit comme débiteur public’ (Journal de Philologie, xix, 1895, 24). ἐγγράφειν is specially applied to entering the names of state- debtors, Dem. 25 70 (cf. L and S, I1 3). διπλάσιον---καταβάλλειν] διπλοῦν is more frequent, but διπλάσιον is found in Andoc. De Myst..73 (Kaibel, 213). δῆσαι κυρία] In Dem. c. Zimocr. 98 the speaker argues that, owing to the law proposed by Timocrates, allowing debtors. to the treasury to find securities instead of making prompt payments, the βουλὴ (as well as the δικαστήρια) ceases to be κυρία δῆσαι. Cf. 45 § 1. § 2. peplfover] CIA ii 38, 18 (not later than Ol. 100= B.C. 380-), μερίσαι δὲ τὸ ἀργύριον---τοὺς ἀποδέκτας ἐκ τῶν KaraBan-' λομένων χρημάτων ἐπειδὰν τὰ ἐκ τῶν νόμων μερίσωσι. Lb. 181, τοὺς δὲ ἀποδέκτας μερίϊ[σαι τῷ ἀρκε]θεώρῳ ὃς ἂν ἀεὶ ἀρκ[ε]- θεωρήσῃ τὸ] ἀργύριον. 115 44, [τὸ ἀργ]ύριον τοῦτο μερίζειν τ[οὺς ἀποδ]έκτας τῷ ταμίᾳ τοῦ δήμ[ου εἰς τὸν] ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκασ- τον. 834 6 (B.C. 329/8) col. ii 3, τὸ με- ρισθὲν εἰς τὰ ἔργα ap’ ἀποδεκτῶν ἐπι- στάταις ᾿Ελευσίνοθεν. οί: 1321 31. quoted above. Cf..Boeckh, i 210 n. a, Frankel) Fas.) 7) aie gg

188

AOHNAIQN

:] ὙΨν δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ τόν τε μερισμὸν εἰσ φέρουσι γράψαντες ἐν σανίδι καὶ

7 a a a

10 καταλέγουσιν ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ, Kal προ[τιθ]έασιν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, / 3 a

εἴ Tis τινα οἶδεν ἀδικοῦντα περὶ τὸν μερισμζὸν ἄρήἤχοντα

ἰδιώτην, καὶ γνώμας ἐπιψηφίζουσιν, ἐάν τίς τι δοκῇ ἀδικεῖν. κληροῦσι δὲ Kai λογιστὰς ἐξ αὑτῶν οἱ βουλευταὶ δέκα τοὺς 3.

/, a a ὙΡΎΡΟΜΗΦΡΕΡΕ τ[αἷς ap |xais κατὰ τὴν πρυτανείαν ἐκάδ αν

15 ροῦσι δὲ καὶ εὐθύνους ἕνα τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης, καὶ παρέδρους

9 εἰσί φέρου]σι van Leeuwen (edd.); εἰσ[άγου]σι olim kK. δόξῃ B* coll. 46 § 2. TESTIMONIA. § 8 *Harp. λογισταὶ καὶ λογιστήρια:.

conieci (edd.). 12. AOKHI:

10 προτιθέασιν olim

(ἑκάστης φυλῆς εἷς Schol. in Aeschin. 3 § 153 cf. ib. 8 9), of ras εὐθύνας τῶν διῳκημένων

ἐκλογί ἕονται ἐν ἡμέραις λ, ὅταν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀποθῶνται οἱ ἄρχοντες.. "Ap. ἐν τῇ "AO. πολ., ἔνθα δείκνυται ὅτι διαφέρουσι τῶν εὐθύνων.

«διείλεκται περὶ τούτων Pollux viii 99: καὶ

τούτους βουλὴ uae κατ᾽ ἀρχὴν ws παρακολουθεῖν ᾿ τοῖς διοικοῦσιν. 84 “Harp. εὔθυνοι :--δέκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἄνδρες ἦσαν, παρ᾽ οἷς ἐδίδοσαν οἱ πρεσβεύ-

σαντες «ἄρξαντες διοικήσαντές τι τῶν δημοσίων τὰς εὐθύνας.

ἀρχὴ ἦν τις. τούτῳ δὲ δύο παρέδρους (Frag. 4052, 445°).

ἾΑρ. ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. Phot. εὔθυνος :

ἐξ ἑκάστης δὲ φυλῆς ἕνα κληροῦσι"

μερισμὸν] ‘the apportionment’; rarely found in this sense. For exx. see Ditten- berger, no. 344, 18, 21, 23.

σανίδι] rare in sing. Dem. 25 § (of the record of a debt) σανὶς mapa τῇ θεῷ κειμένη.

προτιθέασιν] 44 § 3.

8.3. ᾿λογιστὰς] These are identical in name and number with those mentioned in 54 § 2. Both bodies are appointed by lot; but the λογισταὶ in the text are a committee of the Council, They are therefore to be distinguished from the board of λογισταί, who, with their συν- ἤγοροι, audit the accounts of all officials at the close of their term of office. The officials appointed by lot are enumerated in c. 50—64; c. 54, in § 2 of which the λογισταὶ are named, is introduced with the words: κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ τάσδε τὰς ἀρχάς. This implies that the officials in question have not been mentioned before. The existence of a committee of the Council, side by side with a board of the same name, appears to. be supported by the analogy of the committee entitled οἱ ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικὸν ἡρημένοι (CIA ii 739), and the βουλευτὴς described as ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικόν (CIA ii 114 ¢ 5), existing by the side of the official board οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ θεωρικῷ. The double sense of λογισταὶ is con- firmed by Pollux viii 99, λογισταὶ δύο ἦσαν μὲν THs βουλῆς δὲ τῆς διοικήσεως, καὶ τούτους βουλὴ κληροῖ κατ᾽ ἀρχὴν ὡς παρακολουθεῖν τοῖς διοικοῦσιν (Lipsius, Leipug Verhandl, pp. 64---67). λογισταὶ δύο is the reading in Bekker’s best Ms;

the rest have δύο δ᾽, making it refer to the

ἀντιγραφεύς (see 54 § 3). The λογισταὶ of the text are also dis-

tinguished from those of c. 54 by Gilbert.

(i 248, 250?) and by Busolt. But they

are identified by Thumser, p. 652 ἢ. 4. If they are identical, the mention of the

same officials in two passages implies a

certain carelessness in the composition of

the treatise.

COL, 25,1. 3850.)

κλη- 4

..elat δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν δέκα.

διείλεκται περὶ αὐτῶν

ΓΗ ΠΥ

oe

= a 2 ae ἘΣ ταν Ξ τῶν ξὰ rs S =

τοὺς λογιουμένους---πρυτανείαν ἑκάσ- = τὴν] Lys. 30 § 5, of μὲν ἄλλοι THs αὑτῶ

ἀρχῆς κατὰ πρυτανείαν λόγον ἀποφέρουσι. The text shews that:

(ἀναφέρουσι MSS).

this passage was rightly understood by

Schomann, as referring to the accounts which had to be presented to the λογισ- ταί, and not to the ἐπιχειροτονία τῶν ἀρχῶν (43 4). “ἀναφέρειν nihil aliud esse potest quam quod alibi dicitur λόγον

ἐγγράφειν, hoc est perscriptam rationem.

ad eos, quibus ea examinanda est, deferre,

quemadmodum ipsum Lysiam mox hoc ~

verbo ἐγγράψαι uti videmus, et Aeschines

quoque ἀποφέρειν λόγον πρὸς τοὺς Noyio~ ;

τάς dicit, in Ctesiph. 8 22, eodem sensu ~

quo paullo ante, 20, λόγον ἐγγράφειν. πρὸς τοὺς λογιστὰς dixerat’ (Opusc. Acad.

i 295).

§ 4. εὐθύνους] ‘Examiners of accounts,’

Harp. in Zestém. At the audit of ac- counts by the board of λογισταί, the eb-

θυνοι were entitled to bring charges }

against the ὑπεύθυνος. The assessors 0

the εὔθυνοι are mentioned in Andoc. De

Myst. 78, ὅσων εὔθυναί τινές εἰσι κατε

γνωσμέναι ἐν τοῖς λογιστηρίοις ὑπὸ τῶν a

CH. 48..1 9—23. TIOAITEIA 189

(ἊΨ eos a »2 7 q > al 3 a > a Ν δύο ἑκάστῳ τῶν εὐθύνων, οἷς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι ταῖς ἀ[γορ]αῖς κατὰ

A n a ΝΜ PY fs ee τὸν ἐπώνυμον τὸν τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης καθῆσθαι" Kav τις βούληταί

an \ > / > a , , > \ a τινι TOV τὰς εὐθύνας ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ δεδωκότων, ἐντὸς τριῶν ἡϊμερῶν ἀφ᾽] ἧς ἔδωκε τὰς εὐθύνας εὔθυναν, ἄν τ᾽ ἰδίαν ἄν τε δ[η]μο[σ΄]α[ν] ἐμβαλέσθαι, γράψας εἰς πινάκιον λελευκωμένον τοὔ- νομα τό [θ᾽ αὑτο]ῦ καὶ τὸ τοῦ φεύγοντος, καὶ τὸ ἀδίκημ᾽ τι ἂν ἐγκαλῇ, καὶ τίμημα ἐϊπυγραψ]άμενος τι ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ, δίδωσιν - > / e \ \ lal \ > / ὟΝ \ “Ὁ τῷ εὐθύνῳ. δὲ λαβὼν τοῦτο καὶ ἀν ακρίνα]ς, ἐὰν μὲν καταγνῷ,

16 ταῖς ἀ[γορ]αῖς K (K-wl?), ‘ante ais fortasse ; sed p quoque nonnumquam habet ligaturam, unde ἀγοραῖς conieci; fortasse autem longius quid desideratur’ K*: ταῖς εὐθύναις H-L et B! invita papyro; Tatsa..... as B2-4, K-w%, κέ, Th. KATA (K, B, K-w®, Th): παρὰ H-L, K-w?, 17 ἑκάστης K, K-W, B?-4, Th; ἕκαστον H-L3 éxdoro[t]s B', post 7 prior tantum pars litterae vel o dispici potest. 18 τῷ λογισ- τηρίῳ Photiades. ENTOC Γ (sc. ἐντὸς τριῶν) K, K-w, Β, Th; ‘potest etiam legi’ (non T), K*, quod praefert Lipsius. 19 ἄν τ᾽ ἰδίαν ἄν τε δημοσίαν optime Gertz (edd., ἐάν 7’—édy 7’—H-L). 20 δημοσίαν Gertz, K-W. 21 τὸ αὑτοῦ B!, Richards, H-L, K®; τό τε αὑτοῦ K-w; τό θ᾽ αὑτοῦ Β2. 4, κί, Th. 22 [ἐπιγραφό]μενος Wyse, Lipsius (K*) ; [ἐπιγραψάμενος H-L, Β, Κ΄, Th; ὑ[πογραφ]όμενος K-w, sed v valde incertum putat Κ. 23 d[vaxplvas] Wayte, Lipsius, B*, Th: d[vayvovs] B13, K-w, H-L, K*4, quamquam vel propter proximum καταγνῷ suspectum; dubitat Kaibel 214; a[xovoas] K1. μὲν secl. K-W, B.

εὐθύνων καὶ (ἢ MSS) τῶν παρέδρων, and in CIA 809 34, ὀφειλέτω μὴ ποιήσας μυρίας δραχμὰς ἱερὰς τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ καὶ εὔθυνος καὶ "οἱ πάρεδροι ἐπάναγκες αὐτῶν καταγιγνωσ- κόντων αὐτοὶ ὀφειλόντων. In CIA ii 571 (B.C. 368), the εὔθυνος (of a deme) is mentioned together with his πάρεδροι ; and 2. 578, the εὔθυνος (of another deme) with the λογιστής and the συνήγοροι. Cf. Plat. Zeg. 761 Ἑ, ἀνυπεύθυνον οὐδένα δικάζειν καὶ ἄρχειν.

The text shews that, even after the audit had been passed, officials were liable to be prosecuted by private persons in respect to the manner in which they had discharged their duties. Cf. Lipsius in Leipzig Verhandl. (1891) 66, 67; also Wilamowitz, ii 231 ff, on λόγος and εὔθυνα.

ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι] ἀνάγκη is avoided here, and in 53 5, propter hiatum (Kaibel, το, 15).

ταῖς ἀγοραῖς] hitherto understood to mean ‘at the regular meetings held by the several tribes for the transaction of tribal business.’ CIA ii 555, τῇ κυρίᾳ ἀγορᾷ κρύβδην ψηφισαμένων τῶν φυλετῶν] ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει, 554 ὦ, ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ (of ‘the tribe Pandionis), 564, ὅταν ἀγορὰν ποιῶσιν (Gilbert, i 2242 ἢ. 4). Wilamo- witz, however (ii 235 n. 15), prefers making ἀγοραῖς ‘the ordinary market- hours.’ If action had to be taken ‘within three days,’ this. could not admit of

waiting for the next ‘meeting for the transaction of tribal business.’

κατὰ τὸν ἐπώνυμον τὸν τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης] ‘opposite the statue of the eponymous hero of each of the several tribes.’ The statues of the ten Attic heroes from whom the ten tribes derived their names (21 § 6) were a little beyond the θόλος and the βουλευτήριον (Paus. i 5, 1), in a conspicuous position on the northern slope of the Areopagus. Cf. Judeich, Zopogr. von Athen, p. 310.

ἂν t...dv re] Kiihner, 541.

ἐμβαλέσθαι] of formally putting in’ a document, Dem. p. 1014, 28, ἐμβεβλη- μένος οὐδεμίαν μαρτυρίαν, 1104, 6; 1203, 26, ἐμβαλομένου γὰρ ἐμοῦ τὸν ὅρκον els τὸν ἐχῖνον.

τίμημα ἐπιγραψάμενος] Arist. Plu. 480, τί δῆτά σοι τίμημ᾽ ἐπεγράψω τῇ δίκῃ; Lex ap. Aeschin. 1 τό, τίμημα ἐπι- γραψάμενος. Dem. 29 8, τῶν ἐπιγε- γραμμένων (‘the damages claimed’) ἐτί- μησαν. Pollux (viii 47, of φάσις), ἐδί- δοσαν ἐν γραμματείῳ γράψαντες τὴν φάσιν τά θ᾽ ἑαυτῶν καὶ τὸ τοῦ κρινομένου ὄνομα προσγράψαντες καὶ τίμημα ἐπυγραψά- μενοι.

5. ἀνακρίνας- -καταγνῷ)] The exami- nation of the accounts by the λογισταί and συνήγοροι is described as an ἀνάκρισις. Ar. ap. Lex. Rhet. Cant.-s.v. oyoral, (συνήγοροι) συνανακρίνουσι τούτοις (sc. τοῖς λογισταῖδ). For the general use of ἀνα-

AOHNAIQN COL, 25,]. 50—26, |, 2.

190

παραδίδωσιν τὰ μὲν ἴδια τοῖς δικασταῖς τοῖς κατὰ δήμους τοῖς] THY \ ,ὔ > / \ δὲ / a 6 θέ > 25 φυλὴν ταύτην εἰσάγουσιν, TA δὲ δημόσια τοῖς θεσμοθέταζ[ις alva- γράφει. 4. \ "ἢ > \ / Re «ὍΝ x ς [ταύτην τὴν] εὔθυναν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, καὶ τι ἂν γνῶσιν οἱ δικασπ[αί, τοῦτο κύὐ]ριόν ἐστιν. 49. δοκιμάζει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἵππους βουλή, κἂν μέν τις καλ[ὸν

\ οἱ δὲ θεσμοθέται, ἐὰν παραλάβωσιν, πάλιν εἰσάγουσιν

~ 4 a a , a A / \ \

ἵππον ἔχ]ων κακῶς δοκῇ τρέφειν, ζημιοῖ τῷ σίτῳ, τοῖς δὲ μὴ 7 a. x oe ὡς. 7 ΄ 3

δυναμένοις ἀκολ]ουθεῖν μὴ ᾿θέλουσι μένειν ἀναγ(ώγοις) οὖσι,

24 legendum fortasse τὰ μὲν ἴδια παραδίδωσιν, alioqui in altero membro verbum languet. [rots] τὴν B, K-w%, k*, Th; of τὴν olim K (H-1). 25 EICAPOYCIN K, H-L, B, Th: δικάζουσιν coni. Richards, Εἰ S Thompson (K-w). ἀναγράφει K, H-L, spatio ante relicto B?-4, Th; [dva]ypdgpec κὶ, Th; [ἐγ]γράφει Lipsius ; [ἐπι]γράφει Β' (s!) ; [τίμημα δ᾽ ὑπο]͵γράφει K-w'~2, sed spatium non sinit ; συναναγράφει Wilcken ~

(K-w?), ‘sed σὺν non video’ K4,

van Leeuwen (edd.).

26 ἐὰν ; ἐπὰν Kontos, ἐπειδὰν Sakellarios. 27 [ταύτην τὴν] spatii causa B2-4, K*, Th: [τὴν] legebatur.

28 τοῦτο κύριόν ἐστι

XLIX 1-- καλ[ὸν ἵππον ἔχ]ων K-w (K3, Β', Th); καλ[ῶς ἔχων] ΚΙ ; κατάστασιν

Wyse (H-L) ; καλ[ζὸ]ν [πλούσιο]ς ὧν B?;

καλ[ὸ]ν [δυνατὸ]ς ὧν B4 (‘ante wr, x vel σ vel μ᾽

K4). 3 ἀκολουθεῖν Wyse (K°, B, K-w®, Th) ; τρέφειν ΚΙ, τρέχειν Campbell, K-wl-2, H-L. AA

θέλουσι K, K-W, B, Th.

ANALOYCI, GAN’ ἀνάγουσι BI-3, K4;

ἀνάγουσι K-W?, Th; ‘an

dvaBaivovot?’ Th; ἀναγ -- ώγοις -- οὖσι van Leeuwen (H-L, K%, s!, Bt); (post θέλουσι)

σημεῖον ἐπιβάλλουσι K-Wh?,

κρίνω, as applied to the official conducting an ἀνάκρισις, cf. Dem. Olymp. 31, ἄρχων ἀνέκρινε πᾶσιν ἡμῖν τοῖς ἀμφισ- βητοῦσιν, and Isaeus, Decacog. 32, ἀνα- κρίναντες ἡμᾶς πολλάκις οἱ διαιτηταί. Cf. 56 8 6 (γραφαὶ and δίκαι) ἃς ἀνακρίνας εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον εἰσάγει. The statement that the ἀνάκρισις was also called an ἀνάγνωσις rests on a wrong reading in Dem. 53 822. The object of an ἀνάκρισις was to determine bya preliminary exami- nation, εἰ ὅλως εἰσάγειν χρή (Harp. s.v.).

δικασταῖς... κατὰ δήμους) τό § 5; 26 8 3; 53- NDE

τὴν φυλὴν ταύτην εἰσάγουσιν] 53 2, παραδιδόασι... τοῖς τὴν φυλὴν τοῦ φεύγοντος δικάζουσιν, 58 2, τοὺς τὴν φυλὴν δικά- ζοντας, Lys. Pancl. 2, τοὺς τῇ Ἵππο- θωντίδι δικάζοντας, and Isaeus frag. 1, ὅτι πρὸς τὴν φυλὴν τοῦ κεκτημένου αἱ πρὸς δούλους λαγχάνονται δίκαι (Meier and Schoémann, p. go z. Lips.).

ἀναγράφει] here ‘to report,’ lit. ‘to hand in a written statement,’ as in Pol. 1321 34, ἑτέρα δ᾽ ἀρχή, πρὸς ἣν dvarypa- φεσθαι δεῖ τά τε ἴδια συμβόλαια Kal. τὰς κρίσεις ἐκ τῶν δικαστηρίων.

Of the other suggestions, ἐγγράφει has been supported by Aeschin. 3 § 20, Lys. 30 § 5, Dem. 24 199, Arist. Vesp. 996 (Lipsius); and ἐπιγράφει by the doubtful passage in, Aeschin. 1 § 35.

The construction is slightly irregular, as a principal verb is not wanted, παρα- δίδωσιν being the verb to both clauses— μὲν and δέ. The irregularity is removed by striking out μέν, but this involves a needless hiatus and is not absolutely

necessary.

6 τι ἂν---κύριόν ἐστι] Cf. c. 45, 1, το. XLIX τ. δοκιμάζει---τοὺς ὕππους] Xen. Oec. ix. 15, βουλὴ ἵππους καὶ ἱππέας δοκιμάζει, Hipparch. i 8, (ἡ modus) προσέταξε τῇ βουλῇ συνεπιμελεῖσθαι τοῦ ἱππικοῦ, and iii 9—14, Anad. ili 3, 20 (not of Athens) ἵπποι καὶ ἱππεῖς ἐδοκι- μάσθησαν. A patera from Orvieto, now in the Berlin Museum, represents three horsemen in chlamys and fetasus leading their horses by the bridle past two standing figures who examine them as they pass. A third figure is seated and is entering memoranda on a scroll resting on his knees. In the centre is a ἱππο- τοξότης standing beside his horse. The subject is doubtless a ἵππων δοκιμασία (Archaeol. Zeitung, 37, 1880, pl. 153

Duruy, Hist. α΄. Grecs, lip. 177; Darem- berg and Saglio, s.v. Dokimasia, p. 3273 On the | i δοκιμασία of the ἱππεῖς and their horses,

Schreiber’s Az/deratlas, i 40, 7).

see Martin, Les Cavaliers Athéniens, pp. 328—334-

A

τοῖς μὴ δυναμένοις ἀκολουθεῖν κτλ.]

ΘΗ, 48,1. 24—CH. 49,1.70. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ ΙΟΙ

τροχὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γνάθον [ἐπιβ]άλλει, καὶ τοῦτο παθὼν ἀδόκιμός

6.] ἐστι. δοκιμάζει δὲ καὶ τοὺς προ δ]ρ[όμους, οἵτινες ἂν αὐτῇ δοκῶ σιν

2 ΄ / Ψ BA +3 / 7 ἐπιτήδειοι προδρομεύειν εἶναι, κἄν τιν᾽ ἀποχειροτονήσῃ, καταβέ- βηκεν οὗτος. δοκιμάζει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἁμίππους, κἄν τιν᾽ ἀποχειρο-

4 γν[άθον] R D Hicks coll. Hesych. 5.ν. τρυσίππιον ;, ἐπιβάλλουσι post μένειν posuit Hicks, post γνάθον H-L (K*), sed (ut videtur) novem tantum litteris locus relictus ; praestat igitur ἐπιβάλλει (B, 51, fragmento novo ἀλλεικοτ huc allato K*, Th); xapdrree K-w?, [καὶ τ]οῦτο K, H-L, B, K-w*, Th: [kal 6 ἵππος τ]οῦτο K-wh-?2, 5 [ol] τινες ἂν fragmento novo TINECANA huc allato κέ, Th; [οἵ τινες] K!; [οἱ dv] K? (H-L) ; [κρίνουσα, of dy -«-αὐ-- τῇ K-w?, sed spatium non ‘sufficit: [ὅσοι ἂν] K, B, K-W’,

sl,

6 τινὰττίροχ (ut infra, v. 7): τιν᾽ ἀποχ. Jos. Mayor, Campbell, Wyse, edd. 7 ANITITIOYC: ἁμίππους Newman, Wyse, edd.

TINATTPOX (ut supra, v. 6).

: TESTIMONIA. XLIX 4 Hesych. τρυσίππιον εἰ ἵππου τροχός, infra exscriptus. Phot. ᾿ς Unmov τροχός: τὸ τρυσίππιον διὰ τὸ τοῖς διὰ γῆρας ἐκτρυχωθεῖσιν ἵπποις ἐκτυποῦσθαι

> \ 64 an τροχόν, ἀπολεγόντων αὐτοὺς των στρατηγῶν.

Xen. Mem. iii 3, 4, ἐὰν οὖν... παρέχωνταί σοι τοὺς ἵππους οἱ μὲν οὕτω κακόποδας

a » Μ a κακοσκελεῖς ἀσθενεῖς [ot τε obrws]

θεῖν, οἱ δὲ οὕτως ἀναγώγους ὥστε μὴ μένειν ὅπου ἂν σὺ τάξῃς, οἱ δὲ οὕτω λακτιστὰς ὥστε μηδὲ τάξαι δύνατον εἶναι, τί σοι τοῦ ἱππικοῦ ὄφελος ἔσται; Hipparch. 1 13, Ττοὺς.. ἱππέας βουλὴ ἄν μοι δοκεῖ προειποῦσα ὡς...τὸν μὴ δυνάμενον ἵππον ᾿ ἀκολουθεῖν ἀποδοκιμάσει, ἐπιτεῖναι ἂν Ε τρέφειν τε ἄμεινον καὶ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι μᾶλλον - av ἵππων. ἀνάγωγος is also an epithet of ‘unmanageable’ dogs in Mem. iv 1, 3. , ἀναγ--ὦώγοις -- οὖσι] ‘being unmanage- able,’ ill-broken and therefore unsteady. ‘This conjecture is suggested by Xen. Mem. quoted in the preceding note. It makes better sense than ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγουσι, “but draw back’ (cf. Xen. Cyr. iii 3, 69, ἐπὶ πόδα ἀνάγειν, vii I, 45, ἀναγαγών, _ Arist. Av. 383, 400, 1720), though the latter seems to represent the probably erroneous reading. of the copyist. Cf. ‘Kaibel, p. 217.

τροχὸν ἐπιβάλλει] Hesych. s. v. ᾿ πρυσίππιον' τὸν χαρακτῆρα τὸν ὑπὸ τῆς | βουλῆς ἐν ταῖς δοκιμασίαις τοῖς ἀδυνάτοις ᾿ Kal τετρυμμένοις «-τῶν ἵππων ἐπιβαλλό- _ pevov addidit Petitus>, ἵνα μηκέτι στρα- τεύωνται, τὸ παλαιὸν ἐκάλουν τρυσίππιον" ᾿ προχὸς δ᾽ ἦν ἐπιβαλλόμενος χαρακτὴρ τῇ - γνάθῳ τῶν ἵππων. Hesych. ἵππου τροχός" _ τοῖς γεγηρακόσιν ἵπποις ἐχάραττον ἐπὶ τὴν γνάθον σημεῖον, τροχοῦ σχῆμα ἔχον. ἐκα- ᾿ λεῖτο δὲ καὶ τρυσίππιον. Aelius Dionys. _apud Eustath. ad Od. iv 562, p. 1517, 8, τρυσίππιον᾽ ἔγκαυμα ἵππου γεγηρακότος ἐπὶ τῆς γνάθου, ὅμοιον τροχῷ. Crates, _Srag. 30 (Kock i 140), ἵππῳ γηράσκοντι 7a μείονα κύκλ᾽ ἐπίβαλλε, quoted by _Zenob. iv 41»...«μετῆκται δὲ ἀπὸ στρατιω- τικῶν ἵππων, οἷς γηράσκουσιν ἐπέβαλλον

᾿ἀτρόφους wore μὴ δύνασθαι ἀκολου-᾿

τὸ καλούμενον τρυσίππιον: ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο σιδηροῦς τροχίσκος...ὃν ἐκπυροῦντες ἐπέ- βαλλον ταῖς σιαγόσι τῶν ἵππων. Eupolis 318 (Kock i 343) ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἵππῳ μοι ᾿πιβαλεῖς τρυσίππιον; Cf. Photius s.v. τρυσίππιον and ἵππου τροχός, and Pollux vii 186. As suggested by Kaibel and Wilamowitz, most of the above expla- nations probably rest ultimately on a scholium .on the Zaxiarchi of Eupolis founded on the present passage. προδρόμους] ‘mounted skirmishers.’ The term is applied by Hdt. to ‘horse- men in advance of an army.’ Xen., Hipparch. i 25, uses it of javelin-men’ under the command of a cavalry officer ; εἰ τοὺς ἀμφὶ σὲ προδρόμους κοσμήσαις μὲν ὅπλοις ὡς κάλλιστα, ἀκοντίζειν δὲ μελετᾶν ἐξαναγκάσαις ὡς μάλιστα, κτλ. In the march of Alexander to the Granicus, the

‘Paeonians formed a special corps of πρό-

δρομοι for purposes of reconnoitring (Arr. -An.it2,7; Droysen, Xriegsalterthimer, Ρ- 117, 3):

προδρομεύειν] not found elsewhere.

τονε κῶν ‘dismounts’ (45 dis- qualified), ‘is dismounted at once’; used differently: in [Dem.] 42 24 of giving up riding, καταβέβηκεν ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων.

ἁμίππους)] ‘infantry fighting in the ranks of the cavalry.’ Thuc. v 57, 2, (of the Boeotians at Delium) ὁπλῖται, ψιλοί, ἱππῆς and ἅμιπποι. Xen. Hell. vii 5, 24 (Epameinondas) ἁμίππους πεζοὺς συνέταξεν αὐτοῖς (Ξ-- τῷ ἱππικῷ); the oppo- site side was ἔρημον πεζῶν ἁμίππων (23); the mss have in both cases ἀνίππ., corrected by Morus. Xenophon recom- mends their use: Aipparch. v 13, ἀσθενὲς τὸ πεζῶν ἔρημον ἱππικὸν πρὸς τὸ ἁμίπ- mous πεζοὺς ἔχον. Harpocr. s.v....08 σὺν ἵπποις στρατευόμενοι... μήποτε (perhaps) πρόδρομαί τινές εἰσιν οἱ ἅμα τοῖς ἱππεῦσι

σι

10

15

192

/ / a 1 τονήσῃ, πέπαυται μισθοφορῶν οὗτος.

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

ΟΟΙ;. 26,1 2—14.

\ ΝΘ... 6 / / Tous ἱππέας καταλέγου- *

σι μὲν οἱ καταλογεῖς, ods ἂν δῆμος χειροτονήσῃ δέκα ἄνδρας" ods δ᾽ ἂν καταλέξωσι, παραδιδόασι τοῖς ἱππάρχοις καὶ φυλάρχοις, οὗτοι δὲ παραλαβόντες εἰσφέρουσι τὸν κατάλογον εἰς τὴν βουλήν, καὶ τὸν πίνακ᾽ ἀνοίξαντες, ἐν κατασεσημασμένα τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν

« , / \ , lal

ἱππέων ἐστί, τοὺς μὲν ἐξομνυμένους τῶν πρότερον ἐγγεγραμμένων \ \ 5 ral

μὴ δυνατοὺς εἶναι τοῖς σώμασιν ἱππεύειν ἐξαλείφουσι, τοὺς δὲ

/ a xX / 2 / \ 7 ~ abit cog 8 FONGv ERs ‘ate μέν Tis ἐξομόσηται μὴ δύνασθαι τῷ a > a > an \ \ ae) , σώματι LTTEVEL TH οὐσίᾳ, τοῦτον ἀφιᾶσιν, τὸν δὲ μὴ ἐξομνύμενον

n / διαχειροτονοῦσιν οἱ βουλευταί, πότερον ἐπιτήδειός ἐστιν ἱππεύειν

12 kK(ATA)CECHCM(EN)ACM(EN)A. Papageorgios, sed cf. Kaibel 219. vinta. K-W (B, Th

13 ENrerp. 15 €EZOMHCHTAI:

14 σώμασιν -- ταῖς οὐσίαις :- ἐξομόσηται K, H-L; ἐξομ-

τεταγμένοι" Φιλόχορος γοῦν ἐν τῇ tS’ φησὶ καὶ προδρόμους. Ar., in Pol. 1321 17; speaks of generals of συνδυάζουσι πρὸς τὴν ἱππικὴν δύναμιν καὶ ὁπλιτικὴν Thy ἁρμόττουσαν τῶν ψιλῶν. Cf. Martin, Les Cavaliers Athéniens, p. 410.

§ 2. οἱ katadoyets] These officials(who bear the same nameasthe καταλογεῖς under the Four Hundred, Lys. 30 § 13, but are not mentioned elsewhere) are described as employed in drawing up the roll of the newly enlisted members of the cavalry ; they hand it over to the Hipparchi and Phylarchi, to be brought by them before the Council. The fact that the βουλὴ conducted the δοκιμασία of the ἱππεῖς was already known (Xen. Oec. ix 15). In Lys. 14 § Io, ᾿Αλκιβιάδης ἐτόλμησεν ἀναβῆναι... οὔτε ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν δοκιμασθείς, the pronoun loosely identifies the δικα- oral with the βουλευταί (8 8, τοῦ νόμου κελεύοντος, ἐάν Tis ἀδοκίμαστος ἱππεύῃ, ἄτιμον εἶναι). The text shews that no proceedings before a law-court were in- volved in a δοκιμασία ἱππέων.

The term κατάλογος is applied to the official list of the ἱππεῖς in Lys. τό § 13 (of Mantitheus), κατειλεγμένος ἱππεύειν προσελθὼν ἔφην TH ᾿Ορθοβούλῳ (doubtless his Phylarchus) ἐξαλεῖψαί με ἐκ τοῦ κατα- λόγου, 2b. 6, τοὺς φυλάρχους ἀπενεγκεῖν τοὺς ἱππεύσαντας. The Hipparchi, as well as the Phylarchi, were responsible for the κατάλογος, as had already been pointed out by Bake, Scholica Hypomne- mata, V 150, 170: the text shews that it was drawn up in the first instance by the καταλογεῖς.

τὸν κατάλογον... «τὸν myan’] A dis- tinction must be drawn between the κατά-

Aoyos, which is the roll of the newly © enlisted cavalry-soldiers, and the πίναξ, which is the tablet bearing the names οὔ all who had enrolled in previous years (Kaibel, 219). Ξ

(The κατάλογος of the ἱππεῖς under the Thirty is described as drawn up on σανίδιον (Lys. 16 § 6) or σανίδες, Lys. 26 ~ § 10, ὡς ἱππευκότος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν τριά- κοντα τοὔνομα ἐν ταῖς σανίσιν ἐνεγές γραπτο.) >

κατασεσημασμένα] Plat. Leg. 756 E, (in the scheme proposed for the appoint- ment of the βουλή) τὰ κατασημανθέντα. 5 ὀνόματα ἐξενεγκεῖν τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἰδεῖν πᾶσι τοῖς πολίταις.

éEopvupévovs] Pollux viii 55 (ἐξωμοσία} ὅταν Tis πρεσβευτὴς αἱρεθεὶς ἐπ’ ἄλλην τινὰ δημοσίαν ὑπηρεσίαν, ἀρρωστεῖν ἀδυ- νατεῖν φάσκων ἐξομνύηται αὐτὸς δι᾽ ἑτέρου. ξ Schol. on Arist. Zcc/. 1026. In the case ~ of one already in the cavalry, the plea οὖ. physical disability is practically the only © one seriously urged. It would only be in the event of his having lost his original property that the other plea of insufficient Ε means would arise.

ἐγγεγραμμένων] Lys. 26 § το, quoted Ε above, and τό 6 (as emended by Mark- ~ land). Arist. £g. 1371, ὁπλίτης évreGels ἐν καταλόγῳ ἐγγεγράψεται, Pax 1179, ἐγγράφειν ὁπλίτας, contrasted with ἐξα» ΕΞ λείφειν.

ἐξαλείφουσι) Lys. τό § 7, ἐκ τούτων Ε (the lists of ἱππεῖς under the Thirty) ῥᾷάδιον ἣν ἐξαλειφθῆναι τῷ Bovropévy.,

τοὺς κατειλεγμένους] ‘those newly en- listed’ who may plead either want of | strength or want of means.

ARE alt

CH. 49, |. 8—2z2.

TIOAITEIA

193

BY 5 N \ “y 5) f > \ ͵ > δὲ ου" καν μεν XELPOTOVIT WAL, ἐγγραφουσιν ELS TOV TTLWAKA, El OE

μή, Kal τοῦτον ἀφιᾶσιν.

3 ἔκρινεν δέ ποτε καὶ τὰ παραδείγματα καὶ τὸν πέπλον βουλή, a ear 7, \ , 20/7 \ - ! νῦν δὲ τὸ δικαστήριον TO λαχόν" ἐδόκουν yap οὗτοι καταχαρίζεσθαι

τὴν κρίσιν.

20 ἔκρινε H-L.

Ν n / A \ lal BA 3 καὶ τῆς ποιήσεως τῶν Νικῶν καὶ τῶν ἄθλων τῶν εἰς

K(&1) TON Κ, K-W, H-L, Th: τὰ εἰς τὸν Β, cf. Kaibel 220.

22 ABAWN: ἄλλων (sc. τῶν πομπείων κτλ.) Foucart, Rev. de Philol. 1895, 26—27, coll.

bie. 47 § 1.

πίνακα] the comparatively permanent tablet, contrasted with the κατάλογος or roll which was confined to those who had _ recently been provisionally enlisted. 82. παραδείγματα] Of the architect’s lan for the temple at Delphi, Hdt. v 62. e construction of such a παράδειγμα is illustrated by an inscr. cited by Homolle, Les Archives de [ Intendance Sacrée Dé- Jos, p. 13, 0. 4: εἰς TO παράδειγμα τοῦ προ-

Ath. ἐπισκευάσαντι τὸν πίνακα Θεοδήμωι He. λευκώσαντι τὸν πίνακα ἀμφοτέρωθεν ttt. The wood used for the πίναξ is also men- tioned: τοῦ φοίνικος τοῦ περιγενομένου ἀπὸ τοῦ παραδείγματος (Wyse, Class. Rev. ΟΡ 2756). Cf. CIA i 329, τὰ παραδείγ- para τῶν χαλκῶν, ii 807 101 (B.C. 330), παράδειγμα τῶν κεραμίδων τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿ σκευοθήκην and 720. 126, π. ξύλινον τῆς ᾿ χριγλύφου τῆς ἐνκαύσεως. The last item _ recurs in B.C. 325, 2b. 809 col. ¢ 8, and ᾿ς in B.C. 324, 24. 811 col. 193. This interpretation is approved by Wilamowitz (i 213 n. 50), but Kaibel ᾿ (220), following Diels, understands it of ‘patterns for the peplus’ (ra εἰς τὸν πέπλον). The same is the view of - Foucart in Journal de Phil. xix 1895, ; 25. τὸν πέπλον] woven by épyacrivat, under the superintendence of two ἀρρη- φόροι and certain priestesses. In CIA ii _ 477 we have an inscr., ascribed to B.c. ᾿ 98, referring to a proposal to dedicate to _ Athene a silver φιάλη with 100 dr. on the part τῶν παρθένων τῶν ἠργασμένων τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ τὰ ἔρια τὰ εἰς τὸν πέπλον. These ‘were the ἐργαστῖναι αἱ τὸν πέπλον ὑφαί- } vovoat(Hesych.). In ΟἿΑ ii 956,957, 9574; ‘we have lists of épyaoriva: (one of them ‘containing more than 100 names) arranged ‘under their respective tribes, many of them belonging to the Εὐπατρίδαι (Bull. Corr. Hellén. xiii 170; Mittheil. viii65). Anew ) peplus was made every year (Schol. Arist. £9. 566). The locz classici are collected ‘in Michaelis, Parthenon, Anhang 11 §§ 151 —164, 171-3, p. 328-9. Suidas, s. Ὁ. πιώψατο, describes the ἀῤρηφόροι as se-

Ss. A.

πύλου πίνακα ἠγοράσαμεν παρὰ Χρησίμου

lected by the archon βασιλεύς, while Har- pocr., s.v. ἀρρηφορεῖν, states that four ἀρρηφόροι ἐχειροτονοῦντο δι᾽ εὐγένειαν, and

two of these ἐκρίνοντο to superintend the .

πέπλος. The text shews that the appoint- ment was ultimately transferred to a law- court to secure an impartial selection.

viv δὲ τὸ δικαστήριον] The date of this transfer to a law-court of duties for- merly entrusted to the Council is uncer- tain. The παράδειγμα of the σκευοθήκη designed by Philo was expounded in pub- lic by the architect himself :—Cic. de Or. i 62, Philonem illum architectum, qui Atheniensibus armamentarium fecit, con- stat perdiserte Zopu/o rationem operis sui reddidisse’; Val. Max. viii 12, 2, Phi- lonem...rationem institutionis suae in theatro reddidisse constat.’ It was con- structed between B.C. 347/6 and 330/29.

The fact that the exposition took place before the ‘people,’ ‘in the theatre,’ is suggestive of a meeting of the ἐκκλησία rather than one of the βουλή. It is cer- tainly inconsistent with an appearance before a δικαστήριον. There is more evi- dence for the theatre being used for meet- ings of the ἐκκλησία (Miiller’s Buhnen- alterthtimer, p. 73) than for those of the βουλή. The only evidence for the latter is CIA ii 482, B.C. 39—32.

Thus, the above passages respecting Philo suggest that the duty of deciding on παραδείγματα was in his time not yet transferred to a law-court: on the other hand, they do not refer to any hearing before the Council.

Νικῶν] 47 § I.

τῶν ἀθλων] This was previously taken as a gen. after συνεπιμελεῖται, and under- stood to refer to the musical, gymnastic, and equestrian contests. It is more pro- bable, however, that ἄθλων means Zrzzes. Cf. 60 § 1 (οἱ ἀθλοθέται) τοὺς ἀμφορεῖς ποιοῦνται μετὰ τῆς βουλῆς (Wyse). Thus ἄθλων refers mainly to the Panathenaic amphoraeé, which usually bore the inscrip- tion, τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἄθλων (see note on 60 § 1, duopets).

13

25

30

AOHNAIQN COL. 26, l. 14—24.

194

τὰ ἸΤαναθήναια συνεπιμελεῖται μετὰ τοῦ ταμίου τῶν στρατιω- τικῶν.

δοκιμάζει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀδυνάτους βουλή" νόμος γάρ ἐστιν ὃς 4

κελεύει τοὺς ἐντὸς τριῶν μνῶν κεκτημένους, καὶ τὸ σῶμα πεπηρω- μένους ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι μηδὲν ἔργον ἐργάζεσθαι, δοκιμάζειν μὲν τὴν βουλήν, διδόναι δὲ δημοσίᾳ τροφὴν δύο ὀβολοὺς ἑκάστῳ τῆς ἡμέρας. καὶ ταμίας ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς κληρωτός.

συνδιοικεῖ δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρχαῖς τὰ πλεῖσθ᾽, ὡς ἔπος 5

εἰπεῖν.

28 δύ᾽ ὀβολοὺς K-w!-?, Β : δύο ὀβολοὺς cum pap. Κ, H-L, K-w*, Th. 29 καὶ ταμίας-----κληρωτός paragraphum novum fecerant K-wl-? (51). 80 συνδιοικεῖ---εἰπεῖν delet Herwerden utpote ‘ex capitis 47 initio maximam partem repetita, hic autem incommoda,’ secl. B*; eadem recte idcirco retinet K, quod talia Senatus officia nondum omnia sint commemorata.

TESTIM. § 4 *Harp. ἀδύνατοι :.. οἱ ἐντὸς τριῶν μνῶν κεκτημένοι <Kal> τὸ σῶμα πεπηρωμένοι (Epit.; -μένον codd.). ἐλάμβανον δὲ οὗτοι δοκιμασθέντες ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς δύο ὀβολοὺς τῆς ἡμέρας ἑκάστης [ἢ ὀβολόν], ws φησιν ᾽Αρ. ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. Bekk. An. 345, 15 (cf. 200, 3): οἱ μέρος τι βεβλαμμένοι τοῦ σώματος ὡς μηδὲ ἐργάζεσθαι" οἱ καὶ ἐχορη- γοῦντο τὰ πρὸς τὸ ζῆν παρὰ τῆς πόλεως, μισθοφορούντων αὐτῶν (αὐτοῖς cod.) ws (τῶν cod. .) ἐντὸς τριῶν -- μνῶν :- περιουσίαν κεκτημένων. ἐδοκιμά ζοντο δὲ οἱ ἀδύνατοι ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν πεντακοσίων βουλῆς καὶ ἐλάμβανον τῆς ἡμέρας, ὡς μὲν Λυσίας λέγει, ὀβολὸν ἕνα, ὡς δὲ

Φιλόχορος, πέντε, "Ap. δὲ δύο ἔφη. ᾿Αττικοῖς.

Hesych. οἱ ἐντὸς κεκτημένοι τριῶν --μνῶν:- παρὰ ἐλάμβανον δὲ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς δύο ὀβολούς (Frag. 4307, 470°).

ταμίου τῶν στρατιωτικῶν] 4381. § 4. τοὺς ἀδυνάτους] Schol. Aeschin.

1 103, κατὰ μῆνα (πρυτανείαν τ) ἐκ τοῦ δη- μοσίου δίδοται τοῖς ἀδυνάτοις πολίταις μισ- θός" ἀδυνάτους δὲ πάντας λέγουσι τοὺς ὁπωσ- δηποτοῦν ἠχρειωμένους πρὸς ἐπικουρίαν ἑαυ- τῶν. Αἱ first it was only citizens who were disabled in war that received relief from the State. This institution is ascribed to Peisistratus in Plut. So/. 31, νόμος τοὺς πηρωθέντας ἐν πολέμῳ δημοσίᾳ τρέ- gew κελεύων. This limitation was after- wards removed. It is clear that the speaker in Lys. 24, ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀδυνάτου, had never seen any service in the field ; otherwise he would have mentioned the fact (Gilbert, i 3882). The speech is ad- dressed to the βουλὴ on the occasion of an εἰσαγγελία. The βουλὴ are there de- scribed as having given the grant 7, ἔδοτε, and _in more general terms § 22, πάλαι κοινῇ πάντες ἔδοτέ wor). The grant had to be confirmed by each successive βουλή, as implied in 26, τὴν αὐτὴν ψῆφον θέσθε περὶ ἐμοῦ rats ἄλλαις βουλαῖς. It rested ultimately on a decree of the people, § 22, πόλις ἡμῖν ἐψηφίσατο τοῦτο τὸ ἀργύριον, but it does not follow that the case of each recipient was settled by decree.

μὴ δύνασθαι μηδὲν ἔργον ἐργάζεσθαι] Lys. 24 86, τέχνην κέκτημαι βραχέα δυνα-

μένην ὠφελεῖν ἣν αὐτὸς μὲν ἤδη χαλεπῶς ἐργάζομαι. δοκιμάζειν]]ἢ The fact is stated by Harpocr., Bekker’s Anecd. Gr. 345, 18, and Suidas. δύο ὀβολοὺς] Hence in Harpocr. s.v, ἀδύνατοι the words ὀβολὸν must be struck out (as was suggested by Hulle- man, Quaestiones Graecae, p. 5). The text is correctly quoted in Bekker’s Anecd. Gr. 345, 21. In the time of Lys. 24, the grant was one obol a day. This grant was doubtless raised owing to the increased cost of living (Beloch, i 468 n. 2). ταμίας] In B.C. 343/2, CIA ii 1147 there were two βουλῆς ταμίαι. They su- perintended τὰ κατὰ ψηφίσματα ἀναλισκό- μενα τῇ βουλῇ (114 Β 61). Early in the third century we have an inscr. mention- ing only one; CIA ii 329 Νικοκράτης βου- λεύειν λαχὼν -- καὶ ταμίας αἱρεθεὶς om τῆς βουλῆς els τε τὰς θυσίας TOLS.....0+000 Η ἁπάντων ὧν φκονόμηκεν ἀπολελόγισται τῇ βουλῇ ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως (Gilbert i 3025 n. 2); cf. CIA ii 431, 36. This assu ie that αὐτοῖς refers to the βουλὴ (so Wile amowitz,i214). Kaibel, however (25 f) and Blass and Thalheim refer it to th ἀδύνατοι of the immediately previous context; and with this view I now agree. § 5. ᾽συνδιοικεῖ--πλεῖσθ᾽ 47 init.; 5

ln nn nem ΠῚ mo eee ery ties

ΜΝ .

rh

πὰ re vr

CH. 49, 1.23—CH. 50,1.8. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 195

\ \ 3 ς \ A an 50. τὰ μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς διοικούμενα ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν. x a δὲ ae A 3 , δέ + a / κληροῦνται δὲ καὶ ἱερῶν ἐπισκευασταῖ, δέκα ἄνδρες, of λαμβά- νοντες τριάκοντα μνᾶς παρὰ τῶν ἀποδεκτῶν, ἐπισκευάζουσιν τὰ 2 μάλιστα δεόμενα τῶν ἱερῶν" καὶ ἀστυνόμοι δέκα". τούτων δὲ \ al πέντε μὲν ἄρχουσιν ἐν ἸΤ]ειραιεῖ, πέντε δ᾽ ἐν ἄστει, Kal τάς τε 5 > , \ Ν \ \ / Φ αὐλητρίδας καὶ τὰς ψαλτρίας καὶ τὰς κιθαριστρίας οὗτοι σκο- ποῦσιν, ὅπως μὴ πλείονος δυεῖν δραχμαῖν μισθωθήσονται, κἂν / \ > \ / “- ® lal \ A πλείους THY αὐτὴν σπουδάσωσι λαβεῖν, οὗτοι διακληροῦσι Kal TO

Ι, 3 ἐπισκευάζουσι H-L. 5 τειρὰει (K-W, Β): Πειραιεῖ K, H-L, Th. 7 AYEIN aC

ApaxM... (fortasse δραχμαῖν scriptum erat); δυεῖν δραχμαῖς idcirco retinet K quod in

titulis Atticis δυεῖν cum plurali tantum iunctum sit, Meisterhans, p. 201°; δυεῖν

δραχμαῖν K-wl3, B, Th; δυοῖν δραχμαῖν H-L, K-wW?; cf. δυοῖν φυλαῖν c. 52 2; δυοῖν

usque ad 329 A.C., δυεῖν ab 329 usque ad 229, habent tituli (2d. p. 157°),

AACWCI Καὶ: σπουδάζωσι B2-4, K-w*, Th.

TESTIMONIA. ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ.

L 82 *Harp. ἀστύνομος:. “πέντε μὲν ἐν Πειραιεῖ, πέντε δ᾽ ἐν ἄστει."

8 σπου-

δέκα φησὶν εἶναι τοὺς ἀστυνόμους ᾿Αρ. τούτοις δέ φησι μέλειν

περί τε τών αὐλητρίδων καὶ Ψψαλτριῶν καὶ τῶν κοπρολόγων καὶ τῶν τοιούτων (Frag. 408,

448°).

Heraclidis epitom. Rose, Frag. 611, 8, καὶ τών ὁδῶν ἐπιμελοῦνται ὅπως μή

τινες κατοικοδομῶσιν αὐτὰς δρυφάκτους ὑπερτείνωσιν.

§ 1, ὡς δ᾽ ἔπος εἰπεῖν---διοικεῖ οὗτος πάσας. Kaibel (26) regards the phrase in c. 47 as an afterthought, and that in the text asa survival from some subsequently rejected draft. For Wilamowitz (i 214 f) it is here a phrase of apology for the omission of many unimportant details.

ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν] c. 2 wlt., ws εἰπεῖν, 57 § 1, ws ἔπος εἰπεῖν.

L—LIII. Ox minor officials appointed by lot. L § 1. ἱερῶν ἐπισκευασταί] ‘re-

pairers of temples’; not mentioned else- where. The small sum allowed for this department (30 minae) implies that their duties were unimportant. They are pro- bably identical with the ναοποιοὶ of Khet. i14, 1, who, similarly, are not mentioned elsewhere, and who dealt with small sums, being described as having been once defrauded of ‘three consecrated half-obols.’ The word is used in an un- ᾿ official sense in Dem. Androt. 69. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 215 n. 55.

ἀποδεκτῶν] 48 §§ 1, 2.

§ 2. ἀστυνόμοι) Pol. 1321 18, δ ρα δ᾽ ἐπιμέλεια... τῶν περὶ τὸ ἄστυ δημοσίων καὶ ἰδίων, ὅπως εὐκοσμία ἧ, καὶ τῶν πιπτόντων οἰκοδομημάτων" καὶ ὁδῶν σωτηρία καὶ διόρθωσις καὶ τῶν ὁρίων τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους.. .. καλοῦσι δ᾽ ἀστυνομίαν οἱ πλεῖστοι τὴν τοιαύτην ἀρχήν, 2b. 1331 9

τὴν καλουμένην ἀστυνομίαν. Schol. Dem. Timocr. 735, 16, ἀστυνόμος τῶν δημο- σίων ἐπιμελούμενος καὶ τοῦ καθαρὰν εἶναι τὴν πόλιν. They insisted on decent dress being worn in the streets, Diog. Laért. vi 5, 90, (Crates) ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθήνησιν ἀστυνόμων ἐπιτιμηθείς, ὅτι σινδόνα ἦμ- φίεστος The fact that the ἀστυνόμοι were appointed by lot is stated in Dem. 24 8112. Seealso Plat. Leg. 779 6, τοὺς δὲ ἀστυνόμους...πάντων δὴ κατὰ τὸ ἄστυ καθαρότητός 7’ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι κτλ., 759 Α, 763c. Cf, Gilbert, i )ϑη2, and Haderli, die Astynomen und Agoranomen (Teubner) 1886.

αὐλητρίδας] Hyperides, pro Luxen, (soon after 330 B.C.) § 3, εἰσαγγέλλονται ws πλέονος μισθοῦντες Tas αὐλητρίδας νόμος κελεύει. Cf. Plato, Protag. 347 (of the συμπόσια τῶν φαύλων καὶ ἀγο- ραίων ἀνθρώπων), οὗτοι τιμίας ποιοῦσι τὰς αὐλητρίδας, πολλοῦ μισθούμενοι ἀλ- λοτρίαν φωνὴν τὴν τῶν αὐλών.---ὅπου δὲ καλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ συμπόται καὶ πεπαιδευμένοι εἰσίν, οὐκ ἂν ἴδοις οὔτε αὐλητρίδας οὔτε ὀρχηστρίδας οὔτε ψαλτρίας. The αὐλητρὶς (as well as the κιθάρα) is to be seen at the symposium, in Schreiber’s S2/derat/as, i 76, 2 and 4; and the κιθαριστρία and the YaArpia in the mural paintings from the Farnesina garden in Baumeister’s Denkmiler, figs. 1605, 1609. Cf. Wilamo- witz, i 216 ἢ. 56.

I 13—2

10

196

λαχόντι μισθοῦσιν.

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL, 26; 1..24::---.33)

Kal ὅπως TOV κοπρολόγων μηδεὶς ἐντὸς δέκα

σταδίων τοῦ τείχους καταβαλεῖ κόπρον ἐπιμελοῦνται" καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς κωλύουσι κατοικοδομεῖν, καὶ δρυφάκτους ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁδῶν ὑπερτείνειν, καὶ ὀχετοὺς μετεώρους εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν ἔκρουν ἔχοντας ~ ; ποιεῖν, καὶ τὰς θυρίδας εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν ἀνοίγειν" καὶ τοὺς ἐν

CTA

9 ENTOCIAIWN: ἐντὸς σταδίων Joh. Mayor (edd.), ἐντὸς 7 σταδίων -- ἀπὸ:-

malebat van Leeuwen. .

10 ETTIMEAONTAI. °

κοπρολόγων κτλ.] Arist. Frag. 662 Kock, κοπρολογεῖ κόφινον λαβών. κοπρολόγοι were not in the employ of the State, but did their work by contract. Cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 282, and Wilamowitz, 1 217 ἢ. 57.

ἐντὸς δέκα σταδίων τοῦ τείχους] For the gen., cf. Thuc. 1177, 5, ἐντὸς γὰρ πολλοῦ [χωρίου] τῆς πόλεως οὐκ ἦν πελάσαι.

τὰς ὁδοὺς] A decree relating to the Peiraeus which was proposed by De- mades in B.C. 320 (Ditt. no. 337) assigns to the ἀγορανόμοι some of the duties of the doruvéyor—requiring them ἐπιμεληθῆναι τῶν ὁδῶν τῶν πλατειῶν... ἐπαναγκαζόντων δὲ καὶ τοὺς τὸν χοῦν (rubbish) καταβεβλη- κότας εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς πάντας ἀναιρεῖν τρόπῳ ὅτῳ ἂν ἐπίστωνται... μὴ ἐξεῖναι μηδενὶ μήτε χοῦν καταβάλλειν μήτε ἄλλο μηδὲν μήτε κόπρον μήτε ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ μήτ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς μηδαμοῦ. Cf. Meier and Schémann, p. 105-8 Lipsius.

κατοικοδομεῖν] [Xen.] de Rep. Ath. iii 4, δεῖ δὲ... διαδικάζειν εἴ τις... κατοικοδομεῖ

“τι δημόσιον. ‘The general superintendence

of buildings has been ascribed to the ἀστυ- νόμοι on the analogy of the provisions suggested in Plat. Leg. 763 C, τῶν τε ὁδῶν ἐπιμελούμενοι... καὶ τῶν οἰκοδομιῶν. Polyaen. iii 9, 30, ᾿Ιφικράτης ἐν ἀπορίᾳ χρημάτων ἔπεισεν ᾿Αθηναίους τὰ ὑπερέχοντα τῶν οἰκοδομημάτων ἐς τὰς δημοσίας ὁδοὺς ἀποκόπτειν πιπράσκειν κτλ. δρυφάκτους) Balconies projecting from the fronts of houses. (Lat. maentana, like that of the casa del balcone pensile at Pompeii; forbidden at Rome in A.D. 368 and again by Honorius and Theodosius.) Schol. Arist. Vesp~. 386 δρύφακτοι: τὰ νῦν ταβλωτὰ (ταβλώματα Schol. Zg. 675) καλούμενα, TA τῶν οἰκοδομημάτων ἐξέχοντα ξύλα, cf. 349 and 830 with Schol. ὀχετοὺς κτλ.] the λαῦραι of Arist. Pax 99; cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 284-5. θυρίδας eis τὴν ὁδὸν ἀνοίγειν] θυρίς is usually a ‘window,’ as in de Anima 404 a4and Probl. 913 a to, ai διὰ τῶν θυρί- dwy ἀκτῖνες, also in Arist. Vesp. 379 and Thesm. 797, ἐκ θυρίδος παρακύπτωμεν, Plut. Dion 57, πρὸς ταῖς θύραις τοῦ οἴκου καὶ ταῖς θυρίσιν, and Mor. 522 (de Curiost*

The .

Cf.”

tate 13). The same meaning can be re- tained in Plat. Rep. 359D, ἵππον χαλκοῦν, κοῖλον, θυρίδας ἔχοντα, καθ᾽ as ἐγκύψαντα ἰδεῖν ἐνόντα νεκρόν, cf. Lucian, Hermo- timus, 26, τὸν ἀρχιτέκτονα ἐπέπληξε τὸν Ἥφαιστον, διότι μὴ καὶ θυρίδας ἐποίησεν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ στέρνον, ὡς ἀναπετασθεισῶν κτλ., and Plut. Mor. 2, 273 B, διὰ τί πύ- Anv μίαν θυρίδα καλοῦσι (Thy yap φαινέστραν τοῦτο σημαίνειν) and 7d, διὰ θυρίδος προκύ- ψασα. I can find no passage in which θυρίς means the same as θύρα. In L and S θυρίς ἰ5 defined as a diminutive of θύρα ; but of the two passages quoted, the first (Plato, /.c.) is inconclusive, and in the second (Plutarch Z.c.) it certainly means a ‘window.’ Ina Greek house the principal windows were in the Zeristyle, and any that looked into the street were on the upper storey. We must suppose that windows with shutters opening outwards on to the street were prohibited. Possibly such shutters were considered dangerous in the event of their being loosened by the wind and falling into the street. ‘C’est surtout aux étages supérieurs que les murs des habitations étaient percés d’un certain nombre de fenétres’ (Chipiez, in Darem- berg et Saglio, s.v. fenestra p. 1032 6). The author of the Oeconomica, 2, 1347 a 6, says of Hippias, τὰ ὑπερέχοντα τῶν ὑπερῴων els Tas δημοσίας ὁδοὺς Kal τοὺς ἀναβαθμοὺς καὶ τὰ προφράγματα, καὶ τὰς θύρας τὰς ἀνοιγομένας ἔξω, ἐπώλησεν͵ (taxed, cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 286); and Plutarch, Pof/ec. 20, infers from _ the comic poets that in former days the

doors of Greek houses usually opened _ outwards. Mr Kenyon, who regards @upis _

as synonymous with θύρα, supposes that - the ἀστυνόμοι prohibited this. If so, it must have been in defiance of the doru- νόμοι that the doors of Athenian houses, in the time of the Attic comedy, ‘habitu- ally opened outwards.’ The fact is far

from certain, but it does not concern us

here, unless θυρὶς is to mean the same aS ~ θύρα, an opinion which, in the light of the general usage of Greek authors, we can hardly accept.—6upldas and θύρας are, however, sometimes confounded in MSS

>) Sala 1.2:

CH. 50,1.9—CH. 51,17. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ. 197

. ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἀπογιγνομένους ἀναιροῦσιν, ἔχοντες δημοσίους ὑπη- 14

ik ὼς ἀν νόον: Stile As ame Emme ste a (

ρέτας. | . A / 51. κληροῦνται δὲ καὶ ἀγορανόμοι (δέκα), πέντε μὲν εἰς 2 . lal / Πειραιέα, πέντε δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ. τούτοις δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων προσ-

a , a \ τέτακται TOV ὠνίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι πάντων, ὅπως καθαρὰ καὶ ἀκίβδηλα πωλήσεται.

aA \ \ / , , \ > ΝΜ 2 κληροῦνται δὲ καὶ μετρονόμοι (δέκα), πέντε μὲν εἰς ἄστυ, 5 / A a - πέντε δὲ εἰς Πειραιέα" καὶ οὗτοι τῶν μέτρων Kal τῶν σταθμῶν

ἴω e fa / ἐπιμελοῦνται πάντων, ὅπως οἱ πωλοῦντες χρήσονται δικαίοις.

LI 1 ἀγοράνομοι --ι΄ -- Papageorgios, cf. vv. 5, 8 (K4, Th). Kaibel, cf. vv. 7, 11. 12 (K-w%, B?-4, κί, Th), (‘ita optime explicatur error ap. Harp.,’ K*, Th).

A Sidgwick, Rutherford, edd.

4 TWAHTAI: correxit 5 μετρονόμοι <c’ > Papageorgios 7 XPHCWNTAI (K): χρήσονται -

TESTIMONIA. LI § 1 *Harp. ἀγορανόμοι : of κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ὦνια διοικοῦντες dpxovres...’Ap. δ᾽ ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. κληροῦσθαί φησι ““ πέντε μὲν εἰς Πειραιᾶ, πέντε δὲ εἰς

ἄστυ᾽᾽ (Frag. 409%, 4405).

Photius Atheniensis (Gétt. Nachr. 1896, 324) ἀγορανόμοι οἱ τὰ κατὰ THY ἀγορὰν διοικοῦντες ὥνια ἄρχοντες.

δέκα δὲ ἦσαν, ὧν πέντε μὲν τὰ κατὰ

τὸ ἄστυ, πέντε δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν διέταττον. § 2 *Harp. μετρονόμοι : ἀρχή τις ᾿Αθήνησίν ἐστιν τῶν μετρονόμων... ἦσαν δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἴ, ε μὲν εἰς Πειραιᾶ, δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ (legebatur τὸν ἀριθμὸν τε, εἰς μὲν τὸν II. τ, δὲ

(see apparatus criticus to Aesch. 1 § 74, συγκλήουσι Tas θύρας, where one MS has θυρίδα"). ! ἀναιροῦσιν] ‘take up for burial,’ Arist. Vesp. 386, Xen. Anab. vi 4, 9. LI§1. ἀγορανόμοι) 2.01. 1321 12,

πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐπιμέλεια τῶν ἀναγκαίων

᾿ περὶ τὴν ἀγοράν, ἐφ᾽ 7 δεῖ τινα ἀρχὴν εἶναι

τὴν ἐφορῶσαν περί τε τὰ συμβόλαια καὶ τὴν εὐκοσμίαν, and 12994 17. Lys. 22 κατὰ τῶν σιτοπωλῶν, § 16, ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις ὠνίοις ἅπασι τοὺς ἀγορανόμους κατε- στήσατε. In Dem. 24, 7 2γ20ε7. 112, the ἀγορανόμος, as well as the ἀστυνόμος, is described as holding a κληρωτὴν ἀρχήν. Arist. Vesp. 1407, Ach. 724, 968 and Schol. on 896; Xen. Symp. ii 20; also Plat. Leg. 764 B, 917 B-E etc. Cf. Meier and Schémann p. 1ro1—4 Lipsius ; Schomann, “477. p. 416; Biichsenschiitz, Besitz τε. Erwerb, p. 536; Gilbert, i 2887; Haderli, die Astynomen und Agoranomen.

ἐπιμελεῖσθαι... ὅπως... πωλήσεται] After ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, the papyrus has ὅπως πωλῆ- ται here, and ὅπως χρήσωνται at the end of the next sentence. In the inscriptions of the fourth century against 37 exx. of ὅπως ἂν c. subj. we have only one of ὅπως c. subj. CIA ii 115, 45 (Ditt. no. 106), ἐπιμελεῖσθαι... ὅπως ... κομίσωνται : in the same inscr. ὅπως ἂν occurs twice {Meisterhans, p. 2533). Cf. 29 83. ὅπως with the future indicative is frequent in inscriptions of the best age (24. 2553), as in literature. See Goodwin’s Moods and

Tenses, 88. 339, 348, ed. 2; Madvig, G& Syntax, §§ 122—123; and Cobet, quoted in note 3 on § 2.

§ 2. μετρονόμοι] The numbers given in the text, five for the city and five for the. Peiraeus, confirm the account in Photius, s.v. art. 1, and Bekker’s Axecd. 278, 25 (accepted by Voemel, and Gilbert, i 2805). The mss of Harpocr. have: ἦσαν δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ι΄ ε΄, els μὲν τὸν Πειραιᾶ (΄, ε' δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ. Boeckh accepts 15 asthe total, but assigns five to the Peiraeus and ten to the city. Dindorf corrects Harpocr. thus: ἦσαν δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ι΄, ε΄ μὲν els τὸν Πειραιᾶ, ε΄ δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ, and this is con- firmed by the text. Cf. Pollux iv 167, Acivapxos μετρονόμου τοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν μέτρων.

τῶν μέτρων καὶ τῶν σταθμῶν] These are the subject of a long inscr. in CIA ii 476, early in first century B.C., discussed in Boeckh, Staatsh. ii 318—332 Frankel. The dpxovres mentioned in the inscr. may be the perpovduor, but there is nothing to prove that those officials were still in existence at this time (Wilamowitz, i 219 n. 62). ἐπιμελοῦνται... ὅπως...χρήσονται] The papyrus has χρήσωνται. Quicumque Codices Graecos paulo diligentius in- spexit saepissime vidit librarios ὅπως et ὅπως μὴ cum coniunctivi aoristis [primis] coniungere, ubi veteres indicativi futu- Bs posuissent’ (Cobet, Mov. Lect. 266). Cf. 2. 3

198 AOQHNAIQN COL. 26, 1. 33—42,’

3 \ 4 . : ἦσαν δὲ καὶ σιτοφύλακες κληρωτοὶ (δέκα), πέντε μὲν εἰς 3 / > a ἹΠειραιέα, πέντε δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ, νῦν δ᾽ εἴκοσι μὲν εἰς ἄστυ, πεντεκαίδεκα > 93 7 :- 9.5 A A ΚΑ @ τα a 10 δ᾽ εἰς Πειραιέα. οὗτοι δ᾽ ἐπιμελοῦνται, πρῶτον μὲν ὅπως ἐν ἀγορᾷ a ν » \ 4 / Ψ 5 ΦΨ x \ σῖτος ἀργὸς ὦνιος ἔσται δικαίως, ἔπειθ᾽ ὅπως οἵ Te μυλωθροὶ πρὸς \ \ A“ “a \ bs , \ i “Ὁ τὰς τιμὰς τῶν κριθῶν τὰ ἄλφιτα πωλήσουσιν, καὶ οἱ ἀρτοπῶλαι \ \ \ a A ᾿ πρὸς τὰς τιμᾶς τῶν πυρῶν τοὺς ἄρτους, καὶ τὸν σταθμὸν ἄγοντας : ε \ ὅσον ἂν οὗτοι τάξωσιν" γὰρ νόμος τούτους κελεύει τάττειν.

15 ἐμπορίου δ᾽ ἐπιμελητὰς δέκα κληροῦσιν" τούτοις δὲ προσ- 4

8 δὲ καὶ -«- δέκα:- Bl; <c’> ex Harp. post κληρωτοί K-w, B24, κί, Th; post σιτο- φύλακες 88. 9 Trepaiea: Πειραιέα K, K-W, B, Th; Πειραιᾶ H-L. €1KOCI (littera evanida) K, H-L, B, K-wW®: εἰσὶ τὲ K-w?; εἰσὶ λ΄, ιε΄ μὲν Wil. i 218. 10 TTEIPAIEA K, K-W, B: πειραιᾷ H-L. 12 πωλήσουσι H-L.

els ἄστυ : epitomes ope correxit Dind. collato Voemelio in Bergkii Ephem. aniig. 1852, p. 31): εἶχον δὲ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ὅπως δίκαια τὰ μέτρα τῶν πωλούντων, ws Kal "Ap. ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθ. πολ. δηλοῖ. Bekk. An. p. 278, 25: ἀρχή τις ᾿Αθήνησι κληρωτὴ τῶν μετρονόμων, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, ὧν πέντε μὲν ἦσαν ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ, πέντε δὲ ἐν ἄστει. οὗτοι δὲ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν εἶχον ὅπως δίκαια τὰ μέτρα τῶν πωλούντων. Photius: ἄρχοντες ἦσαν δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, ὧν πέντε μὲν ἐν ἄστει, πέντε δ᾽ ἐν Πειραιεῖ" καὶ εἶχον τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ὅπως---πωλούντων (cf. Frag. 4127, 452°).

§ 3 *Harp. σιτοφύλακες: ἀρχή tis ἦν ᾿Αθήνησιν, ἥτις ἐπεμελεῖτο ὅπως 6 σῖτος δικαίως πραθήσεται καὶ τὰ ἄλφιτα καὶ οἱ ἄρτοι. ἦσαν δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τ, μὲν ἐν ἄστει (legebatur τὸν ἀριθμὸν te μὲν ἐν ἄστει), δ᾽ ἐν Πειραιεῖ, ὡς ’Ap. ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. Epitome...joav δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τε μὲν ἐν ἄστει, ε δ᾽ ἐν Il. Photius...rddae μὲν πεντεκαίδεκα ἐν ἄστει πέντε δὲ ἐν Π., ὕστερον μὲν ἐν ἄστει, ε δὲ ἐν II. Bekk. 4. 300, 19: ἄρχοντες ᾿Αθήνησι κληρωτοί. οὗτοι δ᾽ ἐπεμελοῦντο ὅπως οἱ ἄρτοι κατὰ τὰ ὡρισμένας τιμὰς καὶ τὸν

σταθμόν (Frag. 4117, 451°).

§ 4 *Harp. ἐπιμελητὴς éumopiov:...’Ap. “ἐμπορίου δ᾽ ἐπιμελητὰς κομίζειν " (Frag. 409%, 449°).

καταπλέοντος eis TO ἀστικὸν ἐμπόριον

τοῦ σίτου τοῦ

§ 3. σιτοφύλακες] Harpocr. s.v. ἦσαν δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν vu’ ε΄ (ι΄ ε΄, ι΄ Valesius) μὲν ἐν ἄστει, ε΄ δ᾽ ἐν Πειραιεῖ, These numbers, as altered by Valesius, seemed to be con- firmed by ‘Photius, ἦσαν δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν πάλαι μὲν πεντεκαίδεκα, <u> ἐν ἄστει, ε΄ δ᾽ ἐν Πειραιεῖ, and were accepted by Boeckh. But the text, which is Harpocration’s authority for his state- ments, shews that ε΄ ε΄ must be separated in Photius, as well as in Harpocration, so that we get to in all, § in the city and 5 in the Peiraeus. In Lys. 22 § 8 (of the σιτοφύλακε:ς), of μὲν τέσσαρες (Bergk, for δύο, a corruption of 6’) are contrasted with another member of the board, Anytus. Cf. Boeckh, i 105 Frankel; Gilbert i 2892; Wilamowitz, i 220.

. κληρωτοὶ] Lys. 22 τό, σιτοφύλακας ἀποκληροῦτε.

νῦν δ᾽ εἴκοσι κτλ.] Photius, ὕστερον δὲ λ' μὲν ἐν ἄστει, ε΄ δ᾽ ἐν Πειραιεῖ. Here the total is correct, but the text shews that Photius ought to have said: x’ μὲν ἐν ἄστει, ι' ε’ δ᾽ ἐν II.

σῖτος ἀργὸς] ἀκατέργαστος, ‘unpre- pared corn,’ Hippocr. Vet. Med. 12, πυροὶ dpyol. The position of ἀργὸς (after, instead of before, otros) is defended by Eth. Nic. vi 4, 2, μετὰ λόγου ἕξις πρακτικὴ ἕτερόν ἐστι τῆς μετὰ λόγου ποι- ητικῆς ἕξεως, quoted by Dr Jackson to prove that part of a complex epithet may be placed after the article and sub- stantive. Mr Newman adds Pod. 12526 27. ἐκ πλειόνων κωμῶν κοινωνία τέλειος πόλις ἤδη. Wilamowitz (i 219 n. 63) suggests that the phraseology is taken from the terms of the law.

τῶν κριθῶν τὰ ἀλφιτα] Plat. Rep. 372 B, ἐκ τῶν κριθῶν ἄλφιτα σκευαζό- μενοι.

§ 4. ἐμπορίου... ἐπιμελητὰς} All that is known of these officials, apart from the statement in the text, is that they were the proper authority to receive legal notice (φάσι5) of any infringement of the law forbidding citizens and resident aliens lending money on the security of a cargo bound for any other port than that of Athens. Dem. 35 §§ 50, 51, ἐάν TUS...

Bekk. 45.

: ε Fr

CH. 51, 1. 8—CH. 52, 1.2. TIOAITEIA

199

τέτακται τῶν τ᾽ ἐμπορίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, Kal τοῦ σίτου τοῦ κατα- πλέοντος εἰς τὸ σιτικὸν ἐμπόριον τὰ δύο μέρη τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἀναγκάζειν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ κομίζειν.

62. καθιστᾶσι δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἕνδεκα κληρωτούς, ἐπιμελησομέ- νους τῶν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ, καὶ τοὺς ἀπαγομένους κλέπτας καὶ

17 CITIKON K, K-W, H-L, Β2-4, κί, Th: ἀστικόν quondam proposui coll. Bekk. An. 255, 208, 284, 456; accepit B!: ᾿Αττικὸν ex Harp. Torr (51, coll. Dem. 34 88 36, 373 35 28, σιτικὸν et ἀστικὸν oculi errori e proximis verbis σίτου et ἄστυ attributis).

1111 κλήρῳ τοὺς K-w?, ΚΕ. --τοὺς -- ἐπιμελησομένους Rutherford, H-L; cf. Heracl. in Testimoniis. 2 <xaxovpyous, τούς Te> κλέπτας, K-w!, coll. Etym. Mag. ; sed cf. Bursy p. 64.

255, 22: ἐμπορίου ἄρχοντες ἦσαν KAnpwrol, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, ἑκάστου ἔτους καθιστάμενοι, οἷς προσετέτακτο τῶν ἐμπορίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, καὶ τοῦ σίτου <Tod> καταπλέοντος εἰς τὸ ἐμπόριον τὸ ἀστικὸν τὰ δύο μέρη τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἀναγκάζειν (reliqua propter ὁμοιοτέλευτον omissa)...ib. 208, 26 ἀστικὸν ἐμπόριον" ὅπου οἱ ἀστοὶ ἐμπορεύονται. ἦν δὲ καὶ ἄλλο ξενικόν, ὅπου οἱ ξένοι (cf. 284, 6; 456, 3). ϑυϊάαβ.. ἄλλοι δὲ λέγουσιν ὅτι ἐμπορίου ἄρχοντές εἰσι κληρωτοὶ ἑκάστου ἔτους καθιστάμενοι οἷς προσετέτακτο ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τοῦ καταπλέοντος σίτου εἰς τὸ ἐμπόριον τὸ ᾿Αττικὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἀναγκάζειν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ νομίζειν. -

TESTIMONIA. LII1 Heraclidis epitoma; Rose, Frag. 611, 8: ὁμοίως δὲ “καθιστᾶσι καὶ τοὺς évdexa” τοὺς (secl. K-W3; sed fortasse e κληρωτοὺς exortum) “ἐπιμελησομένους τῶν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ." Pollux viii 102: οἱ ἕνδεκα: εἷς ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἐγίνετο καὶ γραμματεὺς αὐτοῖς συνηριθμεῖτο... ἐπεμελοῦντο δὲ ““τῶν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ" καὶ ἀπῆγον κλέπτας ἀνδραποδιστὰς λωποδύτας, εἰ μὲν ὁμολογοῖεν, θανατώσοντες, εἰ δὲ μή, εἰσάξοντες εἰς τὰ δικαστήρια, κἂν ἁλῶσιν, ἀποκτενοῦντες. Bekk. Az. 310, 14: οἱ ἕνδεκα τοὺς κλέπτας καὶ τοὺς λωποδύτας καὶ «-οὺς:- ἀνδραποδιστὰς ὁμολογοῦντας μὲν ἀποκτιννύουσιν, ἀντιλέγοντας δὲ εἰσάγουσιν ““εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον" (Frag. 429%). Phot. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου :...τοῖς ἕνδεκα ὅσαι λῃστὰς καὶ λωποδύτας καὶ ἀνδραποδιστὰς εἰσάγουσι. Etym. M. 338, 31: κληρωτοὶ ἄρχοντες ἦσαν οὗτοι, προεστηκότες τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου " καὶ τοὺς ἀπαγομένους κακούργους ἐπὶ θάνατον παραλαμβάνοντες ἐζημίουν" τοὺς δὲ ἀμφισβητοῦντας εἰσῆγον “εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον᾽᾽ καὶ τὸ γνωσθὲν περὶ αὐτῶν ἔπραττον. εἰσῆγον δὲ ““καὶ τὰ ἀπογραφόμενα χωρία « καὶ Schleusner> οἰκίας" καὶ τὰ ““ δημόσια εἷναι" δόξαντα παρεδίδουν τοῖς πολίταις (πωληταῖς Schleusner). εἰσῆγον δὲ ἐνίας ἐνδείξεις. Bekk. Am. 250, 4:...kal τοὺς -- ἀπ: ἀγομένους ἐπὶ κακουργήμασι παρελάμβανον κλέπτας καὶ ἀνδραποδιστὰς καὶ φονεῖς. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ὁμολογοῦντας θανάτῳ ἐζημίουν, τοὺς δὲ ἀμφισβητοῦντας εἰσῆγον .εἰς δικαστήριον. Schol. Arist. Vesp. 1108: τῶν ἕνδεκα ἀρχὴ τοὺς μὲν ὁμολογοῦντας καὶ ἀνδραποδιστὰς καὶ λωποδύτας θανάτῳ ἐκόλαζον, τοὺς δὲ ἀρνουμένους εἰς δικαστήριον εἰσῆγον. εἰσῆγον δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐνδείξεις. Schol. Patm. Dem. p. 11, 16, Sakkelion; Schol. Lucian. iv 170 Jacobitz.

1.11 §1. τοὺς ἕνδεκα] c. 7 § 3. Pollux, viii 102, of ἕνδεκα εἷς dd ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἐγίνετο, καὶ γραμματεὺς αὐτοῖς συνηριθ-

χρήματα δανείσῃ εἰς ἄλλο τι ἐμπόριον τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων ; 58 88 8, ο (Gilbert, i 250°). Cf. Meier and Schém., p. 98 Lips. The

ἐμπόριον extended over the greater part of the east shore of the harbour of the Peiraeus; Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii g6—esp. 114.

τὸ σιτικὸν ἐμπόριον] There is no proof of the existence of any special ‘corn- mart’ in the Peiraeus, but, even without any legal enactment, custom must have led to the corn being unshipped at some particular spot. One of the parts of the ἐμπόριον in the Peiraeus was the μακρὰ στοὰ (Thuc. viii 90, 5; Dem. 34 37), also called the στοὰ ἀλφιτόπωλις (Dem. i.c.). Cf. Kaibel, 221 f, and Wilamowitz, 1 220 n. 68.

metro (under Demetrius Phalereus (306) their name was changed into νομοφύ- axes). Schomann, p. 414; Gilbert, i 285°; Dict. Ant. i 942; Wilamowitz, i 222 N. 70.

ἀπαγομένους KAérras...dvipatodic- τὰς.. λωποδύτας] Isocr. Antid. § go, τοῦτον ἀπαγαγὼν ἀνδραποδιστὴν Kal κλέπ- τὴν καὶ λωποδύτην. Meier and Schém. p. 273-6, Lips. Pollux, ἀνδραποδιστής" τὸν ἐλεύθερον καταδουλούμενος τὸν ἀλλότριον οἰκέτην ὑπαγόμενος.

κλέπται, ἀνδραποδισταί and λωποδύται came under the general heading of κακοῦργοι ; cf. [Dem.] 35 Lacr. 47, τοι-

to

200 AQHNAIQN COL, 26, 1. 43—52.

τοὺς ἀνδραποδιστας καὶ τοὺς λωποδύτας, ἂν μὲν [ὁμολογώ]σι,

θανάτῳ ζημιώσοντας, ἂν δ᾽ ἀμφισβητῶσιν, εἰσάξοντας εἰς τὸ δικα-

στήριον, κἂν μὲν ἀποφύγωσιν, ἀφήσοντας, εἰ δὲ μή, τότε θανατώ- σοντας, καὶ τὰ ἀπογραφόμενα χωρία καὶ οἰκίας εἰσάξοντας εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, καὶ τὰ δόξαντα δημόσια εἶναι παραδώσοντας τοῖς πωληταῖς, καὶ τὰς ἐνδείξεις εἰσάξοντας" καὶ γὰρ ταύτας εἰσάγου-

e ΄ σιν οἱ ἕνδεκα. θέται.

> U \ a > / , \ ε εἰσάγουσι δὲ τῶν ἐνδείξεών τινας καὶ οἱ θεσμο-

κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ εἰσαγωγέας πέντε ἄνδρας, οἱ τὰς ἐμμήνους

8 τοὺς bis delent Η-1,..

8,4 ἐὰν bis H-L.

4 ZHMIWOHCONTACENA corr. K.

TESTIM. §2 Pollux viii ror: εἰσαγωγεῖς of ““ τὰς ἐμμήνους δίκας" εἰσάγοντες" ἦσαν

δὲ προικός, ἐρανικαί, ἐμπορικαί.

᾿Αθήνησι τῶν τὰ ἐγκλήματα (leg. ἔμμηνα K-W) εἰσαγόντων (cf. Schol. Dem. 2724. § 3).

χωρύχους καὶ κλέπτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους.

κακούργους τοὺς ἐπὶ θανάτῳ οὗτοι (sc. οἱ ἕνδεκα) εἰσάγουσιν, Androt. 85 26—28, Isocr. 15 go. Cf. Meier and Schom. p. 86 Lips., and Kaibel, 223.

dv μὲν ὁμολογῶσι κτλ.] Aeschin. I § 113, of δὲ νόμοι κελεύουσι τῶν κλεπτῶν τοὺς μὲν ὁμολογοῦντας θανάτῳ ζημιοῦσθαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀρνουμένους κρίνεσθαι, and Dem. in Timocr. 65, τῶν... κακούργων τοὺς ὁμολογοῦντας ἄνευ κρίσεως κολάζειν οἱ νόμοι κελεύουσιν. Schol. Arist. Vesp. 1108, τῶν ἕνδεκα ἀρχὴ τοὺς μὲν ὁμολο- γοῦντας καὶ ἀνδραποδιστὰς καὶ λωποδύτας θανάτῳ ἐκόλαζον, τοὺς δὲ ἀρνουμένους εἰς δικαστήριον εἰσῆγον. These passages (quoted in Class. Rev. v 224) prove the incorrectness of the interpretation sug- gested in the Saturday Review, March 21, 1801, p- 359 ‘if (the Eleven) are wsanz- mous...or if they disagree.’ See also the passages quoted in the Zestzmonza.

Cf., in general, Plat. Leg. 794 B, πολί- τὴν δὲ ἀμφισβητοῦντα μὲν TH κολάσει πρὸς τοὺς ἀστυνόμους ἐπὶ δίκην ἄγουσα, ἀναμφί- σβητον δὲ ὄντα αὐτὴ κολαζέτω.

θανάτῳ] Dem. 4 8 47, τὸν τῶν ἀνδραπο- διστῶν καὶ λωποδυτών θάνατον... κακούργου μὲν γάρ ἐστι κριθέντ᾽ ἀποθανεῖν.

καὶ τὰ ἀπογραφόμενα χωρία κτλ.] The monotonous effect of the six future parti- ciples might have been varied at this point by starting afresh with the present indicative :---εἰσάγουσι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπογρ. χωρία (Kaibel, 26 ἢ.

Our knowledge of this part of the duties of the Eleven has hitherto been derived from the Etymologicum Magnum 338, 35, which is obviously quoted from the text: see Zestimonia, p.199. Meier and Schémann, p. 88 Lipsius.

πωληταῖς] 47 2.

τὰς ἐνδείξεις] Schol. Arist. Vesp. 1108, εἰσῆγον δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐνδείξεις, Anecd. 250, 11, τῶν δὲ ἐν δείξεων εἰσέφερον

εἰς δικαστήριον ἃς μὲν οἱ ἕνδεκα, ἃς δὲ of θεσμοθέται. Etym. Mag. 338, 39, εἰσῆγον ᾿

δὲ ἐνίας ἐνδείξεις (Meier and Schoémann, p. 87 Lipsius), The text does not enable us to distinguish between the ἐνδείξεις under the control of the Eleven, and those under that of the Thesmothetae. The general statement, καὶ yap ταύτας εἰσάγουσιν οἱ ἕνδεκα, is modified in the following sentence.

§ 2. eloaywyéas] These officials are

mentioned twice in Pollux viii 93, ἀρχῆς κληρωτῆς ὄνομα, and'1o1, εἰσαγωγεῖς of

τὰς ἐμμήνους δίκας εἰσάγοντες, ἦσαν δὲ προικός, ἐρανικαί, ἐμπορικαί. But their existence was doubted by Meier. These

doubts were dispelled in 1869 by the »

publication of an inscr. of B.C. 425/4 relating to the superintendence of judicial proceedings connected with the assess- ment of the tribute; CIA i 37, 47, ἐπὲ τῶν ἐσαγωγέων (Meier and Schomann, p. 94 Lips.; Gilbert, i 475? n. 2). text shews that their number was five ; not ten, as had been conjectured.

Pollux places ἐμπορικαὶ δίκαι under the

control.of the εἰσαγωγεῖς, and, in B.C. 342, the date of [Dem.] 7 § 12, these suits were certainly ἔμμηνοι. were under the Thesmothetae, as is proved by passages in the Orators, and by c. 59

3.5, quoted elsewhere by Pollux himself.

In cIA i 38, frag. 7, certain ἐπιμεληταὶ are appointed to attend to cases of delay in the payment of tribute, off δὲ ἐπιμελη- ταὶ ἐσαγόϊντων ἔμμηνα és τὸ δικαστήριον, thus shewing that at that time (probably shortly after 432 B.c.) there were some ἔμμηνοι δίκαι not under the care of the

RY

Hesych. εἰσαγωγή (εἰσαγωγῆς ΞΞ- εἷς Scaliger): ἀρχὴ ~

Bekker,

The

But they

~

᾿εἰσάγουσι δίκας, δυοῖν φυλαῖν ἕκαστος.

CH. 52, 1. 3--16. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 201 εἰσὶ δ᾽ ἔμμηνοι προικός, ἐάν τις ὀφείλων μὴ ἀποδῷ, κἄν τις ἐπὶ δραχμῇ δανεισάμενος

> - v ? Ε] a , 3 / / ἀποστερῇ, Kav τις ἐν ἀγορᾷ βουλόμενος ἐργάζεσθαι δανείσηται

, > β / ᾿ δ᾽ > / \ , \ \ \ Tapa τινος ἀφορμὴν ετιυ QLKELAS καὶ EPaVikKal Kal KOLUMVLKAL

\ > εἶ ἈΦ / \ \ \ καὶ ἀνδραπόδων καὶ ὑποζυγίων καὶ τριηραρχικαὶ Kal τραπεζιτι-

13 atroAw! (K, Th) cf. Lys. 30 22 δύο τάλαντα ἀποδοῦναι: ἀποδιδῷ Blass, Kontos, K-w, H-L; cf. Dem. 34 § 13 οὐδ᾽ ἀποδίδωσι τὸ δάνειον. ἐπὶ δραχμῇ : ὑπὲρ δραχμὴν H-L. 14 ἐν : EAN. 15 δΔικειὰς (K, H-L, B, K-w®, Th): αἰκίας K-wh?, EPANIKAC—KOINWNIKAC (K}, B, K-W*): ἐρανικαὶ---κοινωνικαὶ Bury, K-w!?, H-L, K%, Th. | Desiderantur autem ἐμπορικαί, cf. Poll.’ (B), sed cf. c. 59 5 et Kaibel 224. 16 TpIHpapyiac (K}, H-L, B, K-w®, 51) : τριηραρχικαὶ Bury (K-wl-2, κα, Th).

TPAaTTEZITIKAC (B, K-W®): τραπεζιτικαὶ Bury, K-w!?, H-L, K34, ΤῊ.

εἰσαγωγεῖς (Gilbert, i 4227 n. 3). See also Goodell, in A. Δ P. xii 324.

Tas ἐμμήνους.---δίκας] Lawsuits which had to be decided within a month (Meier and Schom. p. 907). They are first mentioned in B.C. 425/4, CIA i 38 (quoted in last note). The text mentions several varieties of such lawsuits that are omitted by Pollux.

προικός] actions for restitution of dowry. {t) If the husband divorced his wife, he was bound to return the dowry or to pay interest at the rate of 18 per cent. per annum (Dem. Ash. i 17, Neaer, 52). The κύριος might enforce these claims by a προικὸς δίκη (Isaeus 3 §$ 9, 78). (2) A similar action might be brought against the heirs who kept a widow out of her rights. The δίκαι προικός in the text are limited by the definition in the next clause, ἐάν τις ὀφείλων μὴ ἀποδῷ.

κἄν τις---ἀποστερῇ] The benefit of the expeditious process for recovery of debts is here limited to creditors who are satisfied with what in Athens was re- garded as the moderate rate of 12 per cent. (Dem. Aphod. i 23, 35; Aesch. Ctes. 1043; cf. Boeckh, i 156 Frankel.) Those who charge higher rates, such as 16, 18 or even 36 per cent., are excluded from this privilege. Lipsius in Lezpsig Verhandlungen, 1891, Ὁ. 57 Ὡ.

ἀφορμήν] ‘capital.’ The speech of Dem. pro Phormione is a παραγραφή toa δίκη ἀφορμῆς. The text refers to the case of a small tradesman setting up business in the market-place and refusing to repay the capital he had borrowed for the pur- pose.

αἰκείας] Meier and Schém. p. 647 Lips. About B.c. 346/5, according to Dem. ς. fantaenetum 37 33, the. tri- bunal in’ such cases was the Forty ; cf. Schol. Plat. Rep. 464 E. The text implies

that the tribunal has been changed.

ἐρανικαὶ] lawsuits for the recovery of friendly loans, or for the decision of dis- putes between various members of an ἔρανος (Meier and Schém. p. 637—643 Lips.). .

κοινωνικαὶ] suits against corporations (Meier and Schémann, p. 767 Lips.). In Dem. 14 § τό κοινωνικὰ probably means property held by corporations (26. p. 602, Lips. note 321).

ἀνδραπόδων] Dem. Callicl. 55 88 31, 34 (Meier and Schémann, p. 766). By the law of Solon quoted in Lys. ¢. Theo- mnest. 1 19, (the owner was liable) οἰκῆος kal δούλης βλάβην ὀφείλειν, cf. Plat. Leg.

6 D. of Sa De, actions arising out of damage done by beasts of draught or burden. Cf. Solon’s law in Plut. Sod. 24; and Plat. Leg. 936 E, ἐὰν ὑποζύγιον ἵππος (Dinarch. c. Antiph. περὶ ἵππου) κύων (Lys. περὶ τοῦ κυνός ap: Harpocr. £. Ὁ. καρκίνος) τι τῶν ἄλλων θρεμμάτων σίνηταί τι τῶν πέλας, κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐκτίνειν τὴν βλάβην (τὸν δεσπότην). The special case of homicide caused by ὑποζύγιον ζῷον ἄλλο τι is considered 2. 873 E (tf. c. 57 ad fin.).

τριηραρχικαὶ] The speech delivered by Apollodorus against Polycles, [Dem.] Or. 52, belongs to this class. Polycles failed to join his ship for four months after the official year had expired, and his prede- cessor Apollodorus had incurred extra ex- penses for which he sues Polycles.

τραπεζιτικαί] In the Zrapeztticus of Isocr. the banker Pasion is accused of re-

pudiation and forgery.—dlkac μεταλλικαὶ

and ἐμπορικαί are not included in the list,

‘probably because they came under the

ἡγεμονία of the Thesmothetae (Dem. c. A pat. 12, and inf. 59 5).

20

202 AOHNAIQN οοι, 26,]. 53—27, 1. 6.

/ es \ 5 / , , > ͵ ς > καί. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ταύτας δικάζουσιν ἐμμήνους εἰσάγοντες, οἱ

5 / ἴω x \ \ Lal “Ὁ \ 4 / ἀποδέκται τοῖς τελώναις καὶ KATA τῶν τελωνῶν, TA μὲν μέχρι δέκα nr »“ , \ δ᾽ ΕΣ = hy > \ / > ραχμῶν ὄντες κύριοι, τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλ᾽ εἰς TO δικαστήριον εἰσάγοντες ἔμμηνα. lal \ \ lal 53. κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ (τοὺς) τετταράκοντα, τέτταρας ἐκ τῆς

φυλῆς ἑκάστης, πρὸς ods τὰς ἄλλας δίκας λαγχάνουσιν" οἵ 18 δέκα --(-Ξ δραχμῶν). LIII1 «τοὺς :- τετταράκοντα K-W, B~3, κί, Th.

φυγλης obliteratum) €KACTHC ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ΚΙ; ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης K-W, H-L, K%, B, Th. 2 adAac: ἰδίας Wyse.

TESTIMONIA. 88 Pollux viiig7: ἀποδέκται δὲ ἦσαν δέκα, of τούς Te φόρους καὶ τὰς εἰσφορὰς καὶ τὰ τέλη ὑπεδέχοντο (leg. ἀπεδέχοντο), καὶ τὰ περὶ τούτων ἀμφισβητούμενα. ἐδίκαζον. εἰ δέ τι μεῖζον εἴη, εἰσῆγον εἰς δικαστήριον.

1ΠΠΙ. § 1 *Harp. κατὰ δήμους δικαστάς :...περὶ τῶν κατὰ δήμους δικαστῶν, ws “ἐ πρότερον μὲν---ἐδίκαζον," εἶτα ἐγένοντο τετταράκοντα, εἴρηκεν ’Ap. ἐν τῇ <’AOnvalwr addidit Meier> πολιτείᾳ. Pollux viii 100: οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα “᾿ πρότερον μὲν ἦσαν τριάκοντα," οἱ περιιόντες κατὰ δήμους τὰ μέχρι δραχμῶν δέκα ἐδίκαζον, τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ ταῦτα τοῖς διαιτηταῖς παρεδίδοσαν " ‘wera δὲ τὴν τῶν τριάκοντα ὀλιγαρχίαν μίσει τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ τοῦ τριάκοντα τεσσαράκοντα ἐγένοντο. Phot.: κληρωτή τις ἦν ᾿Αθήνησιν ἀρχὴ μ' (μετὰ cod.) τὸν ἀριθμόν, δὲ τὰς ἰδιωτικὰς δίκας ἐδίκαζον " ἀλλὰ τὰς μὲν ἄχρι “δέκα δραχμῶν αὐτοτελεῖς" ἦσαν δικάζειν, τὰς δὲ ὑπὲρ ταύτας τοῖς διαιτηταῖς παρεδίδουν. Bekk. An. 306, 15: ἀρχή τίς ἐστι κληρωτή, τεσσαράκοντα τὸν ἀριθμόν, πρὸς ods αἱ ἴδιαι

1—2 εκ THC φυληο (casu

δίκαι ἐλαγχάνοντο καὶ τὰ “μέχρι δέκα δραχμῶν."

“τὰ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦτο τὸ τίμημα τοῖς

διαιτηταῖς παραδιδόασιν ᾽" (cf. p. 310, 22 ; Frag. 4132, 4535).

8.2, δικαζουσιν] z.c. ‘have the ἦγε- μονία τοῦ δικαστηρίου in these lawsuits,’ Meier and Schom. p. 43 Lips. Cf. c. 57 ad fin.

ἀποδέκται] c. 48 § 1.

τοῖς τελώναις] ¢.g. the farmers of the public taxes were allowed to bring a φάσις against any one suspected of de- frauding the revenue. They might even arrest him and bring him before a magis- trate. Cf. Gilbert, i 395? n. 4.

1.11 1. τοὺς τετταράκοντα] a body of officials instituted by Peisistratus under the name of οἱ κατὰ δήμους δικασταί (τό § 5), revived in B.C. 4532 (26 8 3), and (as stated in the text) increased in number from 30 to 40 after the time of the Thirty tyrants. They are mentioned in Isocr. Antid. 237, ἐν δὲ ταῖς τῶν τετταράκοντα (σανίσιν ἀναγκαῖον ἐνεῖναι) τούς τ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις πράγμασιν ἀδικοῦντας καὶ τοὺς μὴ δικαίως ἐγκαλοῦντας. In Dem. Pant. 33 we are told that cases of aixela and τὰ τῶν βιαίων came under their jurisdiction. They are described as appointed by lot in Zimocr. 112, εἰ μέν τις ἀγορανόμος ἀστυνόμος δικαστὴς κατὰ δήμους κλοπῆς ἐν ταῖς εὐθύναις ἑάλωκεν, ἄνθρωπος πένης καὶ ἰδιώτης καὶ πολλῶν ἄπειρος καὶ κληρωτὴν ἀρχὴν ἄρξας. It was only in unimportant cases, where the matter in dispute was not above the value of 10 drachmas, that

they were competent to decide on their own authority ; other cases they referred, in the first instance, to the arbitrators, and, if necessary, to the law-courts. Cf. Gilbert, i 4227.

Most of the cases concerned with the rights of property were supposed by Meier to come under the jurisdiction of the Thesmothetae. Lipsius, in his re- vised edition of Meier and Sch6mann, p. 93, (1) assigns them to the Forty; he also (2) identifies the δικασταὶ κατὰ δή- μους with the δικασταὶ concerned with the several tribes (zd. p. go n). Thus they could act in their several divisions of four for each of the ten tribes. Lastly, (3) he holds that after a time they ceased to go on circuit and held their court in Athens. The first of these opinions is opposed by Caillemer in Daremberg and ~ Saglio, Dict. Ant. iii 200 f; but all three _ are confirmed by the text. (1) is sup- ported by τὰς ἄλλας δίκας, whereby they have jurisdiction over all causes not as- signed to the Eleven, the εἰσαγωγεῖς and ἀποδέκται. (2) by c. 48 5, of τὴν φυλὴν εἰσάγοντες, 58 § 2, of τὴν φυλὴν δικά- fovres, and ivf. § 2, of τὴν φυλὴν τοῦ φεύγοντος δικάζοντες. (3) by the state- ment that they formerly went on circuit.

λαγχάνουσιν] sc. ‘the suitors.’

12 γεγόνασιν.

CH. 52,]. 17—CH. 53,1.12. TIOAITEIA 203

> ; πρότερον μὲν ἦσαν τριάκοντα Kal Kata δήμους περιιόντες ἐδίκα- \ \ a , » Gov, μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τριάκοντα ὀλιγαρχίαν τετταράκοντα καὶ τὰ μὲν || μέχρι δέκα δραχμῶν αὐτοτελεῖς εἰσι \ Aa 3 \ a \ , a a , δ[ικα]ξε[ ε]ν, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦτο τὸ τίμημα τοῖς διαιτηταῖς παραδιδόα- e lal ow. οἱ δὲ παραλαβόντες, ἐὰν μὴ δύνωνται διαλῦσαι, γυγνώσκουσι, κἂν μὲν ἀμφοτέροις ἀρέσκῃ τὰ γνωσθέντα καὶ ἐμμένωσιν, ἔχει ὅλ, «ς δί x δ᾽ ecw > A Lal > δί > \ / τέλος δίκη. ἂν δ᾽ ἕτερος ἐφῇ τῶν ἀντιδίκων εἰς TO δικαστήριον, , U ᾿ ἐμβαλόντες Tas μαρτυρίας Kal τὰς προκλήσεις Kal τοὺς νόμους εἰς ἐχίνους, χωρὶς μὲν τὰς τοῦ διώκοντος, χωρὶς δὲ τὰς τοῦ φεύγοντος, καὶ τούτους κατασημηνάμενοι, καὶ τὴν γνῶσιν τοῦ διαιτητοῦ

8 ΠΕΡΙΟΝΤΕΟ retinent Κ-νν2 (et Β1 8) coll. Hyper. i 13, 6 et ii 2, 12: περιιόντες K, K-w!, H-L, Β4, Th. 4 ΕΤΤΙ supra versum, non habet Pollux; om. B*, Th, coll. 41 v. 2I—. 6 δικά]ξε[ι]ν Wilcken (K-w%, B®4, K4, Th): [κρίνειν ΚΙ etc. 7 ΓιΓγ- N@ICKOYCI γιγνῴσκουσι (coll. 54, 7 et Herondae papyro v 21) B!: sed cf. Meisterhans, p- 177, 173; γιγνώσκουσι B2-4 cet. 9 ἐὰν H-L. EDHI: ἐφιῇ Bt. 12 [γνῶ]σιν τοῦ B, S!, K-w®%, w ‘satis certum est,’ κί, Th; cf. Dem. 20 § 42 κατὰ γνῶσιν διαιτητοῦ, 21 $92 διαιτητοῦ γνῶσιν, 33 §§ 15, 22; 36 8 17: [κρῇσιν K!, H-L, K-w!2, <Thy> τοῦ K-W.

TESTIM. §2 *Harp. διαιτηταί :... καὶ εἰ μὲν ἤρεσκε τοῖς ἀντιδίκοις, τέλος εἶχεν δίκη" εἰ δὲ μή, τὰ ἐγκλήματα καὶ τὰς προκλήσεις καὶ τὰς μαρτυρίας, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πίστεις ἑκατέρων ἐμβαλόντες εἰς καδίσκους καὶ σημηνάμενοι παρεδίδοσαν τοῖς εἰσαγωγεῦσι τῶν δικῶν. λέγει δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ᾽Αρ. ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. Pollux νἹ 127: δ᾽ ἔφεσις αὐτῶν εἰ εἰς δικαστήριον γένοιτο, εἰς ἐχῖνον τὰς ψήφους (sic) ἐμβαλόντες ἰδίᾳ ἑκατέρας τὰς τοῦ φεύγοντος καὶ διώκοντος κατεσημαίνοντο. Bekk. An. 235, 20.

11 “Harp. ἐχῖνος: ἔστι μὲν ἄγγος τι εἰς τὰ γραμματεῖα τὰ πρὸς τὰς δίκας ἐπ ον μνημονεύει τοῦ ἄγγους τούτου καὶ ’Ap. ἐν τῇ AO, πολ.. Phot. i 240 Naber, ἐχῖνοι: μὲν χαλκοῖ, οἱ δὲ ἐκ κεράμου" εἰς οὗς καθιᾶσιν οἱ διαιτηταὶ τὰ γραμματεῖα τῶν Pinky τ τινες ἐμαρτύρησαν, καὶ κατασημηνάμενοι μετὰ ταῦτα εἰ ἐγκληθείη δίαιτα τοῖς δικασταῖς ἐπεδίδουν (fere eadem habet *Schol. Arist. Vesp. 1436, additis τοῦ δ᾽ ἄγγους τούτου καὶ Δημοσθένης μνημονεύουσι καὶ ’Ap.). Phot. ἐχῖνος : καδίσκος τίς ἐστι χαλκοῦς, els dv αἵ τε μαρτυρίαι καὶ αἱ προκλήσεις ἔγγραφοι ἐνεβάλλοντο ὑπὸ τῶν δικαζομένων καὶ κατε- σημαίνοντο ἵνα μηδεὶς κακουργήσῃ περὶ τὰ ἐμβαλλόμενα (fere eadem Etym. M.; καὶ κατεσημαίνετο ἐχῖνος, ἵνα μηδεὶς κακουργήσῃ μετὰ τὸ ἅπαξ ἐμβάλλεσθαι, Bekk. An. 258, 6). Cf. Frag. 4152, 455°.

μέχρι δέκα δραχμῶν] In B.c. ie ‘(CIA 1 29 and iv p. 12) we have mention of a court probably consisting of thirty members, appointed by lot from the κληροῦχοι of Hestiaia and Ellopia and competent to decide cases of this kind. In Pol. 1300 6 23 and 32, Ar. approves of the institution of two separate courts, according to the value of the matter in dispute: matters that are worth little more than five drachmas need not be re- ferred εἰς δικαστῶν πλῆθος.

αὐτοτελεῖς] 5 5 ult.

διαιτηταῖς) Meier and Schom. pp. 48, Toog—tio15 ; Smith, Dect. Ant. s.v.

ἐμβαλόντες. ἐχίνους] Dem. 45 § 17, ἐχρῆν αὐτὸ τὸ γραμματεῖον εἰς τὸν ἐχῖνον ἐμβαλεῖν and 26. 57, also 48 § 48, ἀντί- ypada overex Se) gaa els τὸν ἐχῖνον.

μαρτυρίας, Meier and Schom. p. 873 ff. Lips. ; προκλήσεις, 76. 871 fff.

κατασημηνάμενοι, cf. 30 § 17, σεσημασ- μένων τῶν ἐχίνων, 47 § 16, ἐσημάνθησαν οἱ ἐχῖνοι (and 2b. προκλήσεως ἐμβεβλημένης σοι καὶ μαρτυρία), and 54 § 27, τῷ μὴ σημανθῆναι τοὺς ἐχίνους.

In Meier and Schom. p. 904 Lips. it is assumed that the ἐχῖνος was used for the reception of documents handed in at the ἀνάκρισις. Thus Dem. 28 § 1, éve- βάλετο τηρήσας τὴν τελευταίαν ἡμέραν, is there referred to the ‘last day of the ἀνάκρισις. Mr Wyse suggests that there is no reason why it should not refer to the arbitration. It may be doubted whe- ther in the Attic orators there is a single certain example of ἐχῖνος except in con- nexion with arbitration. To the. pas- sages above quoted may be added 39

15

20

204 AOHNAIQN COL. 27, l. 6—18. γεγραμμένην ἐν γραμματείῳ προσαρτήσαντες, παραδιδόασι τοῖς τέτταρσι τοῖς τὴν φυλὴν τοῦ φεύγοντος δικάζουσιν. οἱ δὲ παρα- λαβόντες εἰσάγουσιν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, τὰ μὲν ἐντὸς χιλίων εἰς ἕνα καὶ διακοσίους, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ χιλίας εἰς ἕνα καὶ τετρακοσίους. οὐκ ἔξεστι δ᾽ οὔτε νόμοις οὔτε προκλήσεσι οὔτε μαρτυρίαις ἀλλ᾽ ταῖς παρὰ τοῦ διαιτητοῦ χρῆσθαι ταῖς εἰς τοὺς ἐχίνους ἐμβε- βλημέναις. δῆλον ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ τῶν ἐπωνύμων.

Ψ A διαιτηταὶ δ᾽ εἰσὶν οἷς av ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος ἢ" τοῦτο δὲ εἰσὶ γὰρ ἐπώνυμοι

, A ς A nr , \ , e “Ὁ e A δέκα μὲν οἱ τῶν φυλῶν, δύο δὲ Kal τετταράκοντα οἱ τῶν ἡλικιῶν"

18 TOICA? τοῖς K3, Β, K-w3, Th: τοῖς ἐπὶ Κ' ; πάλιν Κ- 132, εὐθὺς H-L. 14 τ(ηο)φυγλίηο) ΚΙ: τὴν φυλὴν Wyse, edd., coll. c. 48 § 5, c. 58 8 2.

TESTIMONIA. § 3 Pollux viii 48 infra laudatus.

8 4 ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος. Cf. Bekk. An. 235, 23, ἐγίνοντο δὲ διαιτηταὶ πάντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, οἷς ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος ἦν (=Schol. Plat. Leg. 920 Ὁ), Lex. Patm. p. 13, οὗτοι ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη ἐγεγόνεσαν. Hesych. οἱ δὲ περὶ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότες διήτων. Pollux viii 126, διαιτηταὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότων ἐκληροῦντο.

20—25 *Harp. στρατεία ἐν τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις :...τίς ἦν (ἡ Epit., om. codd.) ἐν τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις στρατεία δεδήλωκεν ᾽Αρ. ἐν AO. πολ. λέγων εἰσὶ γὰρ ἐπώνυμοι---ἐνεγράφησαν

(ἐπεγρ. codd., item Phot. Suid., correxit Bekk.) καὶ ἐπώνυμος (καὶ ἐπώνυμος

Aldum secutus Dind.; ἐπώνυμος καὶ 6 Rose) τῷ προτέρῳ ἔτει δεδιαιτηκώς (δὲ δεικτικῶς

codd.)* νῦν δὲ εἰς τὴν βουλὴν ἀναγράφονται.᾽" Cf. Frag. 4293, 469°.

88. 22, 37; 34 § 46; 40 88 21, 28, 58; 45 88 8, 20, 31, 57, 58, 61; 49 $$ 19, 55, 653; 54 § 30. There is nothing in the lexicographers which refers to the ἀνάκρισις before the presiding magistrate: Harp. s. v. ἐχῖνος (=Phot. i, Suid. 1) ; Schol. Arist. Vesp. 1436 where οἱ διαι- τηταὶ are named, (=Phot. 3, ἐχῖνοι--- ἐπεδίδουν, and Suid. s. v. ἐχῖνοι) ; Pho- tius, ἐχῖνος 2 (=Lex Seg. 258, 3, with trifling variants ; cf. Htym. Mag. p. 404, 54); Harp. s. v. διαιτηταί; Pollux viii 127; Schol. Patm. Dem. 48 § 48.—It is clear from c. 64 § 2 that Hesychius in ἐμπήκτης does not refer to the ἀνάκρι- σις as supposed in Meier and Schém. 4. c. (Wyse).

προσαρτήσαντες] used in several pas- sages of Hist. An.

τοῖς THY φυλὴν τοῦ φεύγοντος δικά- ἵἴουσιν] 48 5; 58 8.2. Probably those of the Forty who belonged to the same tribe as the defendant. Cf. Lys. 23 § 2, προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτὸν πρὸς τοὺς TH ἵἽππο- θωντίδι δικάζοντας (Meier and Schom. p. go, Lips.).

§ 3. ἐντὸς χιλίων κτλ.] The number of the δικασταὶ varies with the value of the matter in dispute: for property under tooo dr. the court consists of 201 δικασ- ral; for property above that amount, of 401. Pollux, viii 48, says of cases of φάσις : εἰσήγετο δὲ τὰ μὲν ἐντὸς χιλίων els Eva καὶ διακοσίους, τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ χιλίας εἰς ἕνα καὶ

τετρακοσίους. This statement ultimately comes from the text which shews that the distinction was not confined to cases of φάσις. This conclusion had already been drawn by Heffter, Att. Gerichtsverfass. p- 55, and Frankel, Att. Geschworenen- gericthte, p. 102. From Dem. c. Md. 223 it has been inferred that the round number οἵ 200 was the smallest number for a δικαστήριον : ἄν τε διακοσίους ἄν τε χιλίους ἄν θ᾽ ὁπόσους ἂν πόλις καθίσῃ (Meier and Schom. p. 170 Lips.).

οὐκ ἔξεστι κτλ. In Dem. 45 57 Apol- lodorus charges Stephanus with having stolen an important deposition which the speaker expected to find in the ἐχῖνος. Cf. Meier and Schom. p. 904 Lips.

§ 4. ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος] z.c. on attaining the age of 59. As explained below, there was a cycle of 42 ἐπώνυμοι τῶν ἡλικιῶν, All who attained the age of 18 in any given year had an ἐπώνυμος assigned to them. After completing 41 years, during which they were liable to be called out

on military duty, they reached the age of 59 and then served as διαιτηταί for one The ἐπώ- νυμος assigned to the ἔφηβοι in each year

year,—their ‘sixtieth year.’

was the ἐπώνυμος of the διαιτηταί who had held office in the previous year.

ἐπώνυμοι τῶν φυλῶν] 21 § 6.

τῶν ἡλικιῶν] It has been sometimes supposed that the archon ἐπώνυμος of the year, in which a citizen reached the age of

3

en

4

κυ δυδτ ΠΗ

τους

ΘΗ. 53; 1. 13—29. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 205: οἱ δὲ ἔφηβοι ἐγγραφόμενοι πρότερον μὲν εἰς λελευκωμένα γραμμα- tela ἐνεγράφοντο, καὶ ἐπεγράφοντο αὐτοῖς T ἄρχων ἐφ᾽ οὗ

See / Ν νυ , « Aa ͵ὔ », Fd fal i ἐνεγραφησαν καὶ O ἕπτ ῶνυμος O Τῷ προτέρῳ τες δεδιαυτηκώς, νυν

δ᾽ εἰς στήλην χαλκῆν ἀναγράφονται, καὶ ἵσταται στήλη πρὸ τοῦ

/ Ν \ 3 \ \ a A βουλευτηρίου παρὰ τοὺς ἐπωνύμους. Tov δὲ τελευταῖον τῶν

> / e a ᾿ ἐπωνύμων λαβόντες οἱ τετταράκοντα διανέμουσιν αὐτοῖς Tas

/ τ fe) Pa a διαίτας Kal ἐπικληροῦσιν ἃς ἕκαστος διαιτήσει" Kal ἀναγκαῖον as

xX v4 ΄ , bd a ς \ , v \ ἂν ἕκαστος λάχῃ διαίτας ἐκδιαιτᾶν. yap νόμος, ἄν Tis μὴ

22 ENTPAD: <ol> ἐγγραφ. B! (H-L); οἱ etiam Harp. omisit. 24 ἐπώνυμος: ἐπώνυμος Harp. TTPOTEPG)! (item Harp.) K, 51. Th: πρότερον K-w, Poland, B. AeAldITHKWC (edd.): δεδεικτικὼς (Harp. codices plerique), δεδιητηκώς Aldum secutus Dind., δεδιῳκηκὼς Rose; ἐπιδεδημηκὼς Photius et Suidas. 26 π΄’ (sc. περὶ) fortasse per errorem pro m (sc. rapa)’ Κ'. περὶ dubitanter retinet K?; παρὰ K-W, H-L, B, 5], κι, Th. 29 διαίτας (hiatu admisso) secl. K-w1!?; retinet K-w?. ἐάν H-L.

TESTIMONIA. § 5 ἐπικληροῦσιν---ἄτιμον εἶναι. Pollux viii 126 infra exscriptus.

military service, was deemed to be the

ἐπώνυμος of that citizen and of all who

came of age in the same year. Thus the 42 ἐπώνυμοι would be the series of 42 archons corresponding to the 42 groups of citizens who were at any given time between the ages of 18 and 60 (Scho- mann, “45:7. p. 423; Gilbert i 3537). But in the text the ἄρχοντες are contrasted with the ἐπώνυμοι, and the latter divided into ἐπώνυμοι τῶν φυλῶν and τῶν ἡλικιών. As the ἐπ. τῶν φυλῶν derived their names from ten of the Attic heroes, selected out of 100 (21 § 6), the ἐπ. τῶν ἡλικιῶν were presumably selected out of the remaining go. The period of military service was in- cluded within a cycle of 42 years, each of them probably bearing the name of one of the Attic heroes. When a youth attained the age of 18, he was enrolled under the archon of the year and also under the epo- nymous hero under whom those of the citizens who had just completed their 42 years had been originally entered. This is Mr Kenyon’s view and it appears to be substantially correct, except that the 42nd year of service was really devoted to the duties of the διαιτηταί which occu- pied the sixtieth year of the citizen’s life (ἑξηκοστὸν éros). It was when he reached the age of 59 (not 60, as Mr Kenyon says) that the citizen served as an arbi- trator.

The lists were unfortunately drawn up on perishable material, at first on wood and afterwards on bronze, and no ex- ample of the στήλη χαλκῆ of the writer’s time has survived. Had marble been used instead, the result might have been different, and an interesting question might have been conclusively decided.

We have indeed several lists of διαιτηταί,

all on marble ; but these are for another

purpose. Thus for B.c. 325/4 we have no less than 103 names with the super- scription; διαιτηταὶ of ἐπὶ ᾿Αντικλ[έους ἄρχοντος] ἀνέθεσαν στεφανωθέντεϊς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου (CIA ii 943); also (for an un- known year) a list of 88 names (70.. 944) ; and there are lists of a few such names for B.C. 330 and 329 (2. g41-2). But none of these preserve any record of an ἐπώνυμος τῆς ἡλικίας.

λελευκωμένα] 47 §§ 2, 4.

ἐπ. ὁ---δεδιαιτηκώς] A brief expres- sion for the eponymus of the citizens who served as διαιτηταί for the previous year.

δεδιαιτηκώς] In classic Attic this verb usually has the double augment in the pf. and plipf., e.g. pf. Dem. 33 31 δεδιῇ- Tyka, 21 § 85 κατεδεδιῃτήκει (Dind.) or xaraded- (Bekk.); Thuc. vii 77 δεδιήτημαι, Dem. 21 §§ 85, 96 ἀπο-, 55 61 κατα- ; plpf. ἐδεδιήτητο, Thuc. i 132 ἐξ- (Veitch).

βουλευτηρίου κτλ.] Paus.i 5, 1, τοῦ β.... πλησίον Θόλος ἐστὶ καλουμένη.. «ἀνωτέρω δὲ ἀνδριάντες ἑστήκασιν ἡρώων, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ᾿Αθηναίοις ὕστερον τὰ ὀνόματα ἔσχον αἱ φυλαί. :

§ 5. ἐπικληροῦσιν] Pollux viii 126, ἐπεκληροῦντο αὐτοῖς ai δίαιται, καὶ ἀτιμία (cf. ἄτιμον) ἀφώριστο τῷ μὴ διαιτήσαντι τὴν ἐπικληρωθεῖσαν δίαιταν. In Dem. Aphod. iii 58 a public (as contrasted with a pri- vate) arbitrator is described as κληρωτός. Cf. Meier and Schom. p. ro12 Lips.

ἐκδιαιτᾶν] Greg. Cor., in Walz, Rhet. Gr. vii (2) 1284, ὃς δ᾽ ἂν αὐτῶν λαχὼν μὴ ἐκδιαιτήσῃ, ἄτιμος κατὰ νόμον ἐγίνετο (quoted by Photiades). Cf. ἐκδικάξειν in [Xen.] Rep. AZA. iii 2, δίκας καὶ γραφὰς καὶ εὐθύνας ἐκδικάζειν, and Lys. 17 5.

is)

5

206 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 27, 1. 18—28,

΄ \ a e / ee 6 , v % 30 γένηται διαιτητὴς τῆς ἡλικίας αὐτῷ καθηκούσης, ἄτιμον εἶναι / \ *\ / > \ v > 5] / a a κελεύει, πλὴν ἐὰν τύχῃ ἀρχὴν ἄρχων τινὰ ἐν ἐκείνῳ TO ἐνιαυτῷ ἀποδημῶν" οὗτοι δ᾽ ἀτελεῖς εἰσὶ μόνοι. , 3 \ / ? ee \ la) a Μ γέλλειν εἰς τοὺς διαυτητάς, ἐάν τις ἀδικηθῇ ὑπὸ τοῦ διαιτητοῦ, κἄν

tal > a / ς U » > ' τίνος καταγνώσιν, ἀτιμοῦσθαι κελεύουσιν οἱ νόμοι" ἔφεσις δ᾽ ἔστι

\ Kat

/ lal \ a a 35 τούτοις. χρῶνται δὲ τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις Kal πρὸς τὰς στρατείας, 7) «“ / > / καὶ ὅταν ἡλικίαν ἐκπέμπωσι προγράφουσιν, ἀπὸ Tivos ἄρχοντος \ 2 ΄ al καὶ ἐπωνύμου μέχρι τίνων δεῖ στρατεύεσθαι.

81 τινὰ ἐν K-w, κϑ, B, Th; ἄλλην K!, τις ἐν Burnet (H-L). 38 AIAITHTAC (Κ-νν, κϑ, B, Th): δικαστὰς Harp. (Κὶ, et H-L qui alioquin εἰς τοὺς ἄλλους διαιτητὰς exspectarent),. 36 A<: ἀπὸ Harp. (edd.). 37 ΤΙΝΩΝ : τίνος Harp.

TESTIM. 86 Harp. εἰσαγγελία... ἄλλη δὲ εἰσαγγελία ἐστὶ κατὰ τῶν διαιτητῶν" εἰ γάρ τις ὑπὸ διαιτητοῦ ἀδικηθείη (ἀδικηθῇ codices meliores et Epitome; corr. deteriores), ἐξῆν τοῦτον εἰσαγγέλλειν πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς καὶ ἁλοὺς ἠτιμοῦτο. Bekk. An. 235, 24 (=Schol. Plat. Leg. 520 and Lex. Dem. Patm. p. 13), τὸν δὲ ἀδικοῦντα διαιτητὴν ἐξῆν εἰσαγ- γέλλειν, καὶ εἰ τις ἑάλω, ἀτιμία ἦν τὸ ἐπιτίμιον.

§ 7 Harp. στρατεία ἐν τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις :..."" χρῶνται---προγράφουσιν (Valesius, προσ.

ἔστιν δὲ καὶ εἰσαγ- 6

.οοαά.) ἀπὸ τίνος ἄρχοντος ἐπωνύμου μέχρι τίνος δεῖ στρατεύεσθαι."

τῆς ἡλικίας---καθηκούσης] The age has hitherto been inferred from Bekker, Anecd. 235 (=Schol. Plat. Leg. 920 Ὁ), πάντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι ols ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος ἣν 4) and from the less precise statements in Pollux viii 126, ἐκ τῶν ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότων, Hesych. οἱ περὶ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότες, and Greg. Cor. 7. ¢ διαι- τητὴς δὲ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐγένετο περὶ τὰ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη. The age of 50 is wrongly given in Bekker Amecad. 186 and Suidas, 5. Ὁ. διαιτηταί.

ἄτιμον] the severer form of ἀτιμία is probably meant.

ἀτελεῖς] ‘exempt’ from serving as διαι- τηταί.

§ 6. εἰσαγγέλλειν εἰς τοὺς διαιτητάς] We have an example of this procedure in Dem. ς. Mid. 86, φυλάξας τὴν τελευταίαν ἡμέραν τῶν διαιτητῶν ---, κατηγορῶν ἔρημον οὐδενὸς παρόντος, ἐκβάλλει καὶ ἀτιμοῖ τὸν διαιτητήν, first explained in this sense by Bergk, Zeztsch. f. Alt. 1849, 273, supported by Frankel, Azt. Geschworenenger.p. 73 f., and quoted in Meier and Schom. p. 334 Lips.; see also Daremberg and Saglio, iii 126. Cf. Dr Hager on εἰσαγγελία in Smith, Dict. Ant. i 710 6, where, how- ever, it is accidentally stated that, in Harpocr. ὦ. c., Bergk rather needlessly alters διαιτητὰς into δικαστάς : Bergk really altered δικαστὰς into διαιτητάς, and the text confirms his alteration. The διαι- τηταὶ for any given year form a college,’ or corporate body ; they pass resolutions and decree rewards in the phrase ἔδοξεν

τοῖς διαιτηταῖς (Hubert, de Arditris, p. 25; Meier-Schom. p. 1013 Lips.). It is their president who is described as πρυτανεύων in Dem. Md. 1.c. Hitherto it has been deemed uncertain whether the εἰσαγγελία of an arbitrator came before the διαιτηταί or before a body of δικασταί (Hubert, p. 55; Gilbert, i 371"). The text is decisive for the former alternative: but it also shews that the sentence was subject to appeal. In the latter event it would come before a law-court. Cf. Gilbert, i 4372 £; W. R. Hardie, in Cl. Rev. v 164.

§ 7. Lys. 14 § 6, σκέψασθε δὲ τίνες εἰσὶν obs δεῖ παρεῖναι. οὐχ οἵτινες ἂν τὴν ἡλικίαν ταύτην ἔχωσιν ; Dem. 3 § 4, ἐψηφίσασθε... καὶ τοὺς μέχρι πέντε καὶ τετταράκοντα ἐτῶν αὐτοὺς ἐμβαίνειν, 4 § 21, πεντακοσίους, ἐξ ἧς ἄν τινος ὑμῖν ἡλικίας καλῶς ἔχειν δοκῇ, χρόνον τακτὸν στρατευομένους. Aeschin. 3. 2. 133, ψηφισαμένων ὑμῶν... τοὺς μέχρι τριάκοντα ἔτη γεγονότας ἐξιέναι, 2ὁ. 168, πρώτην δ᾽ ἐξελθὼν στρατείαν ἐν τοῖς μέρεσι καλουμένην... καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐκ διαδοχῆς ἐξόδους τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις καὶ τοῖς μέρεσιν ἐξῆλθον, Plat. Leg. 943 A (Gilbert i 3542, and Beitrdge, 51 ff.). Cf. Lycurg. Leocr. 39, αἱ δ᾽ ἐλπίδες τῆς σωτηρίας τῷ δήμῳ ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα ἔτη γεγονόσι καθειστήκεσαν. For προγρά- φουσιν, cf. Arist. Av. 450, (τοὺς ὁπλίτας) σκοπεῖν τι ἂν προγράφωμεν ἐν τοῖς πινα- klots.

προγράφουσιν---στρατεύεσθαι

4

CH. 53,]..30---ΟΗ. 54,1.6. ΠΟΛΊΤΕΙΑ 207

54. κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ τάσδε τὰς ἀρχάς" ὁδοποιοὺς πέντε, οἷς προστέτακται δημοσίους ἐργάτας ἔχουσι τὰς ὁδοὺς ἐπισκευάζειν. 2 καὶ λογιστὰς δέκα καὶ συνηγόρους τούτοις δέκα, πρὸς οὗς ἅπαντας ἀνάγκη τοὺς τὰς ἀρχὰς ἄρξαντας λόγον ἀπενεγκεῖν. οὗτοι γάρ εἰσι μόνοι (οἷ) τοῖς ὑπευθύνοις λογιζόμενοι καὶ τὰς 5

> / > \ / 3 / x 7 7 εὐθύνας εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον εἰσάγοντες. κἂν μὲν τίνα κλέπτοντ

LIV 3 τούτοις 560]. Bt. 5 <oi> ins. Jos. Mayor, K-W, H-L, κϑ, sl, Th, hiatu admisso ; εἰσι ---ν of > μόνοι B*3, K-w3; <mdp>eor μόνοι BY; τοῖς ὑπ. <oi> Kaibel 226.

TESTIMONIA. LIV 81 cf. Schol. in Aeschin. 3 § 25, ὁδοποιοί τῆς καθαρότητος τῶν ὁδῶν THs πόλεως.

8 2 Bekk. Az. 276, 17 λογισταί : ἄρχοντές εἰσι κληρωτοί, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, ἐφ᾽ ὧν πάντες οἱ ἄρξαντες ἀρχὴν ἡντινοῦν λόγον ἀπέφερον τῶν διῳκημένων (fere eadem Etym, M. 569, 32). 0. p. 310, 6: οἱ λογισταὶ τὰς εὐθύνας ἁπάσας εἰσῆγον (cf. Phot. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου). Phot. εὐθύνας : κυρίως ἃς εἰσάγουσιν οἱ λογισταὶ πρὸς τοὺς δόξαντας μὴ ὀρθῶς ἄρξαι τῆς πόλεως πρεσβεῦσαι κακῶς" καὶ τὰ δικαστήρια μὲν οἱ λογισταὶ κληροῦσι, κατηγορεῖ δὲ βουλόμενος " καὶ τοῖς δικασταῖς ἐφεῖται τιμᾶσθαι τοῖς ἁλοῦσιν (eadem Bekk. An. 245, 6 et Lex. Dem. Patm. p. 142). *Lex. Rhet. Cantab. λογισταί, infra exscriptum.

* Schol. Ar. Vesp. 691, κληρωτοὺς δὲ γενομένους δέκα συνηγόρου ς ’Ap. φησίν.

: οἱ ἐπιμελούμενοι

_ LIV § τ. ὁδοποιοὺς] mentioned in λογισταὶ δὲ αἱροῦνται [an κληροῦνται "] δέκα,

Aeschin. 3 § 25, and by a Comic poet (perhaps Cratinus) quoted in Plut. Praec. Κεῖ. Ger. 15 9, Μητίοχος μὲν <yap> στρατηγεῖ, M. δὲ τὰς ὁδούς, M. δ᾽ ἄρτους ἐποπτᾷ, Μ. δὲ τἄλφιτα, Μητιόχῳ δὲ πάντα κεῖται, Μητίοχος δ᾽ οἰμώξεται (ascribed to Cratinus by Bergk ; Meineke, Frag. Com. iv p. 675). Boeckh, ΠΧ, Ρ. 257 Frankel. § 2. Aoyrords] ‘Auditors’ 3 Pol. 1322 δ 11, speaking οὗ τὴν ληψομένην λογισμὸν καὶ προσευθύνουσαν (ἀρχήν), καλοῦσι δὲ τού- Tous οἱ μὲν εὐθύνους οἱ δὲ λογιστὰς οἵ δ᾽ ἐξεταστὰς οἱ δὲ συνηγόρους. It had already been proved by Boeckh (11 viii, p. 2393) that the λογισταὶ and εὔθυνοι were separate bodies; and this is confirmed by the present treatise (cf. 48 § 4). Almost all the ὑπεύθυνοι had to send in their ac- counts to the λογισταί (Aeschin. c. Ctes. § 20, ἐγγράφειν λόγον πρὸς τοὺς λογιστὰς καὶ εὐθύνας διδόναι, § 22, λόγον ἀποφέρειν πρὸς τοὺς X., Schol. on 88 9, 15). CIA ii 444, 446, (an ἀγωνοθέτης) ἀπενήνοχεν λό- γους εἰς τὸ μητρῷον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς λογιστὰς καὶ τὰς εὐθύνας ἔδωκεν. In B.C. 454, 452; 435 they were 30 in number (CIA i 226, 228 and 32). The number was subse- quently reduced to 10, possibly after the time of the Thirty. Gilbert, i 2502. συνηγόρους] mentioned in Pol, 1322 I1, quoted above. The present passage is loosely paraphrased i in Lex. Rhet. Cant. p- 672, 20: ’A. ἐν τῇ AO. πολ. οὕτως λέγει"

map’ οἷς διαλογίζονται πᾶσαι αἱ ἀρχαὶ τά τε λήμματα καὶ τὰς γεγενημένας δαπάνας" καὶ ἄλλοι δέκα συνήγοροι οἵτινες συνανακρίνουσι τούτοις" καὶ οἱ τὰς εὐθύνας διδόντες παρὰ τούτοις ἀνακρίνονται πρῶτον, εἶτα ἐφίενται els τὸ δικαστήριον, εἰς ἕνα καὶ φ'΄ (Rose, Frag. 4473). Mr Kenyon, however, re- gards this notice as ‘differing wholly from the present passage’; and Lipsius implies that the name of Aristotle is men- tioned by mistake. Wilamowitz places it among the spurious fragments.

οὗτοι--τοῖς ὑπευθύνοις λογιζόμενοι] It was the λογισταὶ who received the ac- counts of outgoing officials; who exa- mined them conjointly with the συνήγοροι ; and. brought the accounts before a law- court of 501 δικασταί under their own presidency (Meier and Schém. pp. 257 ff. Lips.). These functions have sometimes been erroneously ascribed to the εὔθυνοι (16. pp. 115, 208 and Lipsius in Ledpzig Verhandl. p. 64). The procedure may be illustrated by the oath taken by the cor- responding officials in the deme Myr- rhinus, CIA ii 578, ὀμνύναι δὲ τὸν ὅρκον καὶ τὸν λογιστὴν λογιεῖσθαι ἄν μοι δοκῇ ἀνη- λωκέναι, καὶ τοὺς συνηγόρους συνηγορήσειν τῷ δήμῳ τὰ δίκαια καὶ ἔλθ ν ἄν μοι δοκῇ δικαιότατα εἶναι.

τὰς εὐθύνας-- εἰσάγοντες] Dem. de Cor. 117, ὅτε με εἰσῆγον οἱ λογισταί, and F. L. ail.

Io

208 AQHNAIQN COL, 27; 1..28—34: ἐξελέγξωσι, κλοπὴν οἱ δικασταὶ καταγιγνώσκουσι Kal τὸ γνωσθὲν ἀποτίνεται δεκαπλοῦν" ἐὰν δέ τινα δῶρα λαβόντα ἐπιδείξωσιν, καὶ καταγνῶσιν οἱ δικασταί, δώρων τιμῶσιν, ἀποτίνεται δὲ καὶ τοῦτο δεκαπλοῦν" ἂν δ᾽ ἀδικεῖν καταγνῶσιν, ἀδικίου τιμῶσιν, ἀποτίνεται δὲ τοῦθ᾽ ἁπλοῦν, ἐὰν πρὸ τῆς ἐνάτης πρυτανείας ἐκτείσῃ τις, εἰ δὲ μή, διπλοῦται. τὸ (δὲ) δεκαπλοῦν οὐ διπλοῦται.

κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ γραμματέα τὸν κατὰ πρυτανείαν καλούμενον,

7 -TIN@ICKOYCI: -yww K-W; -yryyw H-L, K%, B24; -γιγνῳ BI, cf. 53, 7. γνωοθεν (K, H-L, B24, Th): <xara>-yvwobey K-w, Bl. 8 επιλειξζ (K-w): ἀποδείξ. κ-νν1.3. 10 ἐὰν ἨἩ-1,. 11 EKTICHI: ἐκτείσῃ edd.: cf. Meisterhans,

p- 180%, ἢ. 1495. 12 <6é> ins. K (edd.).

TESTIMONIA. 10 Harp. détxlou:...dmorivura: δὲ τοῦτο ἁπλοῦν, ἐὰν πρὸ τῆς 0’ πρυτανείας ἀποδοθῇ᾽ εἰ δὲ μή, διπλοῦν “καταβάλλεται.

δὲ 8--ὃ Pollux viii 98: γραμματεὺς κατὰ πρυτανείαν κληρωθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τῷ τὰ γράμματα φυλάττειν καὶ τὰ ψηφίσματα, καὶ ἕτερος ἐπὶ τοὺς νόμους ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς χειροτονούμενος. δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου αἱρεθεὶς γραμματεὺς ἀναγινώσκει τῷ τε δήμῳ καὶ τῇ βουλῇ. ἀντιγραφεὺς κτλ. (reliqua p. 209 exscripta).

§§ 8,4 *Harp. γραμματεύς :...ὃ γραμματεὺς πῶς τε καθίστατο καὶ τί ἔπραττεν, ws τῶν γραμμάτων τ᾽ ἐστὶ κύριος καὶ τὰ ψηφίσματα τὰ γενόμενα φυλάττει καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα. ἀντυγράφεται καὶ παρακάθηται τῇ βουλῇ, “δεδήλωκεν "Ap. ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. 4 *Harp. ἀντυγραφεύς :. ..dirrol δ᾽ ἦσαν ἀντιγραφεῖς, μὲν τῆς διοικήσεως, ws φησι Φιλόχορος, δὲ τῆς βουλῆς, ὡς ᾽Αρ. ἐν *Ad. mod. δ Suidas (e lexico Photiano) “γραμματεύς (1): οὗτος πράξεως μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς ἣν κύριος, ὑπανεγίνωσκε δὲ τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τὰ πραττόμενα. δ᾽ ἀντιγραφεὺς καὶ οὗτος ἀπὸ τοῦ γράφειν τὰ παρὰ τῇ βουλῇ ὠνόμασται (= Lex. Sabb. 7,2). Bekk. An. 226, 30 γραμματεύς : καὶ τὸν γραμματέα [ὁ δῆμος} χειροτονεῖ δῆμος, ti ἀναγνωσόμενον αὐτῷ καὶ τῇ βοννῇς καὶ οὗτος οὐδενὸς" τὸ σύνολον ἄλλου ““ ἐστὶ κύριος ᾿

9S ‘Tob dvayvava.”... (Frag. 399°, 4395). Bekk. An. 185, 14. Suidas s.v. (2) κληρωτοὶ οὐδενὸς δὲ ἦσαν οἱ γραμματεῖς οὗτοι

δὲ ἦσαν τὸν ἀριθμὸν τρεῖς, γράφοντες τὰ δημόσια.

κύριοι, ἀλλ᾽ τοῦ γράφειν καὶ ἀναγνῶναι.

κλοπὴν] δημοσίων χρημάτων. Dem. c. Timocr. 112, εἰ μέν τις ἀγορανόμος ἀστυ- νόμος δικαστὴς κατὰ δήμους γενόμενος κλοπῆς ἐν ταῖς εὐθύναις ἑάλωκεν, --- τούτῳ μὲν τὴν δεκαπλασίαν εἷναι, and 127, συνέδρου γενομένου κλοπὴν αὐτοῦ τὸ δικασ- τήριον κατέγνω καὶ δεκαπλάσιον ἀπέτισε.

καταγιγνώσκουσι] the compound verb, in the special sense, is followed by the simple participle τὸ γνωσθέν, which, al- though more general in itself, has its meaning necessarily coloured by the pre- vious context. To repeat the prepo- sition is no more necessary here than in 57, 7, where διατίθησι is followed in the next sentence by τίθησι. Cf. Dem. Timocr. 9, where τῆς βουλῆς κατεγνωκυίας is followed several lines later by τὰ γνω- σθένθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς. I may also refer to my note on Eur. Bacch. 1065, κατῆγεν, ἤγεν, ἦγεν, where Hec. 168, ἀπωλέσατ᾽, ὠλέσατ᾽, and Med. 1252, κατίδετ᾽, ἴδετε, are quoted.

Sapa...8examhovv] This penalty is also mentioned in Dinarch. ἐς. Avistog.17. The penalty of death (unnoticed in the text)

is mentioned 26. §§ 4, 20. The two penal- ties are contrasted as alternatives in Di- narch. c. Dem. 60 and c. Philocl. 5 (Meier and Schom. p. 445, ἢ. 723); single and the ten-fold penalty in Hyp. Dem. frag. 24, 15 f, of δὲ νόμοι τοῖς μὲν ἀδικοῦσιν ἁπλᾶ, τοῖς δὲ δωροδοκοῦσιν δε-

᾿καπλᾶ τὰ ὀφλήματα προστάττουσιν ἀπο-

διδόναι.

ἔπιδείξωσιν] Pol. 1259 a τό, ἐπιδεῖξαι ὅτι. Arist. Ag. 831, καί σ᾽ ἐπιδείξω δωροδοκήσαντ᾽, Aeschin. 3 § 228, τῆς γὰρ αἰτίας αἰσχρὸν τὸν αἰτιώμενόν ἐστι τὸ ἔργον. μὴ ἔχειν ἐπιδεῖξαι.

ἀδικίου] here of ‘maladministration.’ Plut. Per. 32, εἴτε κλοπῆς καὶ δώρων εἴτ᾽ ἀδικίου βούλοιτό τις ὀνομάζειν τὴν δίωξιν. The term is not found in the Orators, but is mentioned in Harpocr. s.v. Meier

3

and the

and Schém., p. 424-8; Lipsius, Lezpz. Ξ

Verhandl. p. 64.

δεκαπλοῦν ov διπλοῦται] This fact has been hitherto unknown.

§ 3: γραμματέα] The full title is 6 κατὰ πρυτανείαν γραμματεὺς τῆς βουλῆς, with the shorter forms yp. 77s βουλῆς ΟΥ

ee ree

CH. 545.1). 7-15. -

TIOAITEIA

209

ε , / \ /

ὃς TOV γραμμάτων ἐστὶ κύριος Kal τὰ ψηφίσματα Ta γυγνόμενα a

φυλάττει, καὶ τἄλλα πάντα ἀντυιγράφεται, καὶ παρακάθηται TH

14 γρδλλλλάτεων : γραμμάτων Harp. Pollux (edd.) PIN (K-w): γεν. Harp.

Harp. libri praeter B et C (B, K-w’).

<7r’> post γραμμάτων

| yp. κατὰ πρυτανείαν. The regular form

before the year of Eucleides was yp. τῆς βουλῆς. Asan exception we find in B.c. 409/8, CIA i 61 (as restored by Kohler) παραλαβόντες παρὰ [τ]οῦ [κατὰ πρυτανείαν γραμματέως τῆς βουλῆς. In the fourth century the title γραμματεὺς κατὰ πρυ- τανείαν is first found in an inscr. of B.C. 358/7 or of 354/3 (CIA ii 61, where the

| other title 6 γραμματεὺς τῆς βουλῆς is also

found, and where mention is made of τοὺς ἄλλους γραμματέας τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις γράμμασιν). The two forms are inter- changed with one another down to 8.6. 322/1, when the short title yp. τῆς βουλῆς appears for the last time (CIA ii 186), while the title yp. 6 κατὰ πρυτανείαν continues in use down to the Roman age (Gilbert in Philol, xxxix p. 131-6, and Gr. St. i 2987; also Miiller’s Handbuch, 1v i 167). This γραμματεὺς always belonged to a different tribe to that presiding at the

_ time (CIA i 45, 46, 51, 61, 188; Gilbert, _Philol. p. 133); but, in or after B.c.

322/1 (the date of the death of Aristotle), the yp. so called belonged to the pre- siding tribe.

The ‘full title’ cited at the head of this not eis not actually found except in CIA i 61 (as restored); and there there is much to be said in favour of the re- storation proposed by C. Schaefer : παρα- λαβόντες παρὰ [τ]οῦ [βασιλέως μετὰ τοῦ γραμματέως τῆς βουλῆς. The special literature of the Athenian γραμματεῖς in- cludes (in addition to the works already quoted) two dissertations of 1878 by C. Schaefer and C. A. Holle; and Hartel’s Studien, published in the same year; also an article by von Wilamowitz (in Hermes, xiv 148—153), who, like Stoientin, in Jahrb. f. Philol. 1880, 189—202, rightly attributed to Aristotle the account which we find in Pollux, The dissertation by Kornitzer (1883) un- fortunately receded from this position, which is now proved to be the only tenable one.

γραμμάτων ---κύριος] ‘is responsible for all public documents.’ According to the

law quoted in Dem. c. Zimocr. 63, he _ delivered to the θεσμοθέται the decrees of _ the Council.

τὰ ψηφίσματα---φυλάττει] ‘has the (general) custody of the public decrees’ (in the Μητρῷον). In Dem. 7. Z.

5, A.

καθήμενος τῇ βουλῇ.

p- 381 the archives are described as under the (special) charge of a public slave: ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς τοῖς ὑμετέροις γράμμασιν ἐν τῷ Μητρῴῳ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς δη- μόσιος τέτακται. This γραμματεὺς is men- tioned by Aeschin. 3 § 15, λόγον καὶ εὐθύνας ἐἔγγράφουσι πρὸς τὸν γραμματέα καὶ τοὺς λογιστάς, and by Chamaeleon, ap. Athen. 407 c, (Alcibiades) ἧκεν εἰς τὸ Μητρῷον, ὅπου τῶν δικῶν ἦσαν ai γραφαὶ καὶ βρέξας τὸν δάκτυλον ἐκ τοῦ στόματος διηλείψε τὴν δίκην τοῦ ᾿Η γήμονος" ἀγανακτοῦντες δὲ τε γραμματεὺς καὶ ἄρχων τὰς ἡσυχίας ἦγον δι᾽ ᾿Αλκιβιάδην.

τἄλλα ἀντιγράφεται] ‘checks (or su- pervises) the transcription of all other public documents.’ Thus, in the inven- tory of the χαλκοθήκη in CIA ii 61, ascribed to B.C. 358 or 354, Εὐκλῆς δημόσιος is to enter all the items and the yp. κατὰ πρυτανείαν is to check them (ἀντιγρά- φεσθαι δὲ Toy γραμματέα Toy κατὰ πρυ- τανείαν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους γραμματέας τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις γράμμασιν), and lastly, the γραμματεὺς τῆς βουλῆς is to record the list on a tablet and to make a copy (ἀντίγραφα).

Pollux, viii 98, after describing the yp. κατὰ πρυτανείαν and the yp. ἐπὶ τοὺς νόμους in terms borrowed in part from the text, continues as follows: ἀντι- γραφεὺς πρότερον μὲν αἱρετὸς αὖθις δὲ κληρωτὸς ἣν καὶ πάντα ἀντεγράφετο παρα- In Bekker’s best MS the following words, δύο δ᾽ ἦσαν, μὲν τῆς βουλῆς δὲ τῆς διοικήσεως, come after the next heading λογισταί, and this order is approved by Lipsius; but Harpo- cration s.v. agrees with the other Mss in making them apply to the ἀντιγρα" gets :---ὁ καθιστάμενος ἐπὶ τῶν καταβαλ- λόντων τινὰ τῇ πόλει χρήματα, ὥστε ἀντιγράφεσθαι ταῦτα (Dem. c. Androt. Ρ. 615 and Aeschin. c. Ctes. 25). dirrot δὲ ἦσαν ἀντιγραφεῖς, μὲν τῆς διοικήσεως; ὡς φησι Φιλόχορος, δὲ τῆς βουλῆς, ὡς ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. Cf. Bekker’s Anecd. p. 185, δὲ καταγραφόμενος τὰ ἐν τῇ βουλῇ γενόμενα. The present is the

only passage in the treatise to which Har-

pocration can refer, but it is remarkable that the title ἀντιγραφεύς does not occur in the text. See, in general, Wilamowitz, i 227 f. ;

ae

5

20

210

AQHNAIQN

COL. 27, 1. 34—40.

βουλῇ. πρότερον μὲν οὖν οὗτος ἦν χειροτονητός, καὶ τοὺς ἐνδοξο- τάτους καὶ πιστοτάτους ἐχειροτόνουν" καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς στήλαις πρὸς ταῖς συμμαχίαις καὶ προξενίαις καὶ πολιτείαις οὗτος ἀνωγραφεται" νῦν δὲ γέγονε κληρωτός. κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ eH νόμους ἕτερον, ὃς παρακάθηται τῇ βουλῇ, Kal ἀντυγράφεται καὶ

οὗτος πάντας.

τ 37 K(AI)ATTICT: corr. K. e Polluce (edd.).

χειροτονεῖ δὲ καὶ δῆμος γραμματέα τὸν

19—20 ΕἸΤῚ TOYTOIC Ν[ΟἾΪλΛΟΝ ETEPON: corr. K |

TESTIMONIA. §§ 4, 5. Cf. Testim. 88 3, 4.

πρότερον] The date at which this official ceased to be χειροτονητὸς and became κληρωτὸς is unknown. The office became annual between B.C. 367 and 363. The last example of its being held for a mpuraveia only is in 368/7; the first example of its being held for a year is in 363/2. Possibly appointment by lot was introduced about the same time.

τοὺς ἐνδοξοτάτους κτλ.] For the period between 450 B.C. and 403 B.C., about 28 names are known (Hille in Lezpz. Stud. i240); but only two are at all familiar, Agyrrhius and Cephisophon, CIA ii 1 6 (404/3 B.c.). In the fourth century, down to B.C. 322, we have 38 names, not one of them ‘famous’ (see Wyse in Class. Rev. v 276). Cf. Wilamowitz, i 228 n. 86. ᾿ στήλαιΞ] cf. note on Dem. Left. 36. . ταῖς συμμαχίαις] ¢.g. in B.C. 433/2, the treaties between Athens and Leontini (CIA iv 33 4) and Athens and Rhegium (CIA iv 13), Xaplas éypayudreve: also in B.C. 378/7, the second maritime Confe- deracy (CIA ii 17), Καλλίβιος Κηφισοφῶντος ἐγραμμάτευε. The latest example now known belongs to B.C. 356/5 (CIA ii 66).

mpoteviats] ‘grants of the title of πρό- éevos’ (cf. note on Dem. Left. 60, and Gilbert, i 2012)... As exx. we have (in B.C, 431/0) CIA 1 45, Προκλέης ᾿Ατάρβου Ἑὐωνυ- μεὺς ἐγραμμάτευε.---ἀναγραψάτω πρόξενον καὶ εὐεργέτην ᾿Αθηναίων (᾿ Αστίαν τὸν ᾿Αλεὸν) ἐστήλῃ λιθίνῃ γραμματεὺς τῆς βουλῆς καὶ καταθέτω ἐν πόλει. 20. ii 29 (Echem- brotos οἵ (Ἰ]ςομε)--- Πιστόξενος ἔγραμμά- reve, and ii 3 (Amyntor, Eurypylus, &c) ---Δεξίθεος ἔγρ.---ἐπειδὴ καθῃρέθη στήλη ἐπὶ τῶν τριάκοντα ἐν ἣν αὐτοῖς προ- ξενία, ἀναγράψαι τὴν στήλην τὸν yp. τῆς βουλῆς. ii 21 (Eurytion) Αἰσχύλος ἐγρ.; li 69 (Philiscus, B.C. 355)» ἐνάτης πρυτανείας Ildvdios Σιωκλέους ἐξ Οἴου ἐγρ.---ἀναγρά- ψαι τόδε τὸ ψήφισμα τὸν yp. τῆς βουλῆς. ii 119 (Apelles of Byzantium, B.c. 339)— ἀναγράψαι αὐτοῦ τὴν προξενίαν τὸν yp. τὸν κατὰ πρυτανείαν. ii124(an officerof Philip

in B.C. 33η)---ἀναγράψαι δὲ τὴν προξενίαν | κτλ. Cf. Monceaux, Les Proxenies Grec- gues, p. 83. . πολιτείαις] ‘grants of citizenship.’ The - oldest inscr. on this subject is that in Ἐφ. ’Apx. 1883, pp. 37, 38: Ἵππαρχον &c ᾿Αθηναίος ἔναι ἀνδραγαθίας ἕνεκα τῆς ἐς ᾿Αθηναίος καὶ φυλὴν καὶ δῆμον καὶ φρα- τρίαν ἑλέσθαι ἥν περ ἂν βόλωνται καὶ ἀναγράψαι αὐτὸς ἐστήληι λιθίνηι Toy γραμ- ματέα τῆς βολῆς. CIA ii 243---εἶναι ξύ- θεμιν (friend of Demetrius Poliorcetes)— --᾿Αθηναῖον---ἀναγράψαι δὲ τόδε τὸ WH-~ φισμα τὸν γραμματέα τὸν κατὰ πρυτανείαν. πολιτεία is used of ‘a grant of citizen-_ ship’ in inscriptions of Ephesus, Ditt. no. ~ 134, ἀναγράψαι δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν πολιτείαν eis τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος, οὗ καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ πολιτείζαι ἀν]αγεγραμμέναι εἰσίν, and zd. 215, ἀναγράψαι ὅπου καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ πολι- τεῖαι ἀναγεγραμμέναι εἰσί. See SchOmann, Ant. p. 355; Gilbert, i 2037; Dect. Ant.- i 443; Hartel, Studien, p. 271-3; Rei- nach, 2 Ep~igraphie Grecque, p. 371. ἀναγράφεται] Thus, in a decree in honour of Thrasybulus of Calydon, thes first two lines are inscribed in large characters, CIA i 59: [ἐπὶ Γλαυκίππου ἄ[ρ]χον[τ]ος. [Λόβων ἐκ] Κηδῶν ἐγραμμά- τευε. ‘Then follows the decree in smaller characters and the name of the ypauua-_ Tevs is repeated in the second line, Λόβων ἐγραμμάτευε. CIA ii 51 (decree of citizen-

_ ship &c B.C. 369) 1. 3---᾿Α ζηνιεὺς éypauud-—

Teve. CIA Ii 54 (do. B.C. 263)---Παλληνεὺς éyp.—rd δὲ ψήφισμα τόδε ἀνωγράψαι τὸν γραμματέα τῆς βουλῆς. Mr Wyse (Class. Rev. v 276 a) points out that this style is not found in any inscr. between 356/: and 320/19.

§ 4. ἐπὶ τοὺς νόμους] Pollux viii 98, κα' ἕτερος ἐπὶ τοὺς νόμους ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς χει, porovovmevos. The term χειροτονούμενο! applies to the first γραμματεὺς of ar earlier time, and not to the second ypay. ματεύς.

§ 5. τὸν ἀναγνωσόμενον] It is probabl: the same official that is meant in Dem

CH. 54, 1.. 16—24.

TIOAITEIA

211:

> / 3 \ “Ὁ st \ Φ / 3 4 ἀναγνωσόμενον αὐτῷ καὶ TH BovAr, Kal οὗτος οὐδενός ἐστι κύριος

᾿ ἀλλὰ τοῦ ἀναγνῶναι.

a \ ware \ / \ rs! ee 4 κληροῖ δὲ Kai ἱεροποιοὺς δέκα, τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ ἐκθύματα καλου-

23 ἀλλὰ: ἀλλ᾽ Blass, Richards, Gennadios (e Suida K-W, H-L, Th); ἀλλὰ de-

fendit kK (s!) ; ΒΓ appendix,

Test. §5 Bekk. Amecd. 226, 30, γραμματεύς : καὶ οὗτος οὐδενὸς τὸ σύνολον ἄλλου ἐστὶ κύριος

δῆμος ἀναγνωσόμενον αὐτῷ καὶ τῇ βουλῇ. τοῦ ἀναγνῶναι.

88 6, 7 Pollux viii 107 ἱεροποιοί p. 212 @ exscriptus.

kal τὸν γραμματέα χειροτονεῖ

Bekk. Ax, 265, 22, ἱεροποιοί:

Νληρωτοὶ ἄρχοντες, εἰσὶ δὲ δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, οἱ τά τε μαντεύματα ἱεροθυτοῦσι, κἄν τι καλλιερῆσαι δέῃ, καλλιεροῦσι μετὰ τῶν μαντευμάτων καὶ θυσίας τὰς νομιζομένας ἐπιτελοῦσι

καὶ τὰς πενταετηρίδας ἁπάσας διοικοῦσιν πλὴν Παναθηναίων. κληρωτοὶ ἄρχοντες, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, οἱ τά τε μαντεύματα ἱεροθυτοῦσι, κἄν τις

ἱεροποιοί:

Fere eadem Photius,

καλλιερήσῃ, συγκαλλιεροῦσι τοῖς μαντεύμασι, καὶ θυσίας Tas νομιζομένας ἐπιτελοῦσι Kai

τὰς πενταετηρίδας ἁπάσας διοικοῦσι πλὴν Παναθηναίων. τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν οἱ τὸν ἀριθμόν εἰσιν ἀόριστοι. ρωτοὶ ἄρχοντας δέκα οἱ τὰ μεμαντευμένα ἱερὰ θύουσιν. Photium usque ad ἐπιτελοῦσι exscripsit Etym. genuinum, ex quo pendet

θεῶν.

εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι ἱεροποιοὶ Etiam Lex Patm. p. 11 ἱεροποιοί : κλη- εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν σεμνῶν

Symes ; ; Bekk. An. exscripsit *Etym. Magni auctor addito, post Παναθηναίων, ταῦτα

δ᾽ Ap. ἱστορεῖ ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ.

Lept. 94 (of a new law), τῷ γραμματεῖ rapa- δοῦναι, τοῦτον δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἀναγιγ- νώσκειν. When the letter of Nicias was delivered in Athens (Thuc. vii 10) ypap-

ματεὺς [τῆς πόλεως] παρελθὼν ἀνέγνω τοῖς.

᾿Αθηναίοις, where Herwerden, Stahl and Hude bracket τῆς πόλεως. The margin of M (the Ms in the British Museum) has: ὑπηρέτην Tov εἰωθότα ἐν τῷ κοινῷ δήμῳ τὰ γράμματα ἀναγιγνώσκειν. We Ξῃου ά have expected to find him named in CIA ii 61, 26, ἀκούσασαν δὲ τὴν βουλὴν ἀνταναγιγνω- σκομένων τῶν ἀναγεγραμμένων KTr.]. In CIA ii 114, to (B.C. 3432) we read of a decree in honour of Phanodemus: ἀναγ- νῶναι τόδε τὸ ψήφισμα Toy γραμματέα τῷ δήμῳ. In [Plut.] ii 841 Ε, we learn that the orator Lycurgus required the yp. τῆς πόλεως to see that the authorized text alone of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides was adopted in the public per- formances of their plays, [Plut.] ii 841 F, τὸν THs πόλεως γραμματέα παραναγινώσ- Kew τοῖς ὑποκρινομένοις.

ἀλλὰ] ἀλλ’ in Ath. ΔΛ. x 5, 1176 22, vil 13, 1152 6°30, het. ii 23, 1402 @ 27 (Index Ar.).

§ 6. ἱεροποιοὺς7] ‘Commissioners of sacrifices.” Pol. 1322 18, ἄλλο δ᾽ εἶδος ἐπιμελείας περὶ τοὺς θεούς. οἷον ἱερεῖς τε καὶ ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν περὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῦ σῴζεσθαί τε τὰ ὑπάρχοντα καὶ ἀνορθοῦσθαι τὰ πίπ-

_ τοντὰ τῶν οἰκοδομημάτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων

ὅσα τέτακται πρὸς τοὺς θεούς---(ὁ 24) οἷον ἱεροποιοὺς κτλ. The text is quoted in

τ £Etym. Magn., without any distinction be-

tween the two boards. The article addsa

reference to Dem. 4 § 26, of λοιποὶ τὰς

πομπὰς πέμπουσιν ὑμῖν μετὰ τῶν ἱεροποιῶν. The ἱεροποιοὶ are mentioned under the Four Hundred in § 2. Cf. [Dem.] 58 § 29, τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἄρχων ἐτελεύτησεν, ἱεροποιὸς ὦν, παρὰ τοὺς νόμους ἦρχεν οὗτος, οὔτε λαχὼν οὔτ᾽ ἐπιλαχών. CIA ii 741 (B.C. 3343); ἐκ τοῦ δερματικοῦ---ἐκ τῆς θυσίας τῇ ᾿Αγαθῇ Τύχῃ παρὰ ἱεροποιῶν —éé’ Ασκληπιείων παρὰ ἱεροποιῶν---ἐγ Bev- διδέων, παρὰ ἱεροποιῶν. (B.C. 333/2), [ἐκ Παναθηναίων παρὰ [ἱεροποιῶ]ν. B.C. 332/1 ἐκ Παναθηναίων παρὰ ἱεροποιῶν, ἐξ ᾿Ελευ- σινίων παρὰ ἱεροποιῶν. For the Hephaestia, two commissions of Io ἱεροποιοὶ each were appointed by lot (a) from the βουλή, (6) from the δικασταί (cia iv (1) 35 δ). Certain kinds of ἱεροποιοὶ, however, were elected and not appointed by lot. Thus, Dem. c. Mid. §§ 115, 171 states that he had the honour of being elected’ from among all the Athenians as one of the three ἱεροποιοὶ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν. In an inscr. published τη ᾿Αθήναιον, 6 p. 483, we find 10 ἱεροποιοὶ οἱ αἱρεθέντες ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς (out of the το tribes). Gilbert i 2927; Miiller’s Handbuch, v 3, 34. ἐκθύματα] The word is found in the sense of ‘pustule’ in Hipp. Zid. 3, 1086. It is also found in a Coan inscription (27, 36 Paton). ἐκθύω means in act. to sacrifice, in Soph. £7. 572, and Eur. Cycl. 371; and, in middle, to expiate. In the text ἐκθύματα means ‘expiations.’ The corre- sponding phrase in an inscr. of B.C. 329/8, in ’E@. ’Apx. 1883, 110—126, B 82, is eds τ ἐπιθύσιμα (-- ΜΊςΠΕΙ] no. 581, p. 465, Ι.. 4).

14---2

212

AOHNAIQN

COL.-27, 1, 40—44;

ae ¢ U AK anes \ / : A 25 μένους, [οἱ] τά τε plav|revta ἱερὰ θύουσιν, κἄν τι καλλιερῆσαι

δέῃ,

͵ \ » 3 \ , 7, δέκα, τοὺς κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν καλουμένους, οἱ θυσίας τέ

καλλιεροῦσι μετὰ τῶν μάντεων.

\ Kal

κληροῖ δὲ τινας θύουσι ᾿

[καὶ tlas πεντετηρίδας ἁπάσας διοικοῦσιν πλὴν Παναθηναίων. ε[ἐἰσὶ δ]ὲ πεντετηρίδες μία μ[ὲν εἰς Δῆλον (ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἑπτετηρὶς

28 διοικοῦσι H-L. πεντετηρίδες -- δ' -- Κ-νν1:3,

29 ε[ἰσὶ δὲ] K, K-w, B?-4, Th; (sc. πέντε) [δ᾽ εἰσὶ] H-L, Bl.

μαντευτὰ) ‘appointed by oracle.’ Xen. Anab. vi τ, 22, ἐθύετο TO Aut τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅσπερ αὐτῷ μαντευτὸς ἦν ἐκ Δελφῶν. Sacrifices are enjoined in the μαντεῖαι quoted by Dem. ς. Mid. 52—54.

καλλιερῆσαι) [Xen.] Vect. vi 3, τού- τοις (τοῖς θεοῖς) καλλιερήσαντας ἄρχεσθαι τοῦ ἔργου.

§ 7. τοὺς κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν] possibly corresponding to the ἐπιμελητάς of 30 § 2.

πεντετηρίδας] These festivals are also enumerated i in Pollux viii 107, ἱεροποιοί'" δέκα ὄντες οὗτοι ἔθυον θυσίας Tas πεντε- τηρίδας, τὴν εἰς Δῆλον, τὴν ἐν Βραυρῶνι, τὴν τῶν Ἡρακλείων (Ἡρακλειδῶν codd.), τὴν ᾿Ελευσῖνι.

πλὴν Παναθηναίων] At this festival the procession was marshalled by the δήμαρχοι: Suidas, 5. v. οὗτοι δὲ διεκόσ- μουν τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν Παναθηναίων, and Schol. Arist. Wud. 37, οὗτοι δὲ τὴν πομ- why τῶν Παναθηναίων ἐκόσμουν. In CIA ii 741 ἱεροποιοὶ are twice mentioned in con- nexion with a Panathenaic festival: @ 34, [ἐκ Πανα]θηναίων παρὰ [ἱεροποιῶ]ν, and c 8, [ἐκ ἸΠα]ναθηναίων παρὰ ἱερο[ ποιῶν]. The former refers to B.C. 333/2, the latter to 332/1, and, as neither of these is the 3rd year of an Olympiad, the lesser Pana- thenaea must be meant, and not the ‘pen- teteric’ festival mentioned in the text. The difficulty is more serious in CIA i 188, 74 (Ditt. no. 44): ἀθλοθέταις παρε- δόθη Παναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα (such and such a sum), ἱεροποιοῖς κατ᾽ ἐνι- αὐτόν, Διύλλῳ ‘Epxee? καὶ συνάρχουσιν ἐς τὴν ἑκατόμβην (5114 dr.). Boeckh, 11 p- 8 Frankel, supposes that, in the Pana- thenaea, it was the ἀθλοθέται who under- took the duties connected with the games, which were undertaken by the ἱεροποιοὶ in the other festivals, while the ἱεροποιοὶ were only concerned with making ar- rangements for the hecatomb. The ἱεροποιοί, who took part in the Jdesser Panathenaea, are described in CIA li 163, as ἱεροποιοὶ οἱ διοικοῦντες τὰ Παναθήναια τὰ κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν.

εἰς Δῆλον] The ancient πανήγυρις at Delos was revived by the Athenians in

the spring of B.c. 425, Thuc. iii 104, 2; τὴν πεντετηρίδα τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν κάθαρσιν ἐποίησαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τὰ Δήλια: Besides the πεντετηρὶς mentioned in the text there was an annual θεωρία (Plat. Phaedo 58 B, Crito 43 C). Hermann, Gottesdienst, Alt. § 65, 31—34, ed. 1858.

It was formerly supposed that the De- lian festival was held on the 6th and 7th of Thargelion= May-June (Boeckh, 11 p. 72 Frankel). The Delian inscriptions point to its having been really held in the month known at Delos as ‘Iepds, cor- responding to the Attic Anthesterion = Feb.-March (Robert in Hermes xxi 161, approved by A. Mommsen in Bur- sian’s /ahresb. 1886, 3 p. 335-8). It included musical (Plut. Mic. 3; Lucian de Salt. 16) and gymnastic competitions, as well as horse-races (Thuc. iii 104; Dit- tenberger, 121, 16).

M. Homolle (Bull. Corresp. Hellén., 1891, pp- 149—155) remarks that ‘the in- ventories from Delos for 279 B.C. men- tion 30 of the cups that the Athenians gave every year, and 23 of the wreaths that they gave every four years... Healso remarks that the inventories for 334 B.C., which come next in date, mention τα of these cups and 20 of these wreaths, so that the last cup would have been given in 315 B.C., and the last wreath in 322. He argues that, as the Athenians certainly left Delos before 310 B.C., the cessation of their gifts after 315 B.C. is attributable to their departure and marks the exact date. But then one would like to know why there was not a twenty-fourth wreath for 318 B.c. The πεῖν treatise suggests the reason. It states that the Athenians held a festival at Delos every four years ; but adds parenthetically awd every six years also, and then alludes obscurely to the archonship of Cephisophon in 329 B.C.

Suppose that [after the festival in 330] the

interval was increased in 329 from four _ the twenty-second and twenty-third wreaths would then belong ~

years to six:

to 324 B.c. and 318 B.C. and would pro-

bably complete the series ; for there is no

other record of festivals at Delos every

ἑτέρους 7

ya

4 3 3 Ξ Ξῇ τ. τῇ 5 7 τῇ 3

an

CH. 54,1. 25—31.

TIOAITEIA

213

ἐνταῦθα), δευτέρα δὲ Βραυρώνια, τρίτη [5 ἫράκλεἼ)να, τετάρτη [δ᾽ Ἐλευσίνια, πέμπτη δὲ Παναθήναια" καὶ τούτων οὐδεμία ἐν τῷ

80 Ἡράκλεια ex Polluce Κ.

31 ᾿Ἐλευ[σίνι]α, [8] δὲ Wyse (Κκ8, qui pro πέμπτη

scribi potuisse ostendit, coll. c. 47 § 4 ubi [6] pro ἐνάτης recte datum ; ‘dispiciuntur

vestigia litterae €, et super eam ductus transversus “€ nunc clare legitur’ K*). ᾿Ελευσίνια. ra δὲ K-w!

+ es numerum indicat’ (B, K-w4,

oyA(e)Mia, ‘ut videtur’ κί, οὐδέμια 81.323, K-w3, Th; οὐδεμιᾷ K-Wwh?, 585;

six years, and such festivals would pre- sumably have been recorded, had they existed for any length of time’ (Mr Torr in Class. Rev. v 277).

Βραυρώνια] The festival originally held

‘at Brauron in honour of Artemis is men-

tioned in Hadt. vi 138 (cf. Arist. Lyszstr. 646 and Schol.). It was afterwards held in the Brauronion on the Acropolis (Paus. i 23, 9; Wilamowitz, Aus Kydathen, 128 n. 47 ἢ. We have lists of dresses dedicated to Artemis by Athenian ladies {CIA ii 751 ff., p. 113), one of whom ac- tually bears the name of Ilevrernpis (2d, 750, 15, B.C. 345).

here was also a festival held at Brauron in honour of Dionysus, Arist. Pax 874 with Schol. ἐκεῖ δὲ καὶ τὰ Διον- ύσια ἤγετο, καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον δῆμον. Hence the Dionysia are described by Suidas i 454 as having been held every four years at Brauron. But the country Dio- nysia were celebrated annually through- out Attica; and it is more probable that the festival under the control of the ἱερο- ποιοί was the distinctive Brauronian festi- val of Artemis. Hemsterhuys, Corsini and others refer the Brauronian πεντε- τηρίς (cf. Pollux viii 107) to the Dionysia. K. O. Miiller points out that the exist- ence of a ἱέρεια τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος τῆς Bpav- pwrias (Dinarch. Arist. 12) does not prevent the festival being under the management of the ἱεροποιοί, and Rinck, die Religion der Hellenen, ii 105, refers it to the festival of Artemis. Hermann /. ¢c. § 62, 14—20. - Ἡράκλεια] Dem. 7. Z. § 125, παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν κατακομίζειν ἐψηφίζεσθε... καὶ τὰ Ἡράκλεια ἐν ἄστει ϑύειν. Harpocr. 5. v. πολλῶν ὄντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν Ἡρακλείων, νῦν ἂν Δημοσθένης μνημονεύοι ἤτοι τῶν ἐν Μαρα- θῶνι τῶν ἐν ἸΚυνοσάργει" ταῦτα γὰρ Μάλιστα διὰ τιμῆς εἶχον ᾿Αθηναῖοι. The festival referred to by. Dem. was probably held about midsummer, apparently in the month Hecatombaeon, at the same time as the Panathenaea: Steph. Byz. 5. v. ᾿Εχελίδαι.---τοῦ τετρακώμου Ἡρακλείου, ἐν τοὺς γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐτίθεσαν τοῖς Παναθηναίοις (Bohnecke, Forschungen, p. 655). On the Ἡράκλεια at Marathon,

cf. Paus. i 15, 4; Pind. Οἱ ix 95, Schol. Pind. Οἱ. xiii 110. See also Hermann Ζ. c. § 62, 21—24.

᾿ἘΙλευσίνια] A festival held (as the context shews) once in four years and therefore distinct from the Aleusinia in the ordinary sense of the term. A.Momm- sen, Heortologie, 1864, p. 243, doubted its existence... Cf., however, inscr. from Eleu- sis in’E@.’Apx. 1883, pp. 110—126, B 50, σύμπαν κε[φάλαιον ἱερεῦσι καὶ] ἱερείαις εἰς τὴν τριετηρίδα τῶν ᾿Ελευσινίων καὶ εἰς τὴν πεντετηρίδα, οἷ. 2b. 1887, p. 3, V 28» τῆς πανη[γύρε]ως τῶν ᾿Ελευ[σι]νίων τῶν μεγάλων. Τὶ has been conjectured that the τριετηρὶς and πεντετηρὶς fell in the second and fourth year respectively. of the Olympiad. If the inscr. in CIA ii 741 (Ditt. 374) is correctly restored, the ἱεροποιοί, presumably of κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν, were concerned with the aznzal celebra- tion of the ᾿Ελευσίνια, cf. c 66 [ἐξ ᾽Ελε]υ- σινίων παρὰ ἱεροποιῶ[ν----Ἴ, B.C. 432/1, the γε year of an Olympiad, and d@ 74 ἐξ ᾿Ελευσινίων παρὰ] ἱεροπὶ οιῶν ---Ἴ, B.C. 331/0, the second year of an Ol. For the fourth year of an Ol., 333/2, the inscr. 4 39, as restored in the Corpus, has [ἐκ τῆς θυσ]ίας [τῇ Δήμητρι καὶ τῇ Κόρῃ] τῇ Δαείρ[ᾳ παρὰ ἐπιμελητῶ]ν. (Wyse, in Class. Rev. v 335 ὁ.)

The inscr, in’Ed. Apx. 1883, mention- ing the πεντετηρὶς τῶν ᾿Ελευσινίων, refers to B.C. 329/8, the very year in which Cephisophon was archon. Payments are there made to the ἱεροποιοὶ οἱ κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν, B 8 and 38 (κατὰ ψήφισμα δήμου [τ]ὸ [els @]vo[ias]), and to the ἱεροποιοὶ éy βουλῆς B 67, 72, 76, 82 (els τὰ ἐπιθύσιμα), y 4 ht γὼ ib.).

Ε αναθήναιαᾳ} the great Panathenaea; c. 60.

ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ] possibly means ‘in the same place,’ which is true, the festivals being associated with Delos, Brauron, Marathon, Eleusis and Athens respec- tively. ‘At the same time’ is also a possible interpretation. It is not at all probable that the festivals would actually clash in respect of date; but there would be no point in drawing attention to this. The Delian festival and the great Pana- thenaea were alike in the third year of an

214

32 αὐτῷ ἐγγίγνεται. Κηφισοφῶντος ἄρχοντος.

AOHNAIQN

COL. 27,1, 45-51.

νῦν] δὲ πρόσκειται [καὶ ᾿ΗἸφαίσ[τια] ἐπὶ

κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ εἰς Σαλαμῖνα ἄρχοντα, καὶ εἰς Πειραιέα 8

EN? OYAETPIA H-L.

ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἔτει γίνεται Jos. Mayor; ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐνιαυτῷ γίγνεται Blass (H-L). δὲ Παναθήναια [kal] τούτων οὐδεμιᾷ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐν[ιαυτῷ] γίνεται] K-wl-?,

δὲ B, Κ-νν8, κέ, Th.

K-w!?), [ἄθλα] δὲ πρόκειται [κατὰ τὰ ψηφίσματα τὰ] ἐπὶ κτλ. 51.

p2-4 (κέ, Th); [᾿Αμ]φ[ιάραι]α Foucart. Πειραιέα edd, : Πειραιᾶ H-L.

ENTWIAYTWITINETAL: ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐγγί[νεται] κὶ, 51, K-w3, Th;

[τ]ὰ 32 [νῦν]

πρόσκειται B, Wilcken (Κ-νν8, Κα, Th); πρόκειται olim K (B},

[καὶ ἩΗ]φαίσ[τια]

ΕΤΤΙ : ἀπὸ malebat B. 34 ΤΤΕΙ...Εὰ»

Olympiad (Thue. iii 104). The Delia of 334 fell.in the third year; those of 279 in the second year of an Ol. The Delia were probably held in the month of An- thesterion; the Panathenaea (and _pro- bably the Heracleia) in Hecatombaeon; the Eleusinia possibly in the fourth year of an Olympiad, and probably in the same month as the annual Eleusinia, z.e. in Boedromion. The month (and even the year) of the Brauronia is unknown. (A. Mommsen, /eortol. 409, assigns it to the 16th of Munichion.)

The insertion of ἐνιαυτῷ is only pos- sible if we disconnect the Panathenaea from the four penteteric festivals. The text, as edited by K-w, implies that not one of these four is in the same year as the Panathenaea; which is only possible if the Delian festival had already been transferred to the: second year of the Ol., and the Heracleia to the first year, leaving the Brauronia (and possibly the Eleusinia) in the fourth year.

“Ἡφαίστια] About the end of October, on the night immediately succeeding the family festival of the Apaturia, the god of fire and of the forge was worshipped ‘by men splendidly dressed, holding torches in their hands, which they lighted at the sacred hearth, as an expression of gratitude for the use of fire,’ Istrus, the Atthidographer, quoted by Harpocr. s.z. λαμπάς ; (Boeckh, III xxiii p. 603 Lamb).

_ The other festivals celebrated. with torch- races were the Prometheia and the Pana- thenaea (Harpocr. /.c.); and from 403 B.C., the names of all who won the torch-race in the Prometheia and the Hephaestia were publicly recorded, CIA i 213, p. 3433 but there is nothing known as to the Hephaestia of 329/8 B.C., nor even as to its being a quadrennial festival.

ἐπὶ Κηφισοφῶντος ἄρχοντος] 8.6. 320,8, the latest date mentioned in this treatise. The inscr. already quoted from ἜΦ. ’Apx. 1883, pp. 1το---ἰ 26, describes the. payments made to the ἱεροποιοὶ οἱ κατ᾽

ἐνιαυτόν, β 8 and 38 κατὰ ψήφισμα δήμου [τ]ὸ [εἰς O]vo[las], and y 7 καὶ τοῦτο (more than 1000 dr.) ἱεροποιοῖς κατεβάλομεν κατὰ ψήφισμα δήμου Λυκοῦργος εἶπεν. The date of the inscr. is the archonship of Cephisophon, B.C. 329/8. It is clear that in that year, on the proposal of Lycurgus, there was a special decree of the people affecting the πεντετηρὶς of the ᾿Ελευσίνια. The same decree added a horse-race to the contests, and we are told that the prize in that contest was 70 medimni, B 38, 48, els τὴν ἱπποδρομίαν τὴν προστε- θεῖσαν κατὰ ψήφισμα ἦθλα μέδιμνοι NAA,

Foucart, Rev. de Philol. 1895, 27—30, holds that the date of the treatise falls. between 334 and 332, and that the clause relating to Cephisophon was a later addi- tion, suggested by the institution of the Amphiaraea during his archonship.

8. 8. εἰς Σαλαμῖνα ἄρχοντα] c. 62 2. CIA ii 594 (127 B.C.?), v. 1, ἐπὶ] ᾽Επι- κλέους ἄρχοντος ἐν ἄστει, ἐν Σαλαμῖνι. δὲ ᾿Ανδρονίκο[ υ], v. 31, Διονυσίων τῶν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι τραγῳδοῖς. 160. ii. 469 (somewhat before 69 B.C.), ν. 75 and 8ο, ἐπὶ Πυθέου ἄρχοντος ἐν Σαλαμῖνι, ἐν ἄστει δὲ Ἵππάρ- χου, v. 82, Διονυσίων τῶν ἐν Σαλαμῖνε τραγῳδῶν ἐν ἀγῶνι (cf. n. 470, ν. 58), Before the discovery of this treatise there was nothing to shew how the archon in Salamis was appointed. Cf. von Schoeffer, De Deli Insulae Rebus, p. 201 (Berlin. Studien xvi 398): ‘Archon Salaminis in- sulae fueritne ab Atheniensibus consti- tutus an a cleruchis electus, prorsus ignoramus; nomen archontis minime ob- stat quominus illud verisimilius videatur.” Dittenberger, Sy//. Juscr. Graec. τι. 383, n. 2, on an ‘archon’ in a decree of Scyros. posterior to 196 B.c. (Wyse in Class. Rev. Υ 335.) t

Salamis was not reckoned as an Attic deme, but as a community dependent on Athens. Hence (like Athens) it had an archon at its head (Thumser, 435 ἔς Gilbert, i 5087).

Salamis having long been pacified as

CH. $4, 1. 32—CH. 55,1.6. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 215

δήμαρχον, of τά τε Διονύσια ποιοῦσιν ἑκατέρωθι καὶ χορηγοὺς 35

καθιστᾶσι. ἐν Σαλαμῖνι δὲ καὶ τοὔνομα τοῦ ἄρχοντος ἀναγράφεται.

556. αὗται μὲν οὖν αἱ ἀρχαὶ κληρωταί τε καὶ κύριαι τῶν .. εἰρημένων [πάντ]ων εἰσίν. οἱ δὲ καλούμενοι ἐννέα ἄρχοντες τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὃν τρόπον καθίσταντο εἴρηται: [νῦν] δὲ κληροῦσιν θεσμοθέτας μὲν ὲξ καὶ γραμματέα τούτοις, ἔτι δ᾽ ἄρχοντα καὶ βασιλέα καὶ πολέμαρχον κατὰ μέρος ἐξ ἑκάστης 8

2 φυλῆς. δοκιμάζονται δ᾽ οὗτοι πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, τοῖς

35 ποιοῦσιν Κ΄, Κ-νν8, Th: ΤΤΟΙΟΥΟΙ H-L, B, Κ- 13, sl.

LV 1 ‘an κληροῦνται καὶ κύριαι ν᾽ K-w!?, repugnante Kaibelio 229.

Neustadt coll. posuit B+.

H-L. 5 ἑκάστης --τῆς:- B (51, Th).

TESTIMONIA.

τε --πᾶσαι:-

2 [πάντ]ων K4, ἁπάντων coniecit cum Papageorgio B? ; πράξεων Kaibel 229 (K-w°, Bt, Th); [πραγμάτ]ων olim K! (H-L, 51). 3 [εἴρ]ηται" [viv] Β1, Kt, Th; [εἴρη]ται [ἤδη νῦν} κ', K-wl?, H-L; [προε]ίρητα[ι: νῦν] B2-4, Wilcken (K-w®*), ‘quod non capit spatium’ kK‘.

ol καλούμενοι δὲ trans-

4 κληροῦσι

LV §§ 1, 2, 4 Heraclidis epitoma; Rose Frag. 611, 8: εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ

ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, θεσμοθέται ς΄ (Coraes; θεσμοθέται καὶ vel θεσμοθετικοὶ καὶ codd.), of δοκιμασθέντες ὀμνύουσι δικαίως ἄρξειν καὶ δῶρα μὴ λήψεσθαι ἀνδριάντα χρυσοῦν

ἀναθήσειν.

§§ 2, 3 Pollux viii 85, 86, infra p. 216 laudatus.

*Lex. rhet. Cantab. θεσμοθετῶν

part of the Athenian dominion, the archon is an Athenian citizen, appointed by lot and not elected. |

εἰς Πειραιέα δήμαρχον] In ΟΙΑ ii 5734 we have a decree, of the second half of the fourth century, placing the θεσμο- φόριον in the Peiraeus under the protec- tion of the δήμαρχος. In ii 573 the δήμαρχος is mentioned in connexion wtth a theatre in the Peiraeus. In an inscr. ascribed to the beginning of the 3rd cent., 26. 589, one Callimedon has a place of precedence assigned him ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ ὅταμ ποιῶσι ἹΠειραιεῖς τὰ Διονύσια---καὶ εἰσαγέτω αὐτὸν δήμαρχος εἰς τὸ θέα- tpov. Lastly, in ii 1059, a lease granted by the Πειραιεῖς is superscribed ἐπὶ ᾿Αρχίππου ἄρχοντος (B.C. 321/0), Φρυνί- ὠνος δημαρχοῦϊντος] Cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 5. While, in the other demes, the δήμαρχος was elected by the members of the deme, in the important deme of the Peiraeus he was appointed by lot. Otherwise he would have be- come too powerful a personage.

Διονύσια] τὰ κατ᾽ ἀγρούς, celebrated in the month Poseideon, and on the grandest scale in the Peiraeus. CIA ii 589 (quoted above), 2d. 741 (Ditt. 374), 6, 72, 79, éy Διονυσίων τῶν ἐν Πειραιεῖ. Cf. Miiller’s Handbuch, v 3, 162, Wyse in oo Rev. vy 276 ὁ, and Wilamowitz, 2231-f.

ἐν Σαλαμῖνι---ἀναγράφεται)] The ar-

chon of Salamis is an archon eponymus whose name is recorded in the official documents of his year. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 230 f.

LV—LVI§1. Ox the nine Archons. Schémann, Anz. p. 410—414; Gilbert, i 279—2852; Thumser, 557 ἢ; Dzct. Ant. δῦ.

LV 8 1. ἐξ ἀρχῆς] c. 3 88 2 8 § 1; 22 § 5; 26 § 2.

κληροῦσιν xrd.] The process is de- scribed in c. 8 § 1, ταῖς φυλαῖς τὸ δέκα κληροῦν ἑκάστην, εἶτ᾽ ἐκ τούτων κυαμεύειν.

θεσμοθέτας- ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς] It has hitherto been uncertain whether, in the annual appointment of archons, the holders of the office were taken from different tribes. This was conjectured by Sauppe, de creatione archontum atticorum, 1864. Those who (like Schémann, p. 410) ac- cepted this view, supposed that one of the ten tribes was unrepresented. We now learn that the tenth tribe supplied the γραμματεὺς to the θεσμοθέται. :

γραμματέα] The existence of a yp. to the thesmothetae has hitherto been un- known. Pollux, viii 92, after stating that the first three archons select two mdpe- Spor each, adds: προσαιροῦνται δὲ καὶ γραμματέα, ὃς ἐννόμῳ (ἐν μόνῳϊ Wyse) δικαστηρίῳ κρίνεται, but says nothing of any such secretary to the other six archons..

§2. δοκιμάζονται] Harpocr. s.v. doxt-

45

, \ a , Φ J , πεντακοσίοις, πλὴν τοῦ γραμματέως, οὗτος

το

216 AOHNAIQN . COL. 27,1. 51—28, 1. 12. >? / ἐν δικαστηρίῳ caw Wd Ce EA , \ \ e \ μόνον, ὥσπερ ol ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες (πάντες yap καὶ οἱ KANPwWTOL καὶ οἱ χειροτονητοὶ δοκιμασθέντες ἄρχουσιν), οἱ δ᾽ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες ἔν τε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ πάλιν ἐν δικαστηρίῳ. καὶ πρότερον μὲν οὐκ > b 3 / ς / fal +4 / > > δ ἦρχεν ὅντιν᾽ ἀποδοκιμάσειεν βουλή, νῦν δ᾽ ἔφεσίς ἐστιν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, καὶ τοῦτο κύριόν ἐστι τῆς δοκιμασίας. ἐπερωτῶ- 3 ἊΨ , a \ res \ Ἂν, / ow δ᾽, ὅταν δοκιμάζξωσιν, πρῶτον μὲν “τίς σοι πατὴρ καὶ πόθεν [Cc 7 πεντακοσίοις «εἶτα δ᾽ ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ:- Papageorgios. 7, 10 “ΞτῷΞ5 δικαστηρίῳ hic et in c. 46, IO, C. 55, 10, Η-1,; idem in Ὁ. 4595 articulum omissum non

inserunt. B 4), propter spatium improbat κ΄. 12 ἐπερωτῶσι H-L.

ἀνάκρισις : τοῦ γραμματέως"

ἔστιν καὶ εἰ ““ τὰ τέλη"

3757, 414°).

κατὰ ᾿Αριστοτέλην οἱ θεσμοθέται ἐκ τῶν θ ἀρχόντων, αὐτοὶ ἕξ ὄντες. λαχόντες ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς τῶν πεντακοσίων καὶ τοῦ δικαστηρίου ““δοκιμάζονται " ““

8 πάντες K, BI, st, Κ- 1.2, Th; ἅπαντες Diels, Wilcken (Κ-ννϑ, γὰρ om. Papageorgios.

9 ἐννέ᾽ K-W, B.

οἱ δὲ πλὴν

ἐρωτώμενοι τίνες αὐτῶν πατέρες, ὁμοίως καὶ δήμων τίνων εἰσί, καὶ ‘el αὐτοῖς ““᾿Απόλλων πατρῴος καὶ Ζεὺς ἕρκειος,᾽"

καὶ εἰ τοὺς ““γονέας " εὖ ποιοῦσι,

τελοῦσι, καὶ εἰ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος στρατείας ἐστρατεύσαντο (Frag.

μασθείς"--- Λυκοῦργος δ᾽ ἐν τῷ περὶ διοική- σεως “γ΄ δοκιμασίαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον,᾽" φησί, “ἐγγίνονται, μία μὲν ἣν οἱ θ΄ ἄρχοντες δοκι- “μάζονται κτλ." Bekk. Anecd. 235, 11- Dem. Left. go describes the six thesmo- thetae as undergoing a. double δοκιμασία, ἔν re TH βουλῇ Kal παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἐν τῷ δικασ- τηρίῳ (cf. Lys. 15 2). Dem. 57 §§ 66, 70 refers to the δοκιμασία of all the nine archons. Gilbert, i 2437; Schomann, p.

400.

πάντες--δοκιμασθέντες ἄρχουσιν] Ae- schin. c. Cres. 14, 15; Lysias 26 88 6, 12. Pollux, viii 44, δοκιμασία δὲ τοῖς dp- xovow ἐπηγγέλλετο Kal τοῖς κληρωτοῖς Kal τοῖς αἱρετοῖς, εἴτ᾽ ἐπιτήδειοί εἰσιν ἄρχειν εἴτε καὶ μή. The text states that, whereas the nine archons were examined by the Council and by the law-court, all the other officers (whether appointed by lot or by show of hands) were examined by the law-court alone. This is in exact agreement with the view put forward by C. Schaefer in Fahrb. f. class. Phil. 1878,

-821 (the other views are stated in Gilbert,

i 208', ὭΣ cL 2437, Ὧν 1).

The passages bearing on the δοκιμασία of the ἀρχαὶ χειροτονηταὶ are Dem. 40 34, χειροτονησάντων ὑμῶν ἐμὲ ταξίαρχον ἧκεν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ δικαστήριον δοκιμασθησόμενος, and Aesch. Οζες. 15, χειροτονητὰς ἀρχὰς «ἄρχειν δοκιμασθέντας ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ. In the latter passage it is added that the κληρωταὶ ἀρχαὶ are οὐκ ἀδοκίμαστοι, but

nothing is stated about the law-courts. Cf. c. 45 § 3

ἐν τε TH βουλῇ καὶ πάλιν ἐν ϑικα- στηρίῳῃ The double δοκιμασία of the

nine Archons (cf. Dem. Left. go) is accepted by Gilbert, 2432, Thumser, 607 n. 3, and Busolt, Amz. 2237. Lipsius, however (Das Aftische Recht, 272 ni), contends that the second δοκιμασία would only take place in the event of an appeal.

§ 3. ἐπερωτῶσιν] |. 20 infra, ἐπερωτᾷ. Pollux, viii 86 (of the θεσμοθετῶν ἀνά- κρισι5), ἐπηρώτα δ᾽ βουλή.

πρῶτον μὲν] Dinarchus, Aréstog. τῇ, ἀνακρίνοντες τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν τι μέλ- λοντας διοικεῖν, τίς ἐστι τὸν ἴδιον τρόπον, εἰ γονέας εὖ ποιεῖ, εἰ τὰς στρατείας ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἐστράτευται, εἰ ἱερὰ (ἠρία Baiter and Sauppe, coll. § 18 πατρὸς μνῆμα) πατρῴα ἔστιν, εἰ τὰ τέλη τελεῖ. Xen. Mem. ii 2, 13, ἐὰν δέ τις γονέας μὴ θερα- πεύῃ, τούτῳ δίκην τε ἐπιτίθησι καὶ ἀποδο- κιμάζουσα οὐκ ἐᾷ ἄρχειν τοῦτον... καὶ ἐάν Tis τῶν γονέων τελευτησάντων τοὺς τάφους μὴ κοσμῇ, καὶ τοῦτο ἐξετάζει πόλις ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἀρχόντων δοκιμασίαις. Lys. τό § 9 (of the δοκιμασίαι of a βουλευτής), ἐν ταῖς δοκιμασίαις δίκαιον εἶναι παντὸς τοῦ βίου λόγον διδόναι. Pollux, viii 85, 86, gives a summary of the text, ἐκαλεῖτο δέ τις θεσμοθετῶν ἀνάκρισις (Dem. Eubul, 66), εἰ ᾿Αθηναῖοί εἰσιν ἑκατέρωθεν ἐκ τρι- γονίας καὶ τὸν δῆμον (corrected in margin of Cobet’s copy into τῶν δήμων, which is proved to be right by the text) πόθεν, καὶ el’ Ἀπόλλων ἔστιν αὐτοῖς πατρῷος καὶ Ζεὺς ἕρκειος, καὶ εἰ τοὺς γονέας εὖ ποιοῦσι, καὶ εἰ ἐστράτευνται ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος καὶ εἰ τὸ τίμημα ἔστιν αὐτοῖς. In the quotation in Lex. Rhet. Cant. the clause last quoted is in closer accordance with the text, e ra τέλη τελοῦσι : though the form in Pollux

JT) 7 \ / \ 1 \ Pes / \ , : \ τῶν δήμων, Kal Tis πατρὸς πατήρ, Kal τίς μήτηρ, Kal τίς μητρὸς πατὴρ καὶ πόθεν τῶν δήμων; μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, εἰ ἔστιν αὐτῷ 2 ΄ a \ \ ε a ~\ a a \ e 7 Απόλλων πατρῷος καὶ Ζεὺς ἑρκεῖος, καὶ ποῦ ταῦτα τὰ ἱερά Φ a A a ἐστιν, εἶτα ἠρία εἰ ἔστιν καὶ ποῦ ταῦτα, ἔπειτα γονέας εἰ εὖ ποιεῖ, [καὶ] τὰ τέλη (εἶ) τελεῖ, καὶ τὰς στρατείας εἰ ἐστράτευται. δ᾽ ἀνερωτήσας κάλει᾽, φησίν,

ταῦτα 7 \ , ? 5 \ τούτων τοὺς μάρτυρας᾽, ἐπειδὰν \ \ , οι ¢ 7, , , δὲ παράσχηται τοὺς μάρτυρας, ἐπερωτᾷ “τούτου βούλεταί τις a ? x \ 3 / , 4 κατηγορεῖν ;’ κἂν μὲν τις κατήγορος, δοὺς κατηγορίαν καὶ ἀπολο- γίαν, οὕτω δίδωσιν ἐν μὲν τῇ βουλῇ τὴν ἐπιχειροτονίαν, ἐν δὲ τῷ δικαστηρίῳ τὴν ψῆφον" ἐὰν δὲ μηδεὶς βούληται κατηγορεῖν, εὐθὺς δίδωσι τὴν ψῆφον. καὶ πρότερον μὲν εἷς ἐνέβαλλε τὴν ψῆφον, t lal δ᾽ > / / > \ / θ \ > lal » : νῦν δ᾽ ἀνάγκη πάντας ἐστὶ διαψηφίζεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν, ἵνα, ἄν τις πονηρὸὲ ὧν ἀπαλλάξῃ τοὺς κατηγόρους, ἐπὶ τοῖς δικασταῖς 5 γένηται τοῦτον ἀποδοκιμάσαι. δοκιμασθέν(τες) δὲ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον, βαδίζουσι πρὸς τὸν λίθον ἐφ᾽ ο[ὗ] τὰ Tops’ ἐστίν, ἐφ᾽ οὗ

18 --εἰ:- τελεῖ K-W (K*) e Lex. Cantabr. coll. Dinarch. ii 18: τελεῖ Β, 51, Th. 19 ἐπερωτήσας Papageorgios. 20 BoyAe€yTal: corr. K. 25 διαψήφ. Wyse etc,

(edd.): δὲ ψήφ. olim K. ἵν᾽ ἐὰν H-L. retinendum sit,’ K4): 28 ὑφ᾽ τὰ ταμιεῖά (TAMI?) ἐστιν Κὶ;

ἐστίν K-W.

27 AOKIMACOEN (Κ, ‘quod nescio an

δοκιμασθέν < Tes > Rutherford, Richards, B, K-W, H-L, K*, Th. ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰ Tout’ ἐστίν van Leeuwen (H-L, K%, Th); ay κτλ. B; ὑφ᾽ (‘Ed an Yo incertum; utrumgue libri Pollucis’) ‘ed potius quam yd (utrumque libri Pollucis)’ K+.

τὰ Fass

§§ 5, 28 *Harp. λίθος (cf. Testim. ad c. 7, 5).

has been supposed to be the older form

(Gilbert i 210%, n. 1, a supposition omitted ini 244°).

πατρὸς πατήρ... μητρὸς πατὴρ] Pollux wiii 85, ᾿Αθηναῖοι---ἐκ τριγονίας, not neces- sarily part of an earlier formula.

πόθεν τῶν δήμων] c. 21 § 4 ult.

᾿Απόλλων πατρῷος --Ζεὺς ἑρκεῖος] The gods of the Athenian’s home. Dem. 57 § 54, παιδίον ὄντα. μ᾽ εὐθέως ἦγον εἰς τοὺς φράτερας, els Απόλλωνος πατρῴου ἦγον, and § 67 quoted below. Cf. Harp. s. Ὁ. τὸν δὲ ᾿Απόλλωνα κοινῶς πατρῷον τιμῶσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀπὸ Ἴωνος" τούτου γὰρ οἰκίσαντος τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, ὡς ᾿Αριστοτέλης φησί, τοὺς "AO. Ἴωνας κληθῆναι καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνα πα- τρῷον αὐτοῖς ὀνομασθῆναι, and s. v. ἕρ- κειος Ζεύς" Δείναρχος ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μοσχίωνος “εἰ φράτορες αὐτῷ καὶ βωμοὶ Διὸς ἑρκείου “καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος πατρῴου εἰσίν." ἕρκ. Ζεύς, βωμὸς ἐντὸς ἕρκους ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ ἵδρυται. --- ὅτι δὲ τούτοις μετῆν τῆς πολιτείας οἷς εἴη Ζεὺς ἕρκειος, δεδήλωκε καὶ Ὑπερείδης κτλ.

ἠρία)] Dem. 57 66, ὥσπερ γὰρ τοὺς θεσμοθέτας ἀνακρίνετε, ἐγὼ τὸν αὐτὸν τρό-

πον ἐμαυτὸν ὑμῖν ἀνακρινῶ. (67)—oixetot τινες εἶναι μαρτυροῦσιν αὐτῷ; πάνυ γε"

πρῶτον μέν γε τέτταρες ἀνέψιοι,---εἶτ᾽ ᾿Απόλλωνος πατρῴου καὶ Διὸς ép- κείου γεννῆται, εἶθ᾽ οἷς ἠρία ταὐτά (cf. Dinarchus, quoted above).

τὰ τέλη---τελεῖ] Cf. CIA ii 589, 25, τελεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν Ta αὐτὰ τέλη ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, ἅπερ ary καὶ Πειραεῖς (Wyse).

φησίν... ἐπερωτᾷ] the president of the Council (or of the law-court); cf. 1. 12, ἐπερωτῶσιν.

8 4. ψῆφον] Meier and Schém. p. 635 ff. Lips.

ἀπαλλάξῃ] Dem. ¢. Zimocr. § 37, ἂν ἀπαλλάξῃ T1s τὸν ἐπιστάντα, and ἀπαλλάξας καὶ διαφθείρας, also And. de Myst. 122, supra c. 27 ad fin.

§ 5. πρὸς tov λίθον] Dem. 54 26, πρὸς τὸν λίθον (Harpocr.; βωμὸν Mss) ἄγοντες καὶ ἐξορκίζοντες. Plut. Sol. 25, ὥμννυεν ὅρκον ἕκαστος τῶν θεσμοθετῶν ἐν ἀγορᾷ πρὸς τῷ λίθῳ.

ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰ Top.’ ἐστίν] Dem. 23 ς. Aristocr. 68 (the prosecutor in a case of homicide before the Areopagus) éuvuow.., στὰς ἐπὶ τῶν τομίων κάπρου Kal κριοῦ καὶ ταύρους Arist. Zys. 186, καί μοι δότω τὰ τόμιά τις. The archon’s oath was taken

218 AOHNAIQN COL. 28, 1, 12—29.

\ e \ Γως Ε] / \ ’ὔ Δ «-ς Κα καὶ οἱ διαιτηταὶ ὀμόσαντες ἀποφαίνονται τὰς διαίτας καὶ ot 30 μάρτυρες ἐξόμνυνται τὰς μαρτυρίας" ἀναβάντες δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ὀμνύουσιν δικαίως ἄρξειν καὶ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, καὶ δῶρα μὴ

7 “Ὁ 5 A v4 7 / 5] , ΕΣ 7 λήψεσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἕνεκα, κἄν τι λάβωσι, ἀνδριάντα ἀναθήσειν > 3, Φ > 3 / / \ χρυσοῦν. ἐντεῦθεν δ᾽ ὀμόσαντες εἰς ἀκρόπολιν βαδίζουσιν καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν

3 \ > ταὐτὰ ὀμνύουσι, Kal

35 εἰσέρχονται.

56. λαμβάνουσι δὲ καὶ παρέδρους 67 ἄρχων καὶ Baze ᾿ λεὺς καὶ πολέμαρχος δύο ἕκαστος, ods ἂν βούληται, καὶ οὗτοι δοκιμάξονται ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ πρὶν παρεδρεύειν, καὶ εὐθύνας διδόασιν ἐπὰν παρεδρεύσωσιν.

Ν ς \ » > \ > \ an \ 7 ce 5 καὶ μὲν ἄρχων εὐθὺς εἰσελθὼν πρῶτον μὲν κηρύττει, ὅσα 2

» 5 ᾿ -\ > \ > a 5 \ 53 / a 3 Ν Ν Tis εἶχεν πρὶν αὐτὸν εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν, ταῦτ᾽ ἔχειν καὶ κρατεῖν μέχρι ἀρχῆς τέλους.

31 ὀμνύουσι H-L, BY. 82 λάβωσιν H-L, Β΄. LVI1 καὶ βασιλεὺς om. Ηδῦρ.

- 2 ἕκαστος : ἑκάτερος Harp. (Κ3). 4 εττὰν (cf. 42 2): ἐπειδὰν H-L.

TESTIMONIA. LVI 81 Harp. πάρεδρος: "Ap. δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. φησί “λαμβά- νουσι δὲ καὶ παρέδρους τε ἄρχων - καὶ βασιλεὺς Rose, coll. Meier Att. Proc. p. 57: Bull. de Corr. Hell. vii 158> καὶ πολέμαρχος, δύο ἑκάτερος (ἕκαστος Rose) ods ἂν βούληται, Kal οὗτοι---παρεδρεύσωσιν (cf. Suid. 5. v.). Pollux viii 92: πάρεδροι δ᾽ ὀνομάζονται ods αἱροῦνται ἄρχων καὶ βασιλεὺς καὶ πολέμαρχος, δύο ἕκαστος ods βούλεται. δοκιμασθῆναι δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐχρῆν ἐν τοῖς πεντακοσίοις, εἶτ᾽ ἐν δικαστηρίῳ. Frag. 2802, 4285.

8 3 Lex. rhet. Cantab. ἐπώνυμος ἄρχων :.. ἔχει δὲ ἐπιμέλειαν χορηγοὺς καταστῆσαι. Seis Διονύσια" καὶ ““Θαργήλια,᾽ ἐπιμελεῖται δὲ καὶ τῶν “εἰς Δῆλον καὶ τῶν ἀλλαχόσε πεμπομένων ᾿Αθήνηθεν χορῶν: λαγχάνονται δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ γραφαί. καὶ δίκας εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον εἰσάγει. --

Ψ \ a“ / ἔπειτα χορηγοὺς τραγῳδοῖς καθί-

3 38 βαδίζουσι H-L, Β4, ες ἂν:

EAN. 3 <xal> dox. Papageorgios. Β

(Pollux viii 86) πρὸς τῇ βασιλείῳ στοᾷ, ἐπὶ τοῦ λίθου ὑφ᾽ τὰ ταμεῖα (ita codex Schotti; ἐφ᾽ τε ceteri: ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰ Toma ὑός corr. Bergk, Zp. crit. ad Schiller., p- 131).

ἐξόμνυνται tas μαρτυρίας] ‘disown upon oath the depositions’ which they have been invited to attest. A reluctant witness could be summoned either to de- pose or to swear that he knew nothing of the matter (Meier and Schomann, p. 881, n. 323 Lips.).

ἀνδριάντα ἀναθήσειν] 7§1. Gilbert, i 2462, n. 2. LVI § 1. παρέδρους] In [Dem.] 59

§ 72, and in CIA 1 597: the πάρεδρος to the archon βασιλεὺς is mentioned. Gilbert, i 2547, ἢ. 2; Lipsius, Das Attische Recht, 66, Nn. 53.

‘€kaoros] ἑκάτερος is found in the cita- tion in Harpocr., where, however, καὶ βασιλεὺς is omitted. It was conjectured by Meier (Aé#. Proc. p. 71 Lips.) that it was Owing to this omission that ἕκαστος

had been there corrupted into ἑκάτερος.

We now see that this was actually thé

case. (Lipsius, Leipz. Verhandl. p. 53; n. 3, was accidentally led to state the contrary by the reading in Mr Kenyon’s first edition, ἑκάτερος.)

. ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ] τῷ λαχόντι, as in

49 3: 88..2:.-.7. 2795. ; §2. ἔχειν καὶ κρατεῖν] a legal phrase, as in CIA 1 1139, 1140. § 3- χορηγοὺς] Dem. 2422. Introd.

The Archon.

p. iv—vii; Haigh’s Attic Theatre, p.

53—563; Albert Miiller’s Buhnenalter- thiimer, p. 193. This early appointment provided a long period,—from midsummer to the following spring, in which actors and chorus might receive’ training.

τραγῳδοῖς] Lys. 24 9, κατασταθεὶς χορηγὸς τραγῳδοῖς, 19 29, τραγῳδοῖς dis χορηγῆσαι. Cf. Kiihner, ae 2.

Gilbert, i ~

thous

ΘΗ, 55;1..29---ΟΗ. 56,1.15. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 219

lal : # / στησι τρεῖς ἐξ ἁπάντων ᾿Αθηναίων τοὺς πλουσιωτάτους" πρότερον Ν Ν La 7 / lel Xe / e “ΜΆ. / δὲ καὶ κωμῳδοῖς καθίστη πέντε, νῦν δὲ τούτους αἱ φυλαὶ φέρουσιν. ; / ς Ν a ἔπειτα παραλαβὼν τοὺς χορηγοὺς τοὺς ἐνηνεγμένους ὑπὸ τῶν a a \ φυλῶν εἰς Διονύσια ἀνδράσιν καὶ παισὶν καὶ κωμῳδοῖς, καὶ εἰς

> Y \ Θαργήλια ἀνδράσιν καὶ παισίν (εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἱ μὲν εἰς Διονύσια κατὰ

φυλάς, εἰς Θαργήλια (δὲ) δυοῖν φυλαῖν eis: παρέχει δ᾽ ἐν μέρει ἑκατέρα τῶν φυλῶν), τούτοις τὰς ἀντιδόσεις ποιεῖ καὶ τὰς σκήψεις εἰσάγει, ἐάν τις λελῃτουργηκέναι φῇ πρότερον ταύτην τὴν

9 τούτους Wyse coll. Dem. 39 7 (K-w, B!4): TOYTOIC K et H-L, ‘i.e. τοῖς κωμῳδοῖς χορηγοὺς φέρουσιν,᾽ Th. 11—12 ἀνδράσι---παισὶ---ἀνδράσι H-L, Bt. 13 <dé>‘in codice non exstare certum est’ K4, AYeIN ΚΙ, B, Th: δυοῖν K-w, K3; in titulis δυεῖν (quod in anno 329 A.C. primum prodit) cum plurali tantum coniungi dicitur, Meisterhans, pp. 157%, 201°. 14 τούτοις), Tas ἀντιδόσεις ποιεῖ K!; τούτοις τὰς κτλ. Kew (Κϑ, Β, Th); τοῦτον), τὰς κτλ. Richards (H-L). 15 Xe...... m[ pos] ἕτερον K!; λελῃτουργηκέναι φῇ πρότερον scripsi (Κϑ, B, K-w%, Th); AeAyroupyy[Kévac

Aélyn π[ρ]ότερον K-wh?.

TESTIMONIA. καθίστατο χορηγός.

13 Schol. Dem. Left. 27, ἐν τοῖς Θαργηλίοις δυοῖν φυλαῖν εἷς μόνος

τρεῖς] In tragedy the number of com- petitors was limited to three. In the extant notices we never find more than three tragic poets competing, 6.9. B.C. 467, (1) Aeschylus, S.C. 7. &c, (2) Aris- tias, (3) Polyphradmon, B.c. 431, (1) Euphorion, (2) Sophocles, (3) Euripides, Medea, &c. B.C. 428, (1) Euripides, Hippolytus, &c, (2) Iophon, (3) Ion. Cf. Haigh, Attic Theatre, pp. 11—123,

κωμῳδοῖς---πέντε] In comedy the num- ber of competitors during the fifth century was three, as in tragedy: thus Aristo- phanes, in producing at the City Dionysia the Clouds, the Peace and Birds, during

the latter part of the fifth century, had in.

each case two competitors. The same was the rule at the Lenaea. With the beginning of the fourth century the

- number was raised to five at both festi-

vals (cf. Arg. Arist.. Plut. and CIA ii 972, _ Haigh, /.c. p. 203 ἢ.

᾿ς τούτους-- φέρουσιν] Dem. Or. 39 § 7, _ οὐκοῦν... .οἴσουσί με, ἂν χορηγὸν γυμνασί- ᾿ς ᾷρχον ἑστιάτορα ἐάν τι τῶν ἄλλων φέ- _ pwow; It is only in the case of comedy _ that the φυλαὲ nominate; and even here it _ isa recent innovation. The xopyyol con- - cerned with the production of tragedies

- were not nominated by the tribes; cf.

Lipsius, Leipz. Verhandl. 1885, p. 411. ᾿ς Διονύσια] ἐν ἄστει. Elaphebolion g— “13. ' ο΄, ἀνδράσιν καὶ παισὶν] Αἱ the City _ Dionysia, besides the dramatic contests, ~ there were choral competitions, between choruses of men and boys respectively.

In the list of victors the contests are always enumerated in the following order :—raldwv, ἀν δρῶν, κωμῳδῶν, τρα- γῳδῶν. There were five choruses of men and five of boys, each chorus being pro- vided by one of the ten tribes, each tribe being represented by one of its members as χορηγός. Haigh, ὦ. c. Ὁ. 93 f.

OapyrAva] On the second day of the festival, about May 25, there was a com- petition among the cyclic choruses of men and boys. Lys. 21.§ 1, Θαργηλίοις νικήσας ἀνδρικῷ χορῷ, Ant. de Chor. §§ 11—13, of a χορὸς παίδων, CIA ii 553, εἴ τις ἄλλος νενίκηκεν ἀπ᾽ Εὐκλείδου ἄρχοντος παισὶν ἀνδράσιν Διονύσια Θαργήλια KTr.. Dem. Mid. 10 (lex), Θαργηλίων τῇ πομπῇ καὶ τῷ ἀγῶνι. Cf. A. Mommsen, /eortol., 414—424. : . δυοῖν φυλαῖν eis] Ant. de Chor. τι, χορηγὸς κατεστάθην eis Θαργήλια καὶ ἔλα- χον Κεκροπίδα φυλὴν πρὸς τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ.

ἀντιδόσεις] Lys. 24 § 9, εἰ---κατα- σταθεὶς χορηγὸ----προκαλεσαίμην αὐτὸν εἰς ἀντίδοσιν. Dem. Left. §§ 40, 130, Or. 4 § 36, and Or. 42 ad Phaenippum. [Xen.] de Rep. Ath. iii. 4, χορηγοῖς διαδικάσαι eis Διονύσια καὶ Θαργήλια. Cf. Boeckh Iv xvi; Meier and Schom. p. 738 Lips. ; Dict. Ant. s.v.

τὰς σκήψεις εἰσάγει] CIA ii 809 (of the στρατηγοί, who dealt with ἀντιδόσεις in the case of the trierarchy and property- tax, just as the archon did in that of the χορηγία), ὅπως δ᾽ ἂν καὶ αἱ σκήψεις eloax- θῶσι. Meier and Schomann, p. 743 n.

220 AOHNAIQN COL, 28, 1..29—39, λῃτουρ[γίαν, ἀτελὴς εἶναι, λελῃτουργ[ηκὼς ἑτέραν λῃτουρ-

/ \ a? / > a A 93 / \ 2 BY

γίαν Kal τῶν χρόνων αὐτῷ [THs ἀτελ]είας μὴ éEeAnAVO Tar,

τὰ] ἔτη μὴ γεγονέναι" δεῖ γὰρ τὸν τοῖς παιϊσὶν χορ]ηγοῦντα

ὑπὲρ τετταράκοντα ἔτη γεγονέναι. καθίστησι δὲ καὶ εἰς Δῆλον 20 χορηγοὺς καὶ ἀρχ[ι]θέω[ρον τ]ῷ τριακοντορίῳ τῷ τοὺς ἠθέους ἄγοντι. πομπῶν δ᾽ ἐπιμελεῖται τῆς τ]ε τῷ ᾿Ασκληπιῷ γιγνο-

ee

16 λειτοΥρΓιὰν (vel AOYTHPLIAN pr.). ἀτελὴς εἷναι" λελῃτουῤΓ γηκέναι γὰρ] K-W; a ἀτελὴς εἶναι λελῃ[τουργηκὼς K3, 51 (B, Th). 17 τῶν χρόνων αὐτῷ [τῆς dred jelas μὴ ἐξελη[λυ]θόϊτων, τὰ μ] ἔτη κϑ, sls ; eadem (omisso f@ quod olim protuli) B, ~

K4, Th; τὸν χρόνον---ἐξελθεῖν olim K-w}2, 18 παισὶ H-L. 20 ἀρχιθεώρους Torr

coll. CIG 158 33 (H- L,. K*)3 ἀρχιθέωρον Tapeius, Frankel, K-w, B, Th, ‘spatium sin- gulari numero aptius xt Cf. Boeckh, ii 843, n. 391. Ξ

TEST. 19 *Harp. ὅτι νόμος ἐστὶν ὑπὲρ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη γενόμενον χορηγεῖν παισίν, Ξ

Αἰσχίνης τε ἐν τῷ κατὰ Τιμάρχου φησὶ καὶ Ap, ἐν τῇ °AO. πολ. (Frag. 431%, 471°).

§§ 4. 17 Pollux viii 89:

δὲ ἄρχων διατίθησι μὲν Διονύσια καὶ Θαργήλια ‘pera Ξ

τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν," δίκαι δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν λαγχάνονται ““κακώσεως,᾽" ““ παρανοίας," “els © δατητῶν (διαιτητῶν vulgo) αἵρεσιν,᾽" ἐπιτροπῆς ὀρφανῶν, ἐπιτρόπων καταστάσεως, “'κλή- ω) n βοπη ρ

ρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων ἐπιδικασίαι. ἐπώνυμος ἄρχων;:..

εἰσάγει.

κακώσεως, ““ὀρφανῶν Kaxwoews”

ἐπιμελεῖται δὲ Kal” ““τῶν γυναικῶν "ἢ ἀνδρὸς τελευτῇ κύειν, καὶ τοὺς οἴκους ἐκμισθοῖ τῶν ὀρφανῶν. «λαγχάνονται δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ,γραφαί' καὶ δίκας εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον Bekk. An. 310: πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα κακώσεως ἐλαγχάνον < To > γραφαὶ καὶ at τῶν γονέων, εἰ τούτους τις αἰτίαν ἔχοι κακοῦν, Kal <ai> τῶν ὀρφανῶν. καὶ ἀργίας, -- καὶ κλήρων > ἐπιδικασίαι καὶ ἐπικλήρων γυναικῶν. “ἐ οἴκου ὀρφανικοῦ κακώσεως." δικαστηρίου: τοῖς ἄρχουσιν οὐ πάσας πᾶσιν ἐφεῖτο δίκας εἰσάγειν. ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν ἄρχοντι τὰς τῶν ὀρφανῶν καὶ τὰς τῆς παρανοίας καὶ τὰς τῶν ἐπικλήρων ἐπιδικασίας. Ha

αἱ ἂν φῶσιν ἐπ᾿ 8 6 Lex. rhet. Cantab.

ger tiie

ἔτι δὲ παρανοίας Lb. 269 δίκη... “γονέων Phot. ἡγεμονία

Oux.:...mpos μὲν τὸν ἄρχοντα αἱ τῶν ὀρφανῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπικλήρων (ἐλαγχάνοντο δίκαι). Ξ

Frag. 3812, 420°.

λελῃτουργηκὼς ἑτέραν λῃτουργίαν] Dem. 50 § 9, τούτων ἐγὼ οὐδεμίαν πρό- φασιν ποιούμενος ὅτι τριηραρχῶ, καὶ οὐκ ἂν δυναίμην. δύο ἀφήνει λῃτουργεῖν; οὐδὲ οἱ νόμοι ἐῶσιν.

καὶ τῶν χρόνων--μὴ ΕΒ ον ΟΥ̓ owings#to the period of his exemption having not yet expired.’ The obligation

to perform a Ayrovpyla eae only

every other year, Dem.: Left. 6

ὑπὲρ τετταράκοντα ἔτη] Aeschin. ¢. Timarch. § τι, κελεύει τὸν χορηγὸν τὴν οὐσίαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀναλίσκειν ὑπὲρ τετταρά- κοντα ἔτη γεγονότα τοῦτο πράττειν, ἵν᾽ ἤδη ἐν τῇ σωφρονεστάτῃ αὑτοῦ ἡλικίᾳ ὦν, οὕτως ἐντυγχάνῃ τοῖς ὑμετέροις παισίν, Cf. Plat. Leg. 764 E, 765 Ὁ.

εἰς Δῆλον χορηγοὺς] lex. Cantab. 670;

᾿Αθήν. vii p. 480, no. 3 (Gilbert i 2803 πη.

4 ult.); Thue. iii 104, ὃ8.2, 6; Xen. Mem. iil 3, 12, χορὸς...ὁ εἰς Δῆλον χεμπόμονμε; Lucian de Saltat. τό, ἐν Δήλῳ δέ γε οὐδὲν αἱ θυσίαι ἄνευ ὀρχήσεως, ἀλλὰ σὺν ταύτῃ καὶ μετὰ μουσικῆς ἐγίγνοντο" παίδων χοροὶ συνελθόντες ὑπ’ αὐλῷ καὶ κιθάρᾳ, οἱ μὲν ἐχόρευον, ὑπωρχοῦντο δὲ οἱ ἄριστοι προκρι- θέντες ἐξ αὐτῶν. On the Delian πεντετη- pis, cf. 54 § 7.

᾿Ασκληπιοῦ ἕνεκα, ὅτι δὴ ἐμύησαν αὐτὸν᾿

ἀρχιθέωρον] The leader was specially called ἀρχιθέωρος, ¢.g. Nicias in Plut. ~ Nic. 3 5. For the pl. cf. cia ii 8144. τῷ τριακοντορίῳ κτλ.] Xen. Mem. iv 8, 2, ἕως ἂν θεωρία ἐκ Δήλου ἐπανέλθῃ, Plat, Phaed. p. 58 A; Plut. hes. 23, τὸ πλοῖον, ἐν μετὰ τῶν ἠϊθέων ἔπλευσε Kal πάλιν ἐσώθη, τὴν τριακόντορον (cf. revTnKdvTopos in Xen. “παῶὖ. v 1, 15 f). Cf. Βοβοκῆ, Seeurkunden, pp. 76—79; A. Mommsen, Heortologie, p. 402. In the Class. Rev. εἶ V [23 @, τριακοντόριον᾽ is described as an ‘entirely new word’; but it is actually found in a contemporary inscr. of B.C. = 325/4, CIA il 811, p. 261, col. 2, 18.85.8 τριακοντορίων κώπαξ. Ξ ἠθέους] trisyllabic i in Attic, Eur. Phoen. 945, οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ἤθεος, and Eupolis Incert. 332 Kock, εἰ μὴ κόρη δεύσειε τὸ ταῖν, ἤθεος. The Homeric form ἠΐθεος is re-— tained by editors in Plat. Leg. 840 D, 877 E. is 8.4: τῷ ᾿Ασκληπιῷ κτλ.] Philostr. Vit. Apoll, iv 18, τὰ δὲ ᾿Επιδαύρια μετὰ πρόρ-: ρησίν τε καὶ ἱερεῖα δεῦρο μυεῖν ᾿Αθηναίοις, πάτριον ἐπὶ θυσίᾳ δευτέρᾳ, τουτὶ δ᾽ ἐνόμισαν

ἥκοντα ᾿Επιδαυρόθεν ὀψὲ μυστηρίων. Ther

CH. 56, 1, 16----20.

TIOAITEIA

221

/ v4 + Oe a / \ A ! fal / F μένης, ὅταν οἰκουρῶσι μύσται, Kai τῆς Διονυσίων τῶν μεγάλων μετὰ τῶν. ἐπιμελητῶν, ods πρότερον μὲν δῆμος ἐχειροτόνει

\ \ a δέκα ὄντας, κ[αὶ τὰ] εἰς THY πομπὴν ἀναλώματα παρ᾽ αὑτῶν

π΄ a Ψ a a n ἀνήλισκον, νῦν δ᾽ ἕνα τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης κληροῖ καὶ .δίδωσιν

\ n 5 εἰς τὴν κατασκευὴν ἑκατὸν μνᾶς. / \ qn A \ a > an Θαργήλια καὶ τῆς TO Διὶ τῷ Σωτῆρι. a / \ A / τῶν Διονυσίων οὗτος καὶ τῶν Θαργηλίων.

» a \ \ a > ἐπιμελεῖται δὲ Kal τῆς εἰς a \ n διοικεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἑορτῶν μὲν οὖν

6 ἐπιμελεῖται τούτων. γραφαὶ ὃδ[ὲ καὶ] δίκαι λαγχάνονται πρὸς

21 ΓΙΝ (K-W). κ2, Th: ἤν[εγκ]ον ΚΙ.,. H-L, sl. sed spatium non sufficit.

22 <oi> μ. Κ- 12, <oi> μ. H-L. 26 παρασκευὴν Kontos. --τὸν Ξ- τῶν Θ. K-wl-2, sl,

25 ἀνήλισκον K-W, B, 28 τὸ[ν τῶν Διον] H-L

night of the 18th Boedromion, the eve of the festal march to Eleusis, was probably spent by the devout in sleeping in the temple of Asclepius, S. of the Acropolis (Mommsen, /eortologie, p. 253, ap. Dict, Ant. i 718 δ).

ὅταν οἰκουρῶσι μύσται] ‘when the initiated remain within doors,’ reference to the ‘incubation’ in the temple of Asclepius (Arist. Plut. 411, 621). Cf Philostr. Vzt. Apoll. iv 18, supra.

Διονυσίων] The πομπὴ was on the gth of Elaphebolion (about March 28). In it the statue of Dionysus Eleuthereus was carried from his temple in Limnae to another of his sanctuaries, near the Academy (Paus. i 29, Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii 15): and then brought back again and placed in the theatre. The procession included the priests and civil officials, the knights and the citizens in their tribes, as well as the ephedi, and the canephori (Schol. Arist. Ach. 242). Daremberg and Saglio, ili 242.

τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν] sc. τῆς πομπῆς, one from each tribe, Dem. ς. Mid. 13, τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν τῆς φυλῆς. In Afzd. 15, they are described as elected by open voting, (Μειδίας) κελεύων ἑαυτὸν εἰς Διονύσια χειρο- ᾿ τονεῖν ἐπιμελητήν. In Phil. 1 35, Dem. _ implies that the functionaries concerned with the Dionysia were appointed by lot: τὴν μὲν τῶν Παναθηναίων ἑορτὴν καὶ τὴν τῶν Διονυσίων ἀεὶ τοῦ καθήκοντος χρόνου γίγνεσθαι ἄν τε δεινοὸ λάχωσιν ἄν τε ἰδιῶται οἱ τούτων ἑκατέρων ἐπιμελούμενοι, but this probably refers to the A¢hlothetae and the Archon, and not to the Zfz- meletae, who were minor officials con- ‘cerned with the procession alone. The first Philippic falls in the first half of B.C. 351. The speech against Midias is assigned by Dionys. Hal. Z7is¢. Ammon. i 4, 4 (A. Schaefer, Dem. ii 103%, 109?) to B.C. 349; the Dionysia at which

Midias insulted Dem. fell in the spring of 350; and Midias must have been elected ἐπιμελητὴς for 351|0.

After the time when the text was written, the appointment by lot was apparently given up. In B.c. 281/o (Ditt. 382) we have 10 ἐπιμεληταὶ τῆς πομπῆς τῷ Διονύσῳ representing only-6 or 7 of the tribes, and therefore probably elected out of the whole body of citizens, instead of being taken by lot, one from each tribe. After B.C. 265 (CIA ii 420) they are described as οἱ χειροτονηθέντες ἐπιμεληταὶ THs πομπῆς and their number is 24 (two for each of the 12 tribes of that time), Daremberg and Saglio, s. Ὁ. iii 682-4.

ἐχειροτόνει] Dem. c. Mid. 15, supra.

ἑκατὸν μνᾶς] Probably the sum granted to the whole body.

§ 5. τῆς εἰς Θαργήλια)] sc. πομπῆς. On the second day there was proces- sion, as well as a cyclic chorus.

τῆς τῷ Aut τῷ Σωτῆρι] This festival, which included a public sacrifice, was held on the 14th day of Scirophorion, the last month of the Attic year, either in Athens in the Cerameicus (so Hermann- Stark, Gottesdienst. Alt. §61, 21; Boeckh, ii 117, 125 Frankel; A. Schaefer, Dem. iii 337,n.2; A. Mommsen, Heortol. p. 453), or in the Peiraeus (see esp. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii 143). The text does not help to decide the dispute as to the place where the festival was held. It should probably be distinguished from the θυσία to Ζεὺς Σωτὴρ on the last day of the year (Lys. 26 § 6, cf. Plut. Dem. 27, 6), which was also superintended by the archon. Shortly before B.c. 268 the sacrifice of the εἰσιτήρια for the βουλὴ and δῆμος was offered not by the archon, but by the priest of Ζεὺς Σωτήρ (CIA ii 325-6).

διοικεῖ--- ααργηλίων] This fact is new.

§6. γραφαὶ κτλ.] The archon eponymus

222

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ

COL, 28, 1. 4ο0---46.

\ : 30 αὐτόν, ἃς ἀνακρίνας εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον εἰσάγει, [γονέων κακώ- - , TE ey i, aA fix ͵΄ aA σεως (αὗται δ᾽ εἰσὶν ἀζήμιοι τῷ βουλομένῳ διώκειν), ὀρφανῶν ΄ Ν lal / κακώσεως (αὗται δ᾽ εἰσὶ κατὰ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων), ἐπικλήρου κακώ- \ A nw celws.... (αὕτ]αι δ᾽ εἰσὶ κατὰ [τῶν] ἐπιτρόπων καὶ τῶν συνοι-

35

/ 3 la) / δεῖν \ \ 2 κούντων), οἴκου ὀρφανικοῦ κακώσεως (εἰσὶ δὲ Kal [αὗται κατὰ

a / a a τῶν] ἐπιτρόπων), παρανοίας, ἐάν τις αἰτιᾶταί τινα παρανοοῦντα

80 εἰς τὸ K-W (Β, “τὸ non certum’ ΚΈ, Th); εἶτ᾽ [εἰ] ΚΙ; εἶτ᾽ [εἰς <7Td>] Η-1..΄

γο]νέων Wyse, Blass (edd.)

succeeded to many of the judicial functions of the ancient kings, and was specially regarded as the public protector of those who were unable to defend themselves. This is shewn by the duties here assigned to him. Cf. Dem. 25 Lacr. 48, ἐπικλήρων kai ὀρφανῶν καὶ τῶν τοκέων τῷ ἄρχοντι “προστέτακται ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, and the Law quoted in Dem. 43 Macart. 75. In thé following list we have no clear distinction drawn between γραφαί and δίκαι.

dvakplvas] Dem. Olymp. 31, ἄρχων ἀνέκρινε πᾶσιν ἡμῖν τοῖς ἀμφισβητοῦσιν. Meier and Schém. pp. 43, 823 Lips. ; Dict. Ant. s. v. Anakrisis.

γονέων κακώσεως xTA.] Dem. 39 39, οἱ περὶ τῶν γονέων νόμοι. In Bekker’s Anecd. p. 269, 5. v. κακώσεως, the three kinds of κάκωσις are all mentioned in the same order, and in the same terms, as in the text: τοιαύτη δίκη οὕτως ἀπεφέρετο γονέων κακώσεως, ὀρφανῶν κακώσεως οἴκου ὀρφανικοῦ κακώσεως. On the various forms of κάκωσις cf. Meier and Schom. Ῥ. 353—360 Lips., and Lipsius, Das Attische Recht, 342—353-

“κάκωσις γονέων was committed by those who struck or reviled their parents, or even were disobedient to them; by those who refused them the means of support... or did not bury them after their death and pay them proper honours’ (Dict. Ant. s. v.)3 Xen. Mem. ii 2, 13, ἐάν τις γονέας μὴ θεραπεύῃ, τούτῳ δίκην τε ἐπιτίθησι καὶ ἀποδοκιμάζουσα οὐκ ἐᾷ ἄρχειν τοῦτον...ἐάν τις τῶν γονέων τελευ- τησάντων τοὺς τάφους μὴ κοσμῇ, καὶ τοῦτο ἐξετάζει πόλις ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἀρχόντων δοκιμασίαις. Dem. Zimocr. 105 and 107, (the laws) of καὶ ζῶντας ἀναγκάζουσι τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς γονέας τρέφειν, καί, ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνωσιν, ὅπως τῶν νομιζομένων τύχω- σιν. [Dem.] το § 40. Diog. Laért. i 55 (lex Solonis), ἐάν τις μὴ τρέφῃ τοὺς γονέας, ἄτιμος ἔστω. Lys. 13 §91; Isaeus 8 § 32, (the law of kdxwows) κελεύει τρέφειν τοὺς γονέας. Hyp. 3, pro Eux. 6, φαῦλός ἐστι πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ "γονέας" ἄρχων ἐπὶ τούτου κάθηται. ᾿

ἀζήμιοι] Dem..37 Pant. 46 (in a case ~

of ἐπικλήρου Kdkwo.s), τῷ ἐπεξιόντι μετ

οὐδεμιᾶς ζημίας βοήθεια.

ὀρφανὼν κακώσεως] committed by those -

who wronged orphans. § 75, ἄρχων ἐπιμελείσθω τῶν ὀρφανῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπικλήρων. Schol. ad Dem, Timocr. ἄρχων ἐπεμελεῖτο... τῶν ὀρφα- νῶν.

ἐπικλήρου κακώσεως] committed by

Dem. Macart, ~

the guardians of heiresses; or by their

nearest relatives, who either declined to’ marry them or give them a dowry, or who kept them. out of their wedded ~ Law in Dem. Macart. 54, 75.

rights.

Δ πε τ 1

Isaeus 3 § 46, οὐκ ἂν εἰσήγγελλες πρὸς :

τὸν ἄρχοντα κακοῦσθαι τὴν ἐπίκληρον...

ἄλλως τε καὶ μόνων τούτων τῶν δικῶν

ἀκινδύνων τοῖς διώκουσιν οὐσῶν καὶ ἐξὸν

τῷ βουλομένῳ βοηθεῖν ταῖς ἐπικλήροις ;

wee Poe

and 76. 47 (cf. Meier and Schém. p. 333 _

Lips.). Lipsius, Das Att. Recht, 349.

κατὰ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων κτλ.] These are ~ the ordinary cases, but the statement 15 Dem. 37 Pant. 45, τι: άσατο ἐκεῖνον---ἐπὶ Tas ἐπικλήρους εἰσελθεῖν ©

not exhaustive.

kal τὴν μητέρα τὴν αὐτοῦ. Lipsius, 344. τῶν συνοικούντων] ‘their husbands’ ;

Pollux, viii 53, Δημοσθένης ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μέδοντος καὶ κατὰ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντως.

τῇ ἐπικλήρῳ συνοικούντων γίγνεσθαι τὰς εἰσαγγελίας λέγει (Plut. Sol. 20).

οἴκου opdavikod] ‘an orphan’s estate,’ _

the regular technical sense of οἶκος, Xen.

Oec. i 5,=80a τις ἔξω τῆς οἰκίας κέκτηται,

and vi 4,Ξεκτῆσις σύμπασα. Thus, in

Dem. 27 § 15, οἶκον μισθοῦν is ‘to let the ~ orphan’s estate,’ whereas in 16 we have ©

οἰκῶν οἰκίαν in a different sense.

346

Lips.

tuted by a son (or other relative acting on his behalf), against one who had be-

come mentally incapable of managing his ©

own affairs. Arist. Mud. 844 ff.; Xen. Mem. i 2, 49; Plat. Leg. 928 Ὁ, E, 929 Ὁ; Aeschin. ¢. Ctes.251. Meier and Schom. p- 566; Lipsius, 355 f.

παρανοίας] This suit might be insti-

ΒΛ, δλρι τ. De

μἔυωϊ ADVE 2 LI eer es

AT NEN ohh

oi MEA PTA ie AL Lat

CH. 56, 1. 30—38. TIOAITEIA 223

/ aA ta [ὑπάρχοντα ἀ]πολλύν[αι}, eis δατητῶν αἵρεσιν, ἐάν τις μὴ

, \ \ / > 2 A / > θέλῃ κοινὰ [τὰ ὄντα νέμεσθαι), εἰς ἐπιτροπῆς κατάστασιν, εἰς ἐπιτροπῆς διαδικασίαν, εἰς [ἐμφανῶν κατάστασἾιν, ἐπίτρ[ οπΊον

86 τὰ [ὑπάρχοντα] B (s!, Th); τὰ [ἑαυτοῦ κτήματα] olim K; τὰ [πατρῷα] Wyse {H-L), τὸν οἶκον] K-w!?; litterarum decem lacunam indicarunt Κ-νν8, item Κα, qui ὑπάρχοντα spatio idoneum esse dicit, sed cum vestigiis primae litterae parum con- gruere. AIAITHT@N : darnrwv ex Harp. et lex. Cantabr. edd. 87 κοινὰ τὰ ὄντα K (H-L, K-W, ΒΓ 3) e lex Cant.: τὰ κοινὰ, ὄντα B* (Th) ex Harp. 38—29 ei [πλείονες τῆς αὐτῆς θέλωσἼιν ἐπίτροπον αὐτὸν ἔγγράψαι ΚΞ; ἐὰν πλείους ἅμα ἐθέλωσἾιν ἐπίτροπον --τὸν-:- αὐτὸν ἐγγράψαι H-L: ἐάν τις ἀμφισβητῇ δε]ϊν Lipsius (Poland). εἰς [ἐμφανῶν κατάστασ])]ιν ex Harp., ἐπίτρ[οπ]ον αὑτὸν ἐγγράψαι Κ-νν, κϑ, verba tria ultima non intelligi posse confessi (B, Th).

TEsT. 36 *Lex. rhet. Cantab. εἰς δατητῶν -- αἵρεσιν > :...ἐπὶ τῶν διανεμόντων τὰ κοινά τισιν, ὡς Ap. ἐν τῇ AO. πολ. δίκαι λαγχάνονται πρὸς" τὸν ἄρχοντα ἄλλαι τε (Dobree ; ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις cod.) καὶ “εἰς δατητῶν alpnow,” ὅταν <tis> μὴ θέλῃ κοινὰ τὰ ὄντα νέμεσθαι." *Etym. gen. (exscr. Et. M. 249, 42) δατηταί: δατητὴς παρὰ ᾿Αττικοῖς διανεμητής. ᾿Αριστοτέλης. τίνες οἱ darnrat...*Harp. δατεῖσθαι...τὸ δὲ εἰς δατητῶν αἵρεσιν εἶδός τι δίκης ἐστίν. ὁπότε γὰρ κοινωνοῖέν τινες ἀλλήλοις καὶ οἱ μὲν βούλοιντο διανέμεσθαι τὰ κοινά, οἱ δὲ μή, ἐδικάζοντο οἱ βουλόμενοι τοῖς μὴ βουλομένοις προσκαλούμενοι εἰς δατητῶν αἵρεσιν. Λυσίας ἐν τῷ πρὸς ᾿Αλεξίδημον, εἰ γνήσιος, καὶ ᾿Αρ. ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. (Frag. 3832, 422°). Addit Suidas, s.v. δατεῖσθαι : δατηταὶ κυρίως οἱ τὰ κοινὰ διανέμοντες τοῖς μὴ βουλομένοις.

38 aut hic aut alibi in eodem capitulo (velut v. 37, ante εἰς ἐπιτροπῆς κατάστασιν) excidit εἰς ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν. Cf. *Harp. els ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν :...ὁ δὲ Ap. ἐν τῇ *AO. πολ. πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντά φησι λαγχάνεσθαι ταύτην τὴν δίκην, τὸν δὲ ἀνακρίνοντα εἰσάγειν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον (Frag. 3823, 421°).

_ εἰς δατητῶν αἵρεσιν] If, in a business held in partnership, any one or more of the partners wished to retire, and the partners could not agree, those who in- sisted on the winding up of the concern might bring an action for the appointment of liquidators (Harpocr. s. v. δατεῖσθαι). It has been conjectured that δατηταὶ might be appointed even in cases not involving partnership in business, e.g. in disputes as to the division of an inheritance, and that this was the original object of the legal process (Meier and Schom. p. 483 Lips.). This is confirmed by the con- text, which refers to matters of family property and the duties of guardians. Probably it was only in the case of the inheritance of a citizen that the archon eponymus was the responsible official. Daremberg and Saglio, s. v.

ἐπιτροπῆς κατάστασιν] ‘constituting

_awardship.’ In the absence of directions

by will, the next of kin acted as ἐπίτροποι if authorised by the archon (e.g. the elder brother, Lys. c. Zheomn. i 5; or the

uncle, Isaeus, Clonym.§g). Failing re-

latives suitable for the duty, the archon selected some one from the general body of citizens. Dict. Ant. Epitropus,i 751; Meier and Schom, p. 552.

ἐπιτροπῆς διαδικασίαν] ‘deciding be- tween rival claims to a wardship.’ ‘The duties of guardian might be a burden

which relatives would seek to escape, as well as a privilege for which they would compete; διαδικασία covers both cases’ (Wyse). Meier and Schém. p. 471 ff. Lips. ; and Lipsius, Leifeig Verhandll. 1801, Ρ. 50.

εἰς ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν] Isaeus, 6 § 31, ἀπήτει τὸν Πυθόδωρῷν τὸ ypap- ματεῖον καὶ προσεκαλέσατο εἰς ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν. καταστήσαντος δὲ ἐκείνου πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα κτλ. (with Wyse’s note). [Dem.] 53 814, ἐξ ἐμφανῶν κατα- στάσεως. A man in possession of goods or documents, which another person either owned or had a legal right to inspect, might be required by the latter to produce them, ἐμφανῆ καταστῆσαι. If he refused, he might be fined; on the other hand, the party summoned might disclaim possession of the things required or decline to admit the obligation of pro- ducing them. In either case the.person demanding their production might bring an action εἰς ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν. Meier and Schém. p. 478 Lips.

In the present context, the phrase can only refer to procedure connected with cases of inheritance (2d. p. 59).

ἐπίτροπον αὑτὸν ἐγγράψαι) The in- finitive without a subject may possibly depend on the verbal noun implied in the previous phrase, as in 59 § 2, εἰσά- γουσι---γραφὰς παρανόμων καὶ νόμον ph

40

45

224 AOHNAIQN COL. 28, 1. 46—55. αὑτὸν ἐγγράψαι, κλήρων Kal ἐπικλήρων ἐπι[δικασίαι. ἐπιμε- λεῖτίαι δὲ καὶ τῶν [ὀρφ]ανῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπικλήρων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν ὅσαι ἂν τελευτ[ἥσαντος τοῦ ἀνδρ]ὸς σκήϊπτω]νται , \ , / 3 a > nm > x > /

κύειν: καὶ κύριός ἐστι τοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν ἐπιβάλλειν εἰσάγειν εἰς] τὸ δικαστήριον.

\ A > / wv / /

καὶ τῶν émiKrAlNpwv, ἕως ἄν Tis τετταρ]ακαιδεκέτις γένηται, καὶ τὰ ἀποτιμήματα λαμβάνει" καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτρόπους], ἐὰν μὴ

μισθοῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς οἴκους τῶν ὀρφανῶν

2 γῇ λ ® [δι]δῶσι τοῖς παισὶ τὸν σῖτον, οὗτος εἰσπράττει.

39 ενγράψὰδι. (H-L) sed spatium vix sufficit. H

42 εἰσάγειν Lipsius, K-w, κϑ, B, Th: fyulay ἄγειν κὶ 44 post ἐπικλήρων lacunam indicant K-w!?.

AKAIA...TEIC; δίατη]τὴς K; δ... τῆς K-w; ἐὰν μὴ αὐτὸς ἐπίτροπος διοικητὴς γένηται.

aut simile aliquid exspectabat Herwerden. E 45 καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτρόπους E H Brooks (edd.); καὶ οὐ

optime B (K-w*, s!, κέ, Th).

ἐπίτροποι (hiatu admisso) quondam conieci. 46 [δι]δῶσι K-w, B, K*, Th; ἀποδιδῶσι H-L; [ἀπο]δώσι

ἐὰν) van Leeuwen (Η-1)). et Wysio et mihi. olim placuit (Κ8, 5}). TESTIMONIA. 46 *Harp. giros:..

[ἕως ἄν τις τετταρ]ακαιδεῖ κέ]τις γένηται.

7

EAN (K, K-w, B, Th): of ἂν (ex of ©

.ciros καλεῖται διδομένη πρόσοδος els τροφὴν

ταῖς γυναιξὶν τοῖς ὀρφανοῖς, ὡς ἐξ ἄλλων μαθεῖν ἔστι καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Σόλωνος ἄξονος καὶ.

ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αριστοτέλους ᾽Αθ. πολ.

ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι. Otherwise, we must suppose that some such words as ἐάν τις ἐθέλῃ have fallen out. The clause serves to define and limit the phrase els ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν, shewing that the present case resembles the particular kind of ἐμφανῶν κατάστασις mentioned in Isaeus 6 § 31, quoted above. Cf. 2b. § 36, ἀπογράφουσι τὼ παῖδε ToUrw—émiypadWavres σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐπιτρόπους. Cf. Kaibel, p. 234. κλήρων Kal ἐπικλήρων ἐπι ικασίαι] ‘claims for....2 [Dem.] 46 8 22, ἀνεπί- δικον μὴ ἐξενίς ἔχειν μήτε κλῆρον μήτε ἐπίκληρον, and dex in 43 Macart. τό. Meier and Schém. pp. 603—617 Lips. ; Thalheim, Rechésalt. p. 84 τι.

§ 7. τῶν ὀρφανῶν κτλ.] The archon is ἐπικλήρων καὶ ὀρφανῶν κύριος (Lysias, 26 ξυαμά. 12). Cf. Dem. 43 § 75 (ex), ἄρχων ἐπιμελείσθω τῶν ὀρφανῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπικλήρων καὶ τῶν οἴκων τῶν ἐξερημου- μένων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν, ὅσαι μένουσιν ἐν τοῖς οἴκοις τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν τεθνηκότων φάσκουσαι κυεῖν. τούτων ἐπιμελείσθω καὶ μὴ ἐάτω ὑβρίζειν μηδένα περὶ τούτους. ἐὰν δέ τις ὑβρίζῃ ποιῇ τι παράνομον, κύριος ἔστω ἐπιβάλλειν κατὰ τὸ τέλος. [Dem.] 35 § 485 37 § 46; 46 822; Aesch. 1 § 158.

pic Bot] Isaeus 3 36, μισθοῦν ἐκέλευον τὸν ἄρχοντα τοὺς οἴκους ὡς ὀρφανῶν ὄντων, ὅπως... τὰ ἀποτιμήματα κατασταθείη καὶ ὅροι τεθεῖεν, 2§9, μετασχὼν τοῦ οἴκου τῆς μισθώσεως τῶν παίδων τοῦ Νικίου, and 11 § 34, Lys. 32 c. Diog. 23, ἐξῆν αὐτῷ κατὰ Tous νόμους of κεῖνται περὶ τῶν ὀρφανῶν...

μισθῶσαι τὸν οἶκον. Dem. 27 «““2λοό. A

58, ἐξῆν (τῷ ἐπιτρόπῳ) μηδὲν ἔχειν τούτων

τῶν πραγμάτων μισθώσαντι τὸν οἶκον, and The income was often morethan

29 § 60. I2 per cent.

The lessees had to give security (ἀποτί- μημα)ὴ for the property leased to them. The archon sent certain persons (ἀποτι- μηταί) to value the security and determine whether it was a fair equivalent for the property leased (Harpocr. s. v. ἀποτι-

μηταί"

θώσεως παρείχοντο" ἔδει δὲ τὸν ἄρχοντα.

ἐπιπέμπειν τινὰς ἀποτιμησομένους τὰ ἐνέ- Ξ τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐνέχυρα τὰ ἀποτιμώμενα.

χυρα. ἐλέγοντο ἀποτιμήματα κτλ.). On land thus offered as security a ὅρος was placed, with an inscr. stating the person for whose

property it served as security, CIA ii 1135, ὅρος χωρίου καὶ οἰκίας ἀποτίμημα made

ὀρφανῷ Διογείτονος Προβα[λισίου]. Meier

and Schém. p. 362-3 Lips.; Schulthess,

Vormunaschaft, pp. 139—173 τετταρακαιδεκέτις] If this restoration

is correct (and none better has been pro- posed), we here have the age at which .

the ἐπίκληρος ceased to be under the care of her guardian. been known on this point (Schulthess,

Ρ- 177). that one Callippe would naturally have

ceased to be under an ἐπίτροπος at the ©

age of 30 (rptaxovrodris). Cf. Plat. Leg.

833 D, ταῖς τριακαιδεκέτεσι μέχρι γάμου

μενούσης κοινωνίας (the context implying that girls younger than 13 were ἄνηβοι). ἀποτιμήματα] here of lands offered as

Nothing has hitherto

Isaeus (6 14) simply tells us ~

οἱ μισθούμενοι τοὺς τῶν ὀρφανῶν ~ οἴκους παρὰ τοῦ ἄρχοντος ἐνέχυρα τῆς μισ-

CH. 56,1: 39--ΟΗ. 57,1. 5. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α 225

57. καὶ [μὲν ἄρχων ἐπιμελεῖΐτ]αι τούτων" ὁ] δὲ βασιλεὺς πρῶτον μὲν μυστηρίων ἐπιμελεῖται μετὰ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν ὧ]ν δῆμ[ος χ]ειροτονεῖ, δύο μὲν ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων ἁπάντων, ἕνα δ᾽ [ἐξ Εὐμολπιδῶν, ἕνα] δ᾽ ἐκ Κηρ[ὑκω]ν. ἔπειτα Διονυσίων τῶν ἐπὶ

7ὔ τ la! / > / \ > \ A > Ληναίῳ' ταῦτα δέ ἐστι [Tourn τε Kal ἀγών. τ]ὴν. μὲν οὖν

LVII 1 μὲν ἄρχων Blass et Herwerden (edd.): οὗτος μὲν οὖν ΚΙ. 2 ὧν B2-4, Κ-νν8, ἐν non certum est’ K*, Th: ex Harp. ods legebatur. 4 Evpodrliwy K ex Harp. : ἐξ Ἑὐμολπίδων---ἐκ Knptxwv Gertz (edd.). δ ETTIAHNAIWN Foucart ( Journ. de Philol. 1895, 31), K-W®: corr. Bywater, al. [πομπή τε καὶ ἀγών] Papageorgios, Kaibel (K-w®, B%-4, κέ, Th); πομπὴ καὶ ἀγών H-L, K, Β.3; πομπὴ Kal μουσικῆς ἀγών K-wlh2 (s?).

TESTIMONIA. LVII § 1 *Harp. ἐπιμελητὴς τῶν μυστηρίων : παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις λεγόμενος Baowreds...’Ap. ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. φησὶν οὕτως" “ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς----τῶν μυστηρίων--- χειροτονεῖ (Bekker et Miiller; ἐχειροτόνει codd.), δύο μὲν ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων ἁπάντων, ἕνα δ᾽ ἐξ Ἑὐμολπίδων, ἕνα δ᾽ ἐκ Κηρύκων. Suid. εἰ Etym. Μ. τέσσαρες δὲ ἤσαν, δύο μὲν ἐξ... εἷς δὲ ἐκ.. καὶ εἷς ἐκ (Frag. 386", 425°). Pollux viii go: δὲ βασιλεὺς μυστηρίων προέστηκε ““ μετὰ τῶν ἐπιμελητών " καὶ Ληναίων καὶ ἀγώνων τῶν ἐπὶ λαμπάδι (cf. Lex. Dem. Patm. p. 11) καὶ (add. Schol. Pl. Zuthyphr. Ρ- 325) τὰ περὶ τὰς πατρίους θυσίας διοικεῖ (cf. Heraclidis epitom., Rose Frag. 611, 8,.6 δὲ βασιλεὺς τὰ κατὰ Tas θυσίας διοικεῖ, et Schol. in Plat. Phaedr. 235 D, δὲ βασιλεὺς μυστηρίων προνοεῖται καὶ τὰς θυσίας τὰς πατρίους διοικεῖ). Bekk. An. Ῥ. 219, 14: ...6 δὲ βασιλεὺς ““ μυστηρίων ἐπιμελεῖται μετὰ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν ods δῆμος" ἐχειροτόνησε. Phot. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου, ad fin. βασιλεὺς καὶ τῶν μυστηρίων ἅμα τοῖς ἐπιμεληταῖς προΐσταται. Cf. Frag. 3852,

422°,

security by persons who had the estates’

of minors leased to them. The term is also applied to the security which a husband gives the κύριος of his wife as a guarantee that her marriage-portion (of which he has the usufruct) will remain intact (Meier and Schém. p. 518). [Dem.] 49 § 11, ὁ... .ἐν πεδίῳ ἀγρὸς ἀποτίμημα τῷ παιδὶ τῷ ὐμηλίδου καθειστήκει. Cf. Schulthess, /.c. p. 157, and see note on μισθοῖ, above.

σῖτον] Pollux viii 33, σῖτος δέ ἐστιν αἱ ὀφειλόμεναι τροφαί. Cf. Meier and Schom. p. 525-6 Lips.

LVII. Zhe archon basileus.

§ 1. βασιλεὺς] The archon basileus succeeded to the religious duties of the ancient kings. Gilbert i 2817; Lipsius, Das Att. Recht, 61 f, 358 f.

μυστηρίων] [Lys. 716 c. Andoc. 4; ἂν.. λάχῃ βασιλεύς, ἄλλο τι ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν καὶ

θυσίας θύσει καὶ εὐχὰς εὔξεται κατὰ τὰ

πάτρια, τὰ μὲν ἐν τῷ ἐνθάδε ᾿Βλευσινίῳ, τὰ δὲ ἐν τῷ ᾿Ελευσῖνι ἱερῷ, καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς ᾿ ἐπιμελήσεται μυστηρίοις ;

ἐπιμελητῶν] sc. τῶν μυστηρίων. Dem. 21 § 171, ἐχειροτονήσατε τοῦτον (Midias) 3s μυστηρίων ἐπιμελητήν. We.have decrees in honour of these ἐπιμεληταί in CIA ii 815 (= Ditt. 386, 26; B.C. 283/2 or 282/r), and 376 (before end οὗ 3rd cent. B.c.). In each of these decrees the compliment

Se A.

is paid to the two ἐπιμεληταὶ elected out of the whole body of the citizens, and not to those belonging to the Κήρυκες and Εὐμολπίδαι. Cf. CIA ii 741 (= Ditt. 374, 10), B.C. 334/3, [éy] Διονυσίων τῶν [ἐπὶ ΑἸηναίω[ι πἸαρὰ μυστηρίων ἐπιμελη- τῶν. Itis suggested by Foucart, Journ. de Philol. 1895, 31, that the two elected out of the sacred families may have been charged with the religious rites, while the business arrangements may have been as- signed to the two elected out of the Athenians in general.

Κηρύκων] CIA ii 597 (a decree of the Κήρυκες, about the age of Alexander) : ἐπειδὴ Εὐθύδημος πάρεδρος τοῦ βασιλέως καλῶς καὶ φιλοτίμως μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Kal τοῦ γένους τοῦ Κηρύκων ἐπεμελήθη τῶν περὶ τὰ μυστήρια κτλ.

τῶν ἐπὶ Anvatw] held in the district called Λέμναι, S.E. of the Acropolis, about Jan. 28—31 (Dict. Ant. i 638). It was the festival at which Comedies were generally produced, 6.9. the Achkarnians, Equites, Vespae and Ranae.

πομπὴ KTH. | ‘law of Euegoros’ in Dem. ως Mid. το, ἐπὶ Anvalw πομπὴ καὶ οἱ τραγῳδοὶ καὶ οἱ κωμῳδοί. Cf. Plat. Protag. 327 E, and Schol. Arist. 339. 547. The mistake in the Ms (Anvalwy for Ληναίῳ) possibly arose out of such phrases as ἐνίκα. dls ἐπὶ Ληναίων (Schol. Aeschin. 2 § 15).

15

Io

226 AOHNAIQN

COL. 29, 1. I—II.

a πομπὴν κοινῇ πέμπουσιν τε βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ ἐπιμεληταί, τὸν [C

τίθησι δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν λαμ- LO [ « δ᾽ » > nw \ \ / πάδων ἀγῶνας ἅπαντας" ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν καὶ τὰς πατρίους , n θυσίας διοικεῖ οὗτος πάσας.

δὲ ἀγῶνα διατίθησιν βασιλεύς.

ἀσεβείας, κἄν τις ἱερωσύνης ἀμφισβητῇ πρός τινα. διαδικάζξει δὲ καὶ τοῖς γένεσι καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τὰς ἀμφισβητήσεις τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἱερῶν ἁπάσας οὗτος. λαγχάνονται δὲ καὶ al τοῦ φόνου δίκαι πᾶσαι πρὸς τοῦτον, καὶ προαγορεύων εἴργεσθαι τῶν

7 TIOHCI (Κ, Β, Th): -:δια-:- τίθησι Richards, Gertz, K-w, H-L. 8 καὶ del. K-Wwl-2, H-1L, 5}. 9 ‘quidni οὗτος διοικεῖ ν᾽ B; διοικεῖ πάσας οὗτος Diels, ut v. 12. 10 1€pwc lepewotvns K-w, Meisterhans, p. 46°. TTPOCTINA edd. ; diadixd ger addendum putat B: προστιμᾷ Bekk. Avec. (K?). 12 1€pwn, cf. Bekk. An. 310, ματα τυ Richards, in ectypo vidit Blass (k*, ΤῊ) : γερῶν Κ' e Bekk. An. 219 (K-W, H-L, B, 51

TESTIM. § 2 Pollux viii go: δίκαι δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν λαγχάνονται ἀσεβείας, ἱερωσύνης ἀμφισβητήσεως. καὶ τοῖς γένεσι καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι πᾶσιν αὐτὸς (leg. οὗτος) δικάζει. Harp. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου :.. -πρὸς δὲ τὸν βασιλέα αἱ τῆς ἀσεβείας (se. δίκαι λαγχάνονται). Bekk. An. p- 219, 16: “γραφαὶ δὲ λαγχάνονται πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀσεβείας. Kal ἄν τις ἱερωσύνης᾽ ᾿ ἀμφισβητήσῃ προστιμᾷ. “ἐ διαδικάζει δὲ καὶ τοῖς γένεσι καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τὰς ἀμφισβητήσεις τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν γερῶν. λαγχάνονται δὲ--πρὸς τοῦτον." Phot. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου... TO μέντοι γε βασιλεῖ τάς τε φονικὰς καὶ τὰς τῆς ἀσεβείας καὶ ἄν τις ἱερωσύνης ἠμφισβήτει, πρότερον δὲ καὶ τὰς περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν (γερῶν Meier) τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀμφισβητήσεις. προηγόρευε δὲ καὶ τῶν νομίμων εἴργεσθαι τοὺς ἐν αἰτίᾳ. Pollux viii go προαγορεύει δὲ τοῖς ἐν αἰτίᾳ ἀπέχεσθαι μυστηρίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων νομίμων κτλ. Bekk. An. 310,6: βασιλεὺς εἰσάγει τὰς φονικὰς ἁπάσας, ἐπεὶ καὶ προαγορεύει τὸν ἀνδρόφονον εἴργεσθαι τῶν νόμων (leg. νομίμων), καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν (coni. γερῶν) καὶ τοῖς γένεσι

δικάζει.

διατίθησι... τίθησι] See note on 54 8 2; καταγιγνώσκουσι.. .τὸ γνωσθέν.

λαμπάδων ἀγῶνας] At the Panathenaea (CIA li 1229, Mommsen, /eortol. p. 169 f) and Thesea (26. 282), and the festivals of Hephaestus (26. 311 f), Prometheus and Pan (Plut. Sol. 1 ad fin.), also at the Bendideia in the Peiraeus (Plat. Rep. 328 A). The expenses connected with the torch-race were borne by a γυμνά- ciapxos. In CIA ii 606 we have a decree in honour of a γυμνασίαρχος reciting the names of certain λαμπαδηδρόμοι (about 350B.C.). Law-suits concerning the γυμνα- σίαρχοι come before the archon basileus (Dem. 35 § 48).

ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν] here modifying πάσας. Cf. 49 §5; and 2 § 3, ὡς εἰπεῖν, with οὐδενός.

πατρίους θυσία] Fol. 1285 16, αἱ πάτριοι θυσίαι κατελείφθησαν τοῖς βασι- λεῦσι μόνον, Plat. Politicus, 290E, τῷ λαχόντι βασιλεῖ φασι τῇδε (at Athens) τὰ σεμνότατα καὶ μάλιστα πάτρια τῶν ἀρ- χαίων θυσιῶν ἀποδεδόσθαι. Athen. 234 F, κἀν τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως δὲ νόμοις γέγραπται" θύειν τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι τοὺς ᾿Αχαρνέων παρα- σίτους.

§ 2. γραφαὶ κτλ.] Meier and ϑοπότῃ. p- 61—64 Lips.; Lipsius, Das Att. Recht, 358—368.

ἀσεβείας] Hyp. 3, gro Hux. 6, ἀσεβεῖ τις περὶ τὰ ἱερά; γραφαὶ ἀσεβείας εἰσὶ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέαᾳ. Meier and Schom. pp. ὅζ,. 367 Lips.; Lipsius, δ. 359 f.

ἱερωσύνης] 8, hereditary priesthood. C. 42, 36, κἄν τινι κατὰ τὸ γένος ἱερωσύνη γένηται. Dem. 57 46 (8 62), προεκρίθην ἐν τοῖς εὐγενεστάτοις κληροῦσθαι, τῆς ἱερωσύνης τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ. Cf. Syrianus, 5080]. in Hermog. ii 42, 22—43, οἱ παῖδες

γραφαὶ δὲ λαγχάνονται πρὸς αὐτὸν 2

ἀμφοτέρων ἀμφισβητοῦσι τῆς ἱερωσύνης. - E

τῶν ἱερῶν] Bekk. Axec. 310, 9, and Photius, quoted in Zestim.). τῶν yepar, ib. 219, 20; cf. Aeschin. c. Ctes. 18, τοὺς ἱερεῖς τοὺς τὰ γέρα μόνον λαμβάνοντας.

εἴργεσθαι τῶν νομίμων] 27/7. 4, εἴργε- ται τῶν ἱερῶν. Soph. O. 7. 226 ff.; Dem. Lept. 158, (Δράκων) γράφων χέρνιβος εἴρ- γεσθαι τὸν ἀνδροφόνον, σπονδῶν κρατήρων ἱερῶν ἀγορᾶς, Ant. 7 γα. τ, 10, de Chor.

34, 40, Herod. 10, Plat. Leg. 868 Ε, 8714, Pollux viii 66, εἴργονται ἱερῶν

873 B. καὶ ἀγορᾶς of ἐν κατηγορίᾳ φόνου, ἄχρι κρίσεως" Dem. Macart. 1069, προειπεῖν.

καὶ τοῦτο mpoaydpevots ἐκαλεῖτο. The text

CH. 57, 1. 6—17. TIOAITEIA 227

, ᾿ > > oN \ A / Ul \

3 νομίμων οὗτός ἐστιν. εἰσὶ δὲ φόνου δίκαι καὶ τραύματος, ἂν μὲν ἐκ προνοίας ἀποκτείνῃ τρώσῃ, ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ, καὶ φαρμάκων, 15 ἐὰν ἀποκτείνῃ δούς, καὶ πυρκαϊᾶς" ταῦτα γὰρ βουλὴ μόνα

, a > ee \ / x : > / δικάζει" τῶν δ᾽ ἀκουσίων καὶ βουλεύσεως, κἂν οἰκέτην ἀποκτείνῃ

14 ἐὰν H-L, 16 «τις: ἀποκτ. Kontos; ἀποκτ. <tis> Papageorgios. τρώ[σ]ῃ K-W (Β, cet.), quod legi posse recte (ut videtur) censet K: ENT Pp? ἐγγρ[άφεται] ΚΙ; <tis>, γράφεται H-L. PAPMAKON (ΚΙ, H-L, Bl 4): φαρμάκων K-w Pollucem secuti (s!, 828, κί, Th). 16 πυρκᾳᾶς B13; πυρκαϊᾶς B4, cet. μόνη H-L.

TESTIM. 8.8 Pollux viii go: καὶ τὰς τοῦ φόνου δίκας εἰς ΓΑρειον πάγον εἰσάγει. ib. 117 “Apevos πάγος: ἐδίκαζε δὲ φόνου καὶ τραύματος ἐκ προνοίας, καὶ πυρκαϊᾶς, καὶ φαρμάκων, ἐάν τις ἀποκτείνῃ δούς. Bekk. An. 311, 9 περὶ ᾿Αρείου πάγου: αὕτη κρίνει τὰς φονικὰς δίκας καὶ φαρμάκων καὶ πυρκαϊᾶς. 11 *Harp. (et Suidas) βουλεύσεως, infra exscriptus (Frag. 4183, 4.588). 17—18 *Harp. ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ...δικαστήριον οὕτω καλούμενον, ws καὶ ’Ap. ἐν ᾽ΑΘ. πολ., ἐν δικάζουσιν ἀκουσίου φόνου οἱ ἐφέται. Pollux viii 118, τὸ δ᾽ ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ : : οἱ ἀκούσιοι φόνοι ἐν τούτῳ ἐκρίνοντο... Bekk. Am. 311, 3, 8: ἐπὶ Παλλ. οἱ ἀκούσιοι Ξ φόνοι ἐν τούτῳ ἐκρίνοντο...δικάζουσι δὲ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ ἐφέται. 10. 257, 23: ἐφέται καὶ ἐπὶ

1αλλ. : δικαστήριόν ἐστιν οὕτω καλούμενον, καὶ οἱ ἐν αὐτῷ κρίνοντες κριταὶ ἐφέται

ἐκαλοῦντο (Frag. 4177, 4575). Pleniora habent Et. gen. ἐπὶ Παλλ. : δικαστήριον ᾿ς ᾿Αθήνησιν ἐν περὶ ἀκουσίου φόνου ἐδίκα ζον..., et Lex. Patm. ἐφέται ἦσαν ἄνδρες ν ο΄ ἐξειλεγμένοι, ἐδίκαζον δὲ τοὺς ἀκουσίους φόνους -- καὶ -- ἐὰν ξένος δοῦλος ἣν ἀναιρεθείς ...schol. Aeschin. 2 § 87 ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἐκρίνοντο οἱ ἀκούσιοι φόνοι. οἱ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ δικαστηρίῳ δικάζοντες ἐκαλοῦντο ἐφέται, ἐδίκαζον δὲ ἀκουσίου φόνου καὶ βουλεύσεως καὶ οἰκέτην μέτοικον ξένον ἀποκτείναντι.

shews that we are not justified in restrict- ing the πρόρρησις to the next of kin, to the exclusion of the archon basileus (as urged by Philippi, Aveop. p. 70).

§ 3. φόνου δίκαι] Pol. 13006 24, φονικοῦ μὲν οὖν εἴδη, ἄν τ᾽ ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς δικασταῖς ἄν τ᾽ ἐν ἄλλοις, περί τε τῶν ἐκ προνοίας καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀκουσίων καὶ ὅσα ὁμολογεῖται μὲν ἀμφισβητεῖται δὲ περὶ τοῦ δικαίου, τέταρτον δὲ ὅσα τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἐπὶ καθόδῳ ἐπιφέ- ρεται φόνου, οἷον ᾿Αθήνησι λέγεται καὶ τὸ ἐν Φρεαττοῖ δικαστήριον. Meier and Schom. Ρ. 376—387 Lips. ; Gilbert, i 424—435?2.

τραύματος] Dem. p. ror8, 9, τραύ- ματός με eis” Apevov πάγον προσεκαλέσατο, 54 §18, τραύματος γραφαί. Aeschin. /. 2. 93; Cles. 51 and 212, τραύματος ἐκ προ- volas γραφὰς γραφόμενος, and Plat. Leg. 877 B. It was only ‘wounding with intent to kill’ that was classed with φόνος ; in the absence of proof of such intent, the case was one of unlawful wounding (αἰκεία, 52 § 2).

ἐκ προνοίας κτλ.] Dem. 23 ¢. Aristocr. 24, γέγραπται yap ἐν μὲν τῷ νόμῳ Thy βουλὴν δικάζειν φόνου καὶ τραύματος ἐκ προνοίας καὶ πυρκαϊᾶς καὶ φαρμάκων, ἐάν τις ἀποκτείνῃ δούς. Lucian, Axacharsis το.

φαρμάκων] Philippi, Aveop. pp. 41, 51. Meier and Schom. p. 382 Lips.

ἐὰν ἀποκτείνῃ δούς] Ant. de Chor. 17, εἰ τὸν δόντα τὸ φάρμακόν φασιν αἴτιον εἶναι, ἐγὼ οὐκ αἴτιος. It was probably

essential that actual death should ensue, and that the poison should have been administered by the person charged be- fore the Areopagus: ‘etenim qui er alium curasset ut venenum daretur, eum oportuit βουλεύσεως accusari’ (Forch- hammer, de Areop., p. 30). Similarly Antiphon, Or. I, κατηγορία φαρμακείας, is really a case of βούλευσις, which would be tried by οἱ ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ.

ἐκ προνοίας applies to φαρμάκων as well as to φόνου κτλ.: Magn. Mor.i 16 (17), φασί ποτέ Twa γυναῖκα φίλτρον τινὶ δοῦναι πιεῖν, εἶτα τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ φίλτρου, τὴν δ᾽ ἄνθρωπον ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ ἀποφυγεῖν " οὗ παροῦσαν δι᾿ οὐθὲν ἄλλο ἀπέλυσαν διότι οὐκ ἐκ προνοίας.

πυρκαϊᾶς] Meier and Schém. p. 387 Lips.

ἀκουσίων κτλ. Schol. Aeschin. / 2. § 87, ἐδίκαζον δ᾽ ἀκουσίου φόνου καὶ Bov- λεύσεως καὶ οἰκέτην μέτοικον ξένον ἀποκτεῖναι (MSS; ἀποκτείναντι Sauppe; kel τις οἰκέτην--- ἀποκτείνειε Wyse). Plat. Rep. 451 Α---Β.

ουλεύσεως] sc. ἐξ ὧν ἀπέθανεν διὰ

φόνου ἀκουσίου (Wilamowitz, i 252, n. 138), ‘conspiracy (against 11{6).᾽ Harpocr. (and Suidas) 5. v. ὅταν ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς τίς τινι κατασκευάσῃ θάνατον, ἐάν τε ἀποθάνῃ ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ἐάν τε μή.---μάρτυς Ἰσαῖος ἐν τῷ πρὸς Εὐκλείδην, ἐπὶ Ταλλαδίῳ λέγων εἶναι τὰς δίκας, Δείναρχος δὲ ἐν τῷ κατὰ Πιστίου ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ. ᾿Αριστοτέλης δ᾽

15--2

228 AOHNAIQN COL: 29,) 1.) 11—17.

᾿ | | use ὙΠ ἐν Tus μέτοικον Eévov, οἱ ἐπὶ ἸΠαλλαδίῳ: ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀποκτεῖναι.

| pev Tis ὁμολογῇ, φῇ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, οἷον μοιχὸν λαβὼν

20

> / > 7 Wis 1B 10λ, Ε / δ \ ἐν πολέμῳ ἀγνοήσας ἐν ἄθλῳ ἀγωνιζόμενος, τούτῳ ἐπὶ \ ἈΝ , \ Δελφινίῳ δικάζουσιν" ἐὰν δὲ φεύγων φυγὴν ὧν aidecis ἐστιν, “Ὁ δ n αἰτίαν ἔχη ἀποκτεῖναι Tp@cai τινα, τούτῳ δ᾽ ἐν Φρεάτου

18 οΙεττιττὰλλὰλιίω!ι} K versus prioris parte ultima litteris evanidis scripta (Κϑ, B, K-w*, Th); τούτῳ μὲν ἐπὶ] Il. K-w!?; sed neque spatium sufficere neque litteras TouT cerni posse censet K. [oi ἐφέται ἐπὶ II.] Brooks, H-L, sed ne his quidem verbis satis spatii relictum. 20 rov[Tw ἐν τῷ] ἐπὶ ΚΙ; rov[rw] ἐπὶ Brooks, H-L, κϑ, B, Th: τούτ[ φ] δ᾽ [ἐπ]ὶ Lipsius (K-w), sed neque A cerni posse neque spatium litterae aptum superesse putat Κ, 21 aiA(supra scr. p)ECcic (sc. αἴδεσις in αἵρεσις mutatum) ; ἄρεσις cum Weilio B?-4; αἴδεσις ceteri omnes. 22 αἰτίαν ἔχῃ ἀποκτεῖναι K-W (Κ3, B, coll. Dem. 23 § 77, Th): αἰτίαν προσλάβῃ κτεῖναι K! (H-L); αἰτίαν ox7? Bt. PpeaToy K-W, B (edd.) coll. Dem. 23 §§ 77, 78, ubi φρεαιτου pr. S; nomen ἀπό τινος Ppedrov ἥρωος, καθά φησι Θεόφραστος, deducit Harp. ; Ppearot Harp., Ar. Pol. 1300 6 29 codex Ambrosianus, Helladius in Phot. 47267. 535 a 28, Suidas; és Φρεάτου et ἐν Ppedr.. Hesychius: ®pearro? Pollux, Bekk. Amec. 311, 20 (K!, H-L).

TESTIM. 18—21 *Harp. ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ :... δικάζονται δὲ ἐνταῦθα οἱ ὁμολογοῦντες μὲν ἀπεκτονέναι, δικαίως δὲ πεποιηκέναι τοῦτο λέγοντες, ὡς Δημ. ἐν τῷ κατ᾽ ᾿Αριστοκράτους

δηλοῖ καὶ ’Ap. ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθ. πολ. (Epitomen exscr. Suidas etc.).

Lex. Patm. p. 138, of

ἐνταῦθα κρινόμενοι ἐπὶ φόνοις ὁμολογουμένοις μέν, δικαίως δὲ γεγονόσι δικάζονται. Pollux

viii 119 :...00s ὡμολόγει μὲν ἀποκτεῖναι, δικαίως δ᾽ ἔφη τοῦτο δεδρακέναι.

Bekk. An,

311, 13 ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ ὁμολογούμενος φόνος ἔννομος δικάζεται (Frag. 4197, 4595).

22 ἐν Φρεάτου.

Cf. Poll. viii 120 infra exscriptum.

ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. τῷ ᾿Ισαίῳ συμφωνεῖ. Hesych. τὸ ἐπιβεβουλευκέναι θάνατον οὕτως ᾿Αθήνησιν ἐλέγετο. And. de Myst. 94, Ant. de Chor. 16. Meier and Schom. p- 384-6 Lips.; Philippi, Aveopag, Ῥ. 29—50; Thalheim, Rechtsalt. 52 n. 25 Dict. Ant. s. v.

ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ] Dem. 23 § 71, dixac- τήριον τὸ τῶν ἀκουσίων φόνων... τὸ ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ... ἐνταῦθ᾽ ὑποκεῖται πρῶτον μὲν διωμοσία, δεύτερον δὲ λόγος, τρίτον δὲ γνῶσις τοῦ δικαστηρίου... τὸν ἁλόντ᾽ ἐπὶ ἀκουσίῳ φόνῳ ἔν τισιν εἰρημένοις χρόνοις ἀπελθεῖν τακτὴν ὁδὸν καὶ φεύγειν ἕως ἂν αἰδέσηταί τινα τῶν ἐν γένει τοῦ πεπονθότος. Aristoph. frag. 585 Kock, ἄκων κτενῶ σε, τέκνον" 6 δ᾽ ὑπεκρίνετο | ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ τἄρ᾽, πάτερ, δώσεις δίκην. Paus.i 28, 8. Philippi, Aveopag, p. 23. ᾿

The Palladium and the Delphinium were probably S.E. of the Acropolis, near the. Olympieum (Milchhofer in Baumeister’s Denkm. Ὁ. 179 f).

μοιχὸν λαβὼν κτλ.] Dem. 23 § 55, ἄν τις ἐν ἄθλοις ἀποκτείνῃ τινά, ἂν ἐν πολέμῳ ἀγνοήσας, ἐπὶ δάμαρτι ἐπὶ μητρὶ θυγατρί, ἐπὶ παλλακῇ ἣν ἂν ἐπ’ ἐλευθέροις παισὶν ἔχῃ. Cf. Lys. 1 § 31. Philippi, p. 55.

"ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ] Dem. 23 74, ἄν τις

“ὁμολογῇ μὲν κτεῖναι ἐννόμως δὲ φῇ δεδρα-

κέναι. Paus, i “28, το, Pollux viii 119,

ἱδρῦσθαι ὑπὸ Αἰγέως λέγεται ᾿Απόλλων Δελφνίῳ. :

ἐὰν δὲ φεύγων---τινα] Dem. 23 § 77, δικαστήριον τὸ ἐν Φρεαττοῖ. ἐνταῦθα... κελεύει δίκας ὑπέχειν νόμος, ἐάν τις ἐπ᾽ ἀκουσίῳ φόνῳ πεφευγώς, μήπω τῶν ἐκβαλλόντων αὐτὸν ἠδεσμένων, αἰτίαν ἔχῃ ἑτέρου φόνου ἑκουσίους. Meier and Schom. p. 379 f. With αἴδεσις cf. also Dem. JZeid. 43, τοὺς ἀκουσίως (ἀποκτιν- vivtas) aldécews καὶ φιλανθρωπίας πολλῆς ἠξίωσεν, 23 § 72 (the unwitting homicide remains in banishment) ἕως ἂν aidéonrai Twa τῶν ἐν γένει τοῦ πεπονθότος, lex in 43 § 57 and CIA i 61 (Ditt. no. 45).

ἐν Ppedrov] /.c. § 78, ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ (near the harbour of Zea). Paus. i 28, 11, ἔστι δὲ τοῦ Πειραιῶς πρὸς θαλάττῃ Φρεαττύς. Philippi, Aveop. p. 48. There can be little doubt that the place derived its name from φρέαρ, and was so called long before the invention of the eponymous hero @péaros. Ulrich puts it west of the entrance to the harbour of Zea, at a point where there is a very small bay with a landing-place to the S.W.; near the latter is an oval depression, resembling a slipper- bath, hewn out of the rocky shore, with a small round pit in front of it, both of them filled by a spring of fresh water, called τὸ Τρλονέρι (Rezsen, ii 173). Milchhofer, with perhaps more probability, prefers as-

ΡΞ err rea

CH. 57, 1. 1824.

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΊΑ

229

4 δικάζουσιν: δ᾽ ἀπολογεῖται προσορμισάμενος ἐν πλοίῳ’ δι-

κάξουσι δ᾽ οἱ λαχόντες ταῦτα ἐφέται] πλὴν τῶν ἐν ‘Apel

24 τα[ῦτα ἐφέται)] “εχ Harp.’ Κ, Κ- 1.32, sl; ταζῦτα δικασταὶ] Paton, H-L, ΒΓ; ταῦτ᾿] ἄ[νδρε]ς Wilckenium secutus Kaibel (K-w*); ra[éra πάντα] Lipsius, qui par- ticipio λαχόντες excludi putat εφέται (AZt. R. 130); lacunam indicant B24, Th.

TESTIMONIA.

24 Harp. ἐφέται infra exscriptus.

signing it to the southern extremity of the tongue of land east of Zea (Baumeister’s Denkmiiler, p. 1200 a).

ἐν πλοίῳ] Dem. 23 78, μὲν ἐν πλοίῳ προσπλεύσας λέγει, τῆς γῆς οὐχ ἁπτόμενος, οἱ δ᾽ ἀκροῶνται καὶ δικάζουσιν ἐν τῇ γῇ- Paus. i 28, 11, οἱ πεφευγότες... πρὸς ἀκροωμένους ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀπὸ νεὼς ἀπολογοῦντα. Harpocr. s. Ψ. ἐν Φρεαττοῖ (φρεάτου libri). Pollux vili 120, τὸν ἐν αἰτίᾳ προσπλεύσαντα τῆς γῆς οὐ προσαπτό- μενον ἀπὸ τῆς νεὼς ἐχρῆν ἀπολογεῖσθαι, μήτ᾽ ἀποβάθραν μήτ᾽ ἄγκυραν εἰς τὴν γῆν βαλλόμενον. Helladius in Photius, Δ᾽ 264. 5554 28,...€v Φρεατοῖ "---(ὁ κρινόμενος) ἐπὶ νηὸς ἔξωθεν τοῦ Πειραιῶς ἀπολογούμενος ἄγκυραν καθίει. Bekker, Anecd. 311, 17, év Zéa: τόπος ἐστὶ παράλιος. ἐνταῦθα κρίνεται ἐπὶ ἀκουσίῳ μὲν φόνῳ φεύγων, αἰτίαν δὲ ἔχων ἐφ᾽ ἑκουσίῳ φόνῳ. ---ἐν Φρεαττοῖ" οἱ ἐπ᾽ ἀκουσίῳ φόνῳ φεύγοντες, ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῳ δέ τινι κρινόμενοι" οἱ ἐπὶ πλοίῳ ἑστῶτες ἀπολογοῦνται. This form of trial had obviously been long obsolete.

ει 8.4. ἐφέται] Harpocr. s.v. of δικάζοντες τὰς ἐφ᾽ αἵματι κρίσεις ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ καὶ ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ καὶ ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ καὶ ἐν Φρεαττοῖ (φρεάτοις /zb7i ; Φρεατοῖ Epitome) ἐφέται éxadodvro. It is agreed that Harpocr. derived his information from this treatise (Philippi, Avcopfag, p. 210), and this is the only passage where the term can be inserted.

The ἐφέται were 51 in number (law in Dem. Aacart. 57); they were more than 50 years of age and were selected by merit, ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες (Pollux. viti 125). The épéra and the Areopagus were probably among the primitive in- stitutions of Attica, being certainly earlier than Solon (Plut. So/. 19) and perhaps earlier than Dracon. According to Lange, die Epheten, the 51 épérac and the g archons formed the pre-Solonian Areopagus. But (as has been shewn by Mr J. W. Headlam, Class. Rev. vi 249— 252) all our evidence respecting the ἐφέται is derived from legal and judicial

documents, and there is no proof that

they ever held any constitutional position outside the law-courts. .Similarly, Wila- mowitz, i 251 n. 1373 cf. Gilbert, i 137?

ἢ. 1. The ἐφέται are named in CIA i 61 (B.C, 409), in a quotation from a law of Dracon incorporated in those of Solon: ἐὰμ μὴ ᾽κ προνοίας κτ[είνῃ τίς τινα, φεύγειν. δι]κάζειν δὲ τοὺς βασιλέας αἰτιῶν φόνου [ἐάν τις αἰτιᾶται τὸν βουλεύσαντα, τοὺς δὲ ἐφέτας διαγνῶναι (cf. Dem. 77 αεαγέ. 57 and Avistocr. 37). Solon reserved the φονικαὶ δίκαι for the Areopagus, leaving the ἐφέται to preside in the four courts held in the precincts of the Palladium, Delphinium and Prytaneum, and ‘in Phreatto.’

One of Solon’s laws, quoted in Plutarch’s Solon 19, runs as follows :---ἐπιτίμους εἷναι πλὴν ὅσοι ἐξ ’Apelou πάγου ὅσοι ἐκ τῶν ἐφετῶν ἐκ τοῦ πρυτανείου καταδικασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων ἐπὶ φόνῳ σφαγαῖσιν ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἔφευγον. Here ἐπὶ φόνῳ refers to cases under the cognisance of the Areopagus, σφαγαῖσιν to those under that of the épéra:, and ἐπὶ τυραννίδι to those under that of the court sitting 272 the Prytaneum to try offences against the Constitution. This law is incorporated in the decree of Patrocleides (Andoc. de Myst. 78) after the time of the 400, where we find excluded from the privilege of ἄδεια all the names ὁπόσα ἐν στήλαις γέγραπται τῶν μὴ ἐνθάδε μεινάντων ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου τῶν ἐφετῶν ἐκ πρυτα- νείου δικασθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων ἐπὶ φόνῳ τίς ἐστι φυγὴ σφαγαῖσιν τυραν- νίδι. (So Droysen and Lipsius. The mss, followed by Blass, have: ἐκ πρυτανείου Δελφινίου ἐδικάσθη ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων, ἐπὶ φόνῳ τίς ἐστι φυγή, θάνατος κατε- γνώσθη, σφαγεῦσιν τυράννοις. But Δελφινίου. must have been added by some one who confused the court for trial of Constitutional offences held zz the Pry- taneum, with that for trial of inanimate things held in its precincts ; and, since the archon basileus presided in the Areo-

pagus and Prytaneum, as well as in the’

four courts, the βασιλεῖς. cannot be con- trasted with these courts as is implied by ἢ.) In Dem. Aréstocr. 38 it is stated that, in the event of a banished man- slayer being killed, the é¢érac were to have cognisance of the matter, διαγιγνώ-

oxew,—a term not necessarily implying |

25 πάγῳ γιγνομένων,

230

3 / εἰσάγει

AOHNAIQN

COL. 29, |. 17—23.

ς βασιλεύς, καὶ δικάζουσιν ἐν

iep[@] καὶ ὑπαίθριοι, καὶ βασιλεὺς ὅταν δικάξζῃ περιαιρεῖται

\ / τὸν στέφανον.

/ δὲ THY αἰτίαν ἔχων τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον

y ~ e A \ 2505 2 \ > \ 2 a εἴργεται TOV ἱερῶν Kal οὐδ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν νόμος] ἐμβαλεῖν

> δι / > > \ e Ν > \ 3 “Ὁ αὐτῷ" τότε δ᾽ εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν εἰσελθὼν ἀπολογεῖται.

ὅταν δὲ μὴ

25 ἐν ἱερῷ] B2-4 (Κ-νν8, κ΄, Th); [N]..-Ailo]! κϑ; primum δικάζουσι [σκοτ]αῖ[οι} (H-L), postea δικάζουσιν [ἐν ἡλι]αί[ᾳ], frustra conieci; τριταῖοι Lipsius, coll. Schol.

Aeschin. 1 188.

Dem. 23 80 et 24 §§ 103, 165 (K-W, H-L, K4, Th):

28 οὐδ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν Wyse, Blass, van Leeuwen, Hartman, coll.

οὐδεὶς τὴν αἰτίαν ΚΙ. v[ duos}

B2-4 (k-w3, Th), ‘fortasse recte’ K*: legebat δίκαιον) van Leeuwen (Κ8, s!), ἔξεστιν

Wyse, δύναται] K1, δέδοται] Gertz, K-w!?, H-L, 81. 29 MH (K, K-W, B, Th): § 4, 26 Pollux viii 118 (Ἄρειος πάγος) :

ἐμβάλλειν K-wh?, TESTIMONIA.

EMBAAEIN (edd., K-W?): μηδεὶς H-L, sed spatii non satis est.

ὑπαίθριοι δ᾽ ἐδίκαζον.

26—27 Pollux vili go: καὶ τὸν στέφανον ἀποθέμενος σὺν αὐτοῖς δικάζει. 29—31 Harp. ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ: δικαστήριόν ἐστι καὶ τοῦτο φονικόν, δικάζει δὲ ἄν τι τῶν ἀψύχων ἐμπεσὸν ἀποκτείνῃ τινά, τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν, ἐὰν λίθος ξύλον σίδηρος τι

that they acted as judges, but not incon- sistent with their so acting.

In Isocr. c. Callim. §§ 52, 54, a trial for homicide, held ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ, is stated to have come before a tribunal of 700 di- casts: (uaxns γενομένη 5) ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος φάσκοντες ἀποθανεῖν τὴν ἄνθρωπον λαγχά- νουσιν αὐτῷ φόνου δίκην ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ. Similarly in [Dem.] ἐς. Meaeram 10 a trial ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ came before s00 dicasts. Hence it has been inferred that the ἐφέται had been deprived of their jurisdiction in that court (Gilbert, i 4242n). The first speech of Lysias is connected with a case of justifiable homicide, but there is no- thing to shew whether it was delivered before δικασταί (Schomann, Scheibe, Froh- berger, Blass, Philippi), or before ἐφέται (Forchhammery and others) in the court of the Δελφίνιον. The text implies that the égéra had not lost the privilege of trying such cases; possibly they retained it only in a formal sense as a kind of presiding committee, while the actual voting was in the hands of the dicasts. This is consistent with the statement of Pollux viii 125, κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ κατεγε- λάσθη τὸ τῶν ἐφετῶν δικαστήριον.

If ἐφέται is inserted, we must assume that this ancient name was given in the fourth century to the ordinary δικασταὶ when they were engaged in trying cases at the Palladium or the Delphinium. (The trial ἐν @pedrov was obsolete.) See also Kaibel, 240, and Wilamowitz, 1 251 n. 137.

δικάζουσιν ἐν ἱερῷ] they hold the trial in a sacred place,’ 4.5. the precincts of the Palladium or Delphinium. ἐν ἱερῷ is con- firmed by the retrospective use of the article in τὸ ἱερὸν, three lines below.

ὑπαίθριοι] Antiphon, de caede Herodis, 11, ἅπαντα τὰ δικαστήρια ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ δικά- ζει τὰς δίκας τοῦ φόνου.

τὸν στέφανον] characteristic of the office of archon. Aeschin. 1 § 19, ἄν τις ᾿Αθηναίων ἑταιρήσῃ, μὴ ἐξέστω αὐτῷ τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων γενέσθαι, ὅτι οἶμαι στεφανη- φόρος ἀρχή, and Schol. ad loc., οἱ γὰρ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες στέφανον ἐφόρουν μυρρίνης, Dem. 77εϊά.τ1, τὸν ἐστεφανωμένον ἄρχοντα, [26] 5, Lys. 26 § 8, δοκιμάσαντες τὸν ἄξιον τῆς ἀρχῆς στεφανώσειν, with Hesych. 5. UV. μυρρινῶν, and Pollux viii 86, μυρρίνγ δ᾽ ἐστεφάνωντο. Hence in Photius, 5. v. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου ad fin. (of the archon βασιλεὺ:), ἔχει δὲ μόνος καὶ στέφανον should be corrected into ἔχει δὲ μυρρίνης στέφανον. Cf. Lys. 26 8 8 (of the archon), [Dem.] 58 8 27 (of the θεσμοθέται). The king- archon removes his crown, either as a sign of mourning, or as a protest against being brought into relations with a homi- cide (Wilamowitz, i 252, n. 139).

εἴργεται] 2. Cf. Plat. Leg. 806 A, oe

οὐδ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν KTH. ] Aeschin. § 164, ἔπειτα ἐμβάλλεις εἰς THY ἀγορὰν ᾿ στεφανοῖ πράττεις τι τῶν αὐτῶν ἡμῖν; 2. L. 148, οὐ καθαρὸς ὧν τὰς χεῖρας εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐμβάλλεις. Lycurg. Leocr. 5, εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐμβάλλοντα καὶ τῶν κοινῶν ἱερῶν μετέχοντα. Dem. 24 ς. Zimocr.103, ἐὰν ἁλοὺς τῆς κακώσεως τῶν γονέων εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐμβάλλῃ, and 165, els τὴν ἀγορὰν φοβοῖτ᾽ ἐμβαλεῖν, also 26. 60 and Androt. 77. Stobaeus, v 52, Κράτης, εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐμβαλών.

ὅταν δὲ μὴ εἰδῃ κτλ. [Dem.] 47 «. Euerg. 69, συμβουλεύομέν σοι... ὀνομαστὶ μὲν μηδενὶ προαγορεύειν, τοῖς δεδρακόσι δὲ καὶ κτείνασιν. Plat. Leg. 874 A, ἐὰν

δὲ τεθνεὼς μὲν αὖ τις φανῇ καὶ μὴ ἀμελῶς.

TE a ν...}}

aya)

CH. 57, 1. 25—CH. 58, 1.1. TOAITEIA 231

εἰδῇ τὸν ποιήσαντα, τῷ δράσαντι λαγχάνει. δικάζει δ᾽ βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ φυλοβασιλεῖς καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀψύχων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων. 58. δὲ πολέμαρχος θύει μὲν θυσίας τήν τε τῇ ᾿Αρτέμιδι

80 εἰδῇ Wyse (K-w, H-L, κϑ, B, Th), Addidit --τις:--, coll. Dem. 23 § 76, Papageorgios. Post λαγχάνει ‘intercidit fere προσήκων ἐπὶ πρυτανείῳ᾽ K-w!?; - ἐπὶ IIp.> τῷ dp. λαγχάνει mallet Th. 31 ZWWN. Desiderantur οὗτοι δικάζουσι καὶ τὰ καταγνωσθέντα ὑπερορίζουσι, coll. Poll. viii 120, K-w1-2; sed cf. Kaibel 242.

LVIII 1 OYEIMEN (K-W, κϑ, B, Th): tTroleitai K! (H-L). τήν τε TH: TH τε K-W.

τοιοῦτον, καὶ τὸν μὲν βαλόντα ἀγνοῇ, αὐτὸ δὲ εἰδῇ καὶ ἔχῃ τὸ τὸν φόνον εἰργασμένον. Addit Epitome ἀρχαῖον γὰρ ἔθος ἦν τὸ καὶ τὰ ἄψυχα κρίνειν, εἰ χρὴ ἐξορίζεσθαι. Epit. exscr. Suidas et (ex Photio) Et. genuinum etc. Cf. Bekk. Az. 311, 15, Lex. Patm. 138, 75. Pollux viii 120 τὸ ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ δικάζει περὶ τῶν ἀποκτείναντων, κἂν Gow ἀφανεῖς, δικάζει δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀψύχων τῶν ἐμπεσόντων καὶ ἀποκτεινάντων. προειστή- κεσαν δὲ τούτου τοῦ δικαστηρίου οἱ φυλοβασιλεῖς, ods ἔδει τὸ ἐμπεσὸν ἄψυχον ὑπερορίσαι. TESTIMONIA. LVIII§1 Heraclidis epitom. (Rose, Frag. 611, 8): καὶ τὰ πολέμια. Pollux viii 91: “ὁ δὲ πολέμαρχος θύει μὲν " ᾿Αρτέμιδι ““ἀγροτέρᾳ καὶ τῷ ᾿Ἐνυαλίῳ, διατίθησι᾽᾽ δὲ τὸν ἐπιτάφιον ἀγῶνα τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ ἀποθανόντων, καὶ τοῖς περὶ Ἁρμόδιον ἐναγίζει. (8 2) δίκαι δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν λαγχάνονται μετοίκων, ἰσοτελῶν, προξένων. καὶ διανέμει τὸ λαχὸν ἑκάστῃ φυλῇ [τι] μέρος, τὸ μὲν διαιτηταῖς παραδιδούς, (8 8) εἰσάγων δὲ δίκας ἀποστασίου, ἀπροστασίου, κλήρων μετοίκων (Frag. 3877, 426°). Bekk. Ax. 290,

28: “καὶ τῷ ᾿Ενυαλίῳ διατίθησι" τὸν ““ ἀγώνα τὸν ἐπιτάφιον."

ζητοῦσιν ἀνεύρετος γίγνηται, τὰς μὲν προρ- ρήσεις τὰς αὐτὰς γίγνεσθαι καθάπερ τοῖς ἄλλοις, προαγορεύειν δὲ τὸν φόνον τῷ δρά- σαντι καὶ ἐπιδικασάμενον ἐν ἀγορᾷ κηρῦξαι “τῷ κτείναντι τὸν καὶ τὸν καὶ ὠφληκότι φόνον μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν ἱερῶν᾽ (Wyse). Pollux, Vili 120, τὸ ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ δικάζει περὶ τῶν ἀποκτεινάντων κἂν ὦσιν ἀφανεῖς.

βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ φυλοβασιλεῖς] Pollux, viii go, says (of the βασιλεύς), δικάζει Tas τῶν ἀψύχων δίκας. In 120 he says (of the φυλοβασιλεῖς), προειστήκεσαν δὲ τούτου τοῦ δικαστηρίου φυλοβασιλεῖς, ods δεῖ τὸ ἐμπεσὸν ἄψυχον ὑπερορίσαι. These statements have hitherto been re- garded as inconsistent with each other, and it has been supposed by Philippi, Areop. p. 18, that the duty of the φυλο- βασιλεῖς was simply to cast the condemned object beyond the bounds of Attica. The text shews that both the statements are correct and that the βασιλεὺς and the φυλοβασιλεῖς jointly presided over this court.

The trial was held in the precincts of the Prytaneum. Dem. Avistocr. 76, ἐὰν λίθος ξύλον σίδηρος τι τοιοῦτον ἐμ- πεσὸν πατάξῃ, καὶ τὸν μὲν βαλόντα ἀγνοῇ τις, αὐτὸ δὲ εἰδῇ καὶ ἔχῃ τὸ τὸν φόνον εἰρ- γασμένον, τούτοις ἐνταῦθα λαγχάνεται. εἰ τοίνυν τῶν ἀψύχων KTr. Pollux, viii 120, τὸ ἐπὶ IIpuravelw δικάζει περὶ τῶν ἀπο- κτεινάντων κἂν (leg. ἐὰν) ὦσιν ἀφανεῖς, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀψύχων τῶν ἐμπεσόντων καὶ ἀποκτεινάντων. In the ceremony of the βουφόνια, the priest who slew the ox fled

after flinging away the axe, οἱ δὲ ἅτε τὸν ἄνδρα ὃς ἔδρασε τὸ ἔργον οὐκ εἰδότες ἐς δίκην ὑπάγουσι τὸν πέλεκυν (Paus. i 24, 4, cf. 28, 10 and vir1, 6). Cf. Wilamowitz, i 94 f, 253, n. 140, 141.

τῶν ἀψύχων kal τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων] (Kiihner § 405 π. τὴ. Rhet. 1366 @ 30, καὶ dwuxa καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἕῴων τὸ τυχόν.

The fact that animals could be tried has been hitherto unknown. But the case is provided for in Plato’s Laws, 873 Ε, ἐὰν δ᾽ dpa ὑποζύγιον Swov ἄλλο τι φονεύσῃ τινά... ἐπεξίτωσαν μὲν οἱ προσή- κοντες τοῦ φόνου τῷ κτείναντι, διαδικαζόντων δὲ τῶν ἀγρονόμων οἷσιν ἂν καὶ ὁπόσοις προστάξῃ προσήκων, τὸ δὲ ὄφλον ἔξω τῶν ὅρων τῆς χώρας ἀποκτείναντες διορίσαι. Then follows the case of things without life: ἐὰν δὲ ἄψυχόν τι κτλ. We may compare, in general, the obsolete English law of Deodands.

LVIII. Zhe Polemarch.

§ 1. πολέμαρχος] Thumser, 563; Gilbert, i 2832; Lipsius, Das Att. Recht, 63 f, 369 f.

θύει κτλ.] a survival of the duties per- formed in early times by the Polemarch in his military capacity. ᾿Αρτέμιδι] The sacrifice to Artemis was in memory of the battle of Marathon on the 6th day of Boedromion, Xen. Azad. iii 2, 12; Plut. de malign. Her. 26; Aelian, V. Z. ii 25 (wrongly ascribed to the 6th of Thar- gelion) ; Schol. Aristoph. £7. 660 (Her- mann, Gottesdienst. Alt. § 56, 3 and 5; Mommsen, Heortol. p. 211-4.

232 AOHNAIQN COL. 29, 1. 23—34.

i nw 9 a 9 ͵7] ᾿ / wn ἧς τῇ ἀγροτέρᾳ καὶ τῷ ‘Evvadio, διατίθησι δ᾽ ἀγῶνα τὸν ἐπιτάφιον t]] a λ, 7 > a λέ \ ‘A δί \ 7A αἱ]! τοῖς τετελευτηκόσιν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ, Kal ‘Apyodio καὶ ᾿Αριστο- / a γείτονι évayiopata ποιεῖ. δίκαι δὲ λαγχάνονται πρὸς αὐτὸν ἴδιαι ΄ a “Ὁ 5 μέν, al τε τοῖς μετοίκοις καὶ τοῖς ἰσοτελέσι καὶ τοῖς προξένοις \ a a / γυγνόμεναι. καὶ δεῖ τοῦτον λαβόντα Kai διανείμαντα δέκα μέρη, TO \ a / al λαχὸν ἑκάστῃ TH φυλῇ μέρος προσθεῖναι, τοὺς δὲ τὴν φυλὴν δικά-

»" al 9 wn > ἈΝ > » 7 , ζοντας τοῖς διαιτηταῖς ἀποδοῦναι. αὐτὸς δ᾽ εἰσάγει δίκας τάς τε ENY@ 2 -τὴν:- τῷ ΚοπίοΒ. ενυδλλίῳ τὴν ἐνιαυσίαν H-L. 3 Kai 560]. K (H-L, B!); retinent K-w, commatis signo post ἐπιτάφιον, non post πολέμῳ posito (B2~4); ἐπὶ Papageorgios (Th), coll. Philostrato infra laudato. δ M(€N) K}, H-L, B, S!, Th: μόνον K-w, K*. <ai> τοῖς προξ. Kaibel 243 (K-w), 6 FINOM(EN)al (adscr. OIC). 7 μέρος secl. K-wl-2, 8 παρα- δοῦναι Papageorgios.

TESTIM. § 3 *Harp. πολέμαρχος :...᾽Αρ. δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. διεξελθὼν ὅσα διοικεῖ πολέμαρχος, πρὸς ταῦτα, φησίν, αὐτός re ““εἰσάγει δίκας τάς τε τοῦ ἀποστασίου καὶ ἀπροστασίου καὶ κλήρων---ταῦτα τοῖς μετοίκοις πολέμαρχος. *Harp. ἀποστασίου :... ᾽Αρ. δ᾽ ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. περὶ τοῦ πολεμάρχου γράφει ταυτί: ““οὗτος δὲ εἰσάγει δίκας τάς τε τοῦ ἀποστασίου καὶ κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων." Harp. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου :... ἄλλαι πρὸς ἄλλους ἐλαγχάνοντο δίκαι... πρὸς δὲ τὸν πολέμαρχον τοῦ ἀποστασίου τε. καὶ ἀπροστασίου. Bekk. An. 310, 9: πολέμαρχος (εἰσάγει Sixas) ἀποστασίου ““καὶ κλήρων καὶ ἐπι- κλήρων τοῖς μετοίκοις" καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα τοῖς" ἀστοῖς ἄρχων, οὗτος τοῖς μετοίκοις παρέχεται (Frag. 3887, 427°). Phot. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου:...τῷ πολεμάρχῳ δὲ ὅσαι ἀποστασίου γραφὴν ἔφερον" ἔτι μὴν καὶ ὅσα ἄρχων ἐν τοῖς ἀστοῖς, πολέμαρχος τοῖς μετοίκοις διήτα, id. πολέμαρχος :... προειστήκει μὲν τῶν τε ξένων καὶ τῶν μετοίκων (cf. Lex. Patm.

Ρ- 147)-

ἀγῶνα τὸν ἐπιτάφιον] Plat. 77ειεέχ. 249 B, ἀγῶνας γυμνικοὺς καὶ ἱππικοὺ----καὶ μουσικῆς πάσης, [Lys.] 2 § 80; Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii 30 ad fin, ἐν τῇ ἀκαδημίᾳ, οὗ τίθησι τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων θαπτομένοις πολέμαρχος. Cf. Suidas, 5.0. Θεμιστοκλέους παῖδες. See Mommsen, ffleortologte, p. 281, and Daremberg and Saglio, s. v. Hpitaphia, iii 727, where this commemorative festival is connected with the Θησεῖα and assigned to the 7th of Pyanepsion (end of October), cf. CIA ii 471, 22, ἐποιήσαντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιταφίοις δρόμον ἐν ὅπλοις---καὶ ἀπεδείξαντο ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις τοῖς τε Θησείοις καὶ ἐπιταφίοις. In this part of his duties the Polemarch was assisted by the στρατηγοί ; Gilbert, Bez- trage, p. 61.

évaylopara] ws ἥρωϊ. Cf. Paus. ii 11, 7 (of Achilles}; and ii 10, 1 (of Heracles). The offerings consisted of libations of wine, oil, milk and honey. Hermann, Gottesdienst. Alt. § 16, 14; Miiller’s Handbuch, v 3 Ῥ. 98.

§ 2. δίκαι... ἴδιαι] Meier and Scho6mann pp- 64—70, 619; Lys. 23 2, προσεκαλε- σάμην αὐτὸν πρὸς Tov πολέμαρχον νομίζων μέτοικον εἶναι. Lipsius, Att. Recht, 65, n. 48 f.

τοῖς ἰσοτελέσι] resident aliens who had

the privilege of ranking with citizens for purposes of taxation. Aliens without this privilege paid a higher war-tax. Gilbert, i 202? n. 2.

προξένοις] the addition of ξένων, after προξένων, proposed by Meier in the cor- responding passage of Pollux, is proved by the text to be unnecessary. ξένοι who were not resident in Attica could only be concerned in δίκαι ἀπὸ συμβόλων or δίκαι ἐμπορικαί. By πρόξενοι we must here understand the privileged. class of foreigners presented by Athens with rights such as those of ἔγκτησις, ἀτέλεια and προεδρία.

The privilege of the Polemarch’s pro- tection is expressly granted to a πρόξενος in CIA ii 42, πρόσοδον αὐτῷ εἶναι πρὸς τὸν πολέμαρχον καθάπερ τοῖς ἄλλοις προξένοις. In 131, we also have the grant of ἀτέλεια kal γῆς καὶ οἰκίας ἔγκτησις. Meier and Schém. p. 70 [1ρΡ5.; Gilbert i 2022.

λαβόντα] τὰς δίκας. διανείμαντα--- μέρη] 21 4: ;

τοὺς τὴν φυλὴν δικάζοντας] 2.6. the four δικασταὶ assigned to each tribe, who introduce private actions concerning mem- bers of that tribe. [Cf. 53 § 1.] As resident aliens are not members of any tribe, the lawsuits in which they are con-

CH. 58, 1..2—CH. 59,1.4. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ. 233

Tov ἀποστασίου καὶ ampootaciov καὶ κλήρων Kal ἐπικλήρων

al > a a) a τοῖς μετοίκοις, καὶ τἄλλ᾽ ὅσα τοῖς πολίταις ἄρχων, ταῦτα τοῖς μετοίκοις πολέμαρχος.

59. οἱ δὲ θεσμοθέται πρῶτον μὲν τοῦ προγράψαι τὰ δικα- στήριά εἰσι κύριοι τίσιν ἡμέραις δεῖ δικάζειν, ἔπειτα τοῦ δοῦναι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς" καθότι γὰρ ἂν οὗτοι δῶσιν, κατὰ τοῦτο χρῶνται.

\ \ > / > , n \ \ 2 ἔτι δὲ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας εἰσαγγέλλουσιν εἰς τὸν δῆμον Kal τὰς κατα-

9 τοῦ 560]. K-w; habet Harp. καὶ ἀπροστασίου Harp.

LIX 4 εἰσαγγέλλουσιν εἰς τὸν δῆμον 560]. K-w, Wil. i 244; retinent K, H-L, 81:3, Th; <ds ἄν τινες -- εἰσαγγείλωσιν B°, <ds> εἰσαγγέλλουσιν Bt, Lipsius Az. R. 207, sed cf. Herm. xxxvii 350; εἰσαγγέλλουσιν defendunt Pollux et Photius: εἰσάγουσιν Schol. ad Plat. Phaedr. 235 et ad Aesch. i 16 (Gomperz).

TESTIMONIA. LIX Pollux viii 87: §1 ἰδίᾳ δὲ of μὲν θεσμοθέται προγράφουσι πότε δεῖ δικάζειν τὰ δικαστήρια, (ὃ 2) καὶ “τὰς εἰσαγγελίας εἰσαγγέλλουσιν eis τὸν δῆμον Kal tas” χειροτονίας ““ καὶ τὰς προβολὰς εἰσάγουσι καὶ τὰς τῶν παρανόμων γραφάς, καὶ εἴ τις μὴ ἐπιτήδειον νόμον γράψειεν, “Kal στρατηγοῖς εὐθύνας (cf. Schol.. Aeschin. 1 § 1, Ῥ. 253 Schultz, δὲ εὔθυνα----οἷον πρεσβείαν, στρατηγίαν κτλ.).

*Harp. θεσμοθέται:...ὁ δὲ ’Ap. ἐν τῇ ’AO. πολ. διέρχεται ὅσα οὗτοι πράττουσιν. Phot. θεσμ.:...τὰς εἰσαγγελίας εἰσήγγελλον εἰς τὸν δῆμον καὶ τὰς χειροτονίας καὶ τὰς προβολὰς ἁπάσας καὶ γραφὰς παρανόμων... Schol. in Plat. Phaedr. 235D εἶχον δὲ ἐξουσίαν τοῦ ὑπογράψαι τὰ δικαστήρια, καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας εἰσῆγον καὶ τὰς χειροτονίας καὶ προβολὰς καὶ γραφὰς παρανόμων καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν. Cf. Schol. in Aeschin. 1 § τό

ATTOCTACIOY, supra scripto KAI TTPOCTACIOY,

infra exscriptum.

cerned are distributed by lot among the ten groups of four δικασταί each. ‘This shews that μέτοικοι were in no way en- rolled in any particular deme, as suggested by Wilamowitz, Hermes, xxii 107 f, 211 f; cf. Ar. τι. Athen, i 249 n. 129; and, on the other side, Gilbert i 196? n. 3, and Thumser, 421.

_ The quotation of this passage in Pollux is unintelligible, and none of the various corrections (enumerated in Hubert ae Arbitris Atticis, p. 29 f) are satisfactory (Lipsius, Leipzig Verhandl. 1891, p. 55).

3. ἀποστασίου Kal ἀπροστασίου] The former designation was applied to the case in which a freedman deserted (or acted without the sanction of) the mpo- στάτης under whom he had been enrolled; the latter, to that in which a μέτοικος had no προστάτης. Dem. 35 Lacr. 48, ἀλλ᾽ πολέμαρχος εἰσάξει. ἀποστασίου ye καὶ ἀπροστασίου.

On the δίκη ἀποστασίου, see Meier and Schom. p. 619—623 Lips. ; on the γραφὴ ἀπροστασίου, 10. p. 388—391; Lipsius, 3690 1.

κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων τοῖς μετοίκοις] {Dem.] 46 § 22, ἐπιδικασίαι εἶναι τῶν ἐπικλήρων ἁπασῶν καὶ ξένων καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν πολιτῶν τὸν ἄρχοντα εἰσάγειν καὶ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, περὶ δὲ τῶν μετοίκων τὸν πολέμαρχον. Pollux, viii g1, has κλήρων μετοίκων, corrected by Meier into κλήρων.

ἐπικλήρων μετοίκοις (or μετοικικῶν). The general purport of this correction is con- firmed by the text.

LIX. The Thesmothetae.

8 1. θεσμοθέται)] Meier and Schém. p. 72—81 Lips.; Lipsius, 68—74, 374— 451; Gilbert, i 283? f.; and Dict. Ant. s. v. Archon; also Wilamowitz, i 244 f.

τίσιν ἡμέραις Set δικάζειν] c.g. Dem. c. Mid. 47 (of a γραφὴ UBpews), οἱ δὲ θεσμο- θέται εἰσαγόντων εἰς THY ἡλιαίαν τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν κτλ. (Meier and Schém., p. 906 Lips.).

τοῦ δοῦναι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς] ‘of assigning the courts to the several magistrates.’

§ 2. εἰσαγγελίας] The statement of Pollux, viii 87, that it was the θεσμοθέται who laid εἰσαγγελίαι before the popular assembly was doubted by Boeckh (A7eine Schriften, v p. 163); but it is now clear that the ultimate authority for the state- ment was the present passage. Cf. Schol. Aeschin. 1 § τό, of θεσμοθέται ἄλλα μὲν ποιοῦσι κοινῇ, ἰδίᾳ δέ, πότε δεῖ δικάζειν τὰ δικαστήρια καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας εἰσάγειν εἰς τὸν δῆμον, καὶ τὰς χειροτονίας καὶ τὰς προ- βολὰς εἰσάγουσι καὶ τὰς τῶν παρανόμων γραφὰς καὶ ἕτερα. Cf. Lipsius, Das Aft. Recht, 207 mn. 99, and, in favour of omitting εἰσαγγέλλουσιν εἰς τὸν δῆμον, Kaibel, 246, and Wilamowitz, i 244 he, 117.

kataxetporovias] they bring forward

234

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν

COL. 29, ]..34--30.

5 χειροτονίας καὶ τὰς προβολὰς ἁπάσας εἰσάγουσιν οὗτοι καὶ \ / \ t ie al γραφὰς παρανόμων, καὶ νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι, Kal προεδρικὴν

6 καὶ --τοῦ-:- νόμον Jos. Mayor (H-L).

all cases of ‘removal from office by the votes of the people.” In Dem. ς. Mid. 6, the noun is applied to the preliminary vote of condemnation called προβολή : καταχειροτονίαν δῆμος ἐποιήσατο, and similarly with the verb in §§ 2, 199 and twice in § 175. In 51 § 8, in a speech before the βουλή, it is applied to a case of προδοσία: mapedwxare els TO δικαστήριον, καταχειροτονήσαντες προδεδωκέναι Tas vais καὶ λελοιπέναι THY τάξιν. In the text the reference is to sentences passed by the ἐκκλησία on the occasion of an εἰσαγγελία, and then referred to a court of law (Lip- sius, Leipzig Verhandl. 1891, p. 48).

προβολὰς] c. 43 5- Preliminary de- cisions of the ἐκκλησία directing public prosecutions to be instituted, Dem. c. Mid. 9, τι. Isocr. 15 314, προβολὰς ἐν τῷ δήμῳ ἐποίησαν.

προβολαὶ were only resorted to in case of offences against religion (Dem. Ἂς. J/d.), complaints against magistrates (Harpocr. 5. Ὁ. KaTaxeiporovia), and against συκο- φάνται (43 5). Meier and Schom. p. 335—344 Lips. The supposition that προβολαὶ could only be brought against magistrates at the ἐπιχειροτονίαι (Scho- mann, de Comzt. p. 231 ἢ) is founded on passages of grammarians connecting προ- βολαὶ with καταχειροτονία, and this sup- posed connexion may have originated in a misunderstanding of the present passage. The statement that the ἡγεμονία δικασ- τηρίου belonged to the θεσμοθέται is confirmed by Dem. c. Mid. 32, τῶν θεσμοθετῶν τούτων.

γραφὰς παρανόμων]ὔ c. 29 § 4, Hyp. pro Euxentppo, .. παράνομά τις ἐν TH πόλει γράφει; θεσμοθετῶν συνέδριον ἔστι. Dem. Left. 98, 99. Cf. Whibley, Com. to Gk Studies, p. 367 f; Gilbert, i 334? f; Lipsius, Das A7tt. Recht, 383—3096.

καὶ νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι] It has sometimes been supposed that a γραφὴ παρανόμων could be directed against ψηφίσματα, as well as against νόμοι, on the ground of zwexpediency, as well as on that of dlegality.

This opinion rests on passages such as (1) the spurious law quoted in Dem. c. Timocr. 33, ἐὰν δέ τις λύσας τινὰ τῶν νόμων τῶν κειμένων ἕτερον ἀντιθῇ μὴ ἐπι- τήδειον τῷ δήμῳ τῷ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐναντίον τῶν κειμένων τῷ, τὰς γραφὰς εἶναι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὸν νόμον ὃς κεῖται, ἐάν τις μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θῇ νόμον. (Here inexpedient

and contradictory laws are confusedly blended together.) (2) Pollux viii 56, ὑπωμοσία δέ ἐστιν, ὅταν Tis Ψήφισμα νόμον γραφέντα γράφηται ὡς ἀνεπιτήδειον, and 44 (in a γραφὴ παρανόμων) διήλεγχεν ὅτι ἔστι παράνομον ἄδικον ἀσύμφορον. It was urged by Madvig ζεΐγιε Schrif- ten, p. 378 ff) that, in the case of νόμοι, no less than in that of ψηφίσματα, the argument from inexpediency was really irrelevant, the only legitimate ground of attack in both cases being that of illegality. This opinion has, however, been contested by Scholl (Sz¢zungsber. d.k. ὁ. Akad., Miin- chen, 1886, p. 136). Relying partly on the passage in Pollux viii 87, which proves to be quoted from the text (see 7estzmonia), he contends that, under a γραφὴ παρανό- μων, a ψήφισμα could only be impugned on the ground of illegality, whereas a νόμος might be formally attacked on the ground of inexpediency, as well as on that of illegality (Dem. c. Zimocr. 61, 68, 108). Cf. Gilbert, i 3357, n. 1; Meier and Schom. p- 431 Lips.; Dict. Ant. ii 340 a. Lipsius, who formerly supported Mad- vig, held in 1891 that the text confirms Schéll’s view (Leipzig Verhandl. p. 48). But it will be observed that in the text the reference to inexpedient laws is intro- duced by καί, which (unless it is merely epexegetic) makes the following clause an additional item in the enumeration. This fact is in favour of a separation of legal proceedings on the ground of inex- pediency from the strict procedure of the γραφὴ παρανόμων. We may accordingly suppose that the γραφὴ παρανόμων was originally intended to be directed against ψηφίσματα, as well as νόμοι, on the sole ground of illegality; and that, subse- quently, fresh powers were granted for the institution of formal proceedings against νόμοι alone, on the sole ground of inexpediency. This new kind of pro- cedure is the subject of the additional clause καὶ νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι. The speech of Dem. against the law of Leptines, regarded by Schomann, de causa Leptinea, 1855, as part of a γραφὴ παρανόμων, is now best connected with a γραφὴ νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι, cf. §§ 83, 88, 95, 153 (Lipsius, Das Attische Recht, 383, ἢ. 33). προεδρικὴν] the later form of the γραφὴ πρυτανική which is mentioned together with the yp. ἐπιστατικὴ by Harpocr. 5. v.

a 4 3 καὶ ἐπιστατικὴν καὶ στρατηγοῖς εὐθύνας.

CH. 59, ]. 5—10. TIOAITEIA

235

εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ γραφαὶ ist > \ e , / / \ l4 + πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὧν παράστασις τίθεται, ξενίας καὶ Swpokevias, ἄν a \ ΕῚ , \ / \ / \ /

τις δώρα δοὺς ἀποφύγῃ τὴν Eeviav, Kai συκοφαντίας Kai δώ- ρων καὶ ψευδεγγραφῆς καὶ ψευδοκλητείας καὶ βουλεύσεως καὶ

8 “ξενίας μέν, ἐάν τις κατηγορῆται ξένος εἶναι, δωροξενίας δὲ lex. Cant.—dyv τις--- ξενίαν glossa?’ K-wl-?, 9 τὴν ξενίας Meier Att. Pro. p. 73, H-L, repugnante Kaibelio 246.

TESTIM. §3 *Harp. παράστασις:.. .ἾΑρ. δ᾽ ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. περὶ θεσμοθετῶν λέγων φησὶν οὕτως “εἰσὶ δὲ γραφαὶ---τὴν ξενίαν," “kal pevdeyypapijs—porxelas.” “Harp. dwpo- ξενία :... καὶ Ap. δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ᾽ΑΘθ. πολ. περὶ τῶν θεσμοθετῶν λέγων γράφει ταυτί ““ εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ γραφαὶ- -ἀποφύγῃ Thy’ ᾿ συκοφαντίαν (* ex sequentibus errore arreptum pro ξενίαν (Rose). *Lex. rhet. Cantab. ξενίας γραφὴ καὶ δωροξενίας διαφέρει. ’Ap. ἐν TH "AG. πολ. φησὶ περὶ τῶν θεσμοθετῶν διαλεγόμενος ““εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ γραφαὶ πρὸς (περὶ cod.) αὐτοὺς ὧν παράστασις (περιστάσεις cod.) τίθεται, ξενίας καὶ δωροξενίας." ξενίας μὲν ἐάν τις κατηγορῆται ξένος εἶναι, δωροξενίας δὲ ““ἐάν τις δῶρα δοὺς ἀποφύγῃ τὴν ξενίαν. Pollux viii 44: δωροξενίας δὲ εἴ τις ξενίας κρινόμενος δῶρα δοὺς ἀποφύγοι (Hesych. δωροξενία: τὸ ἐπὶ ξενίαν καλούμενον ἀποφυγεῖν δώρα δόντα). Harp. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου:... πρὸς δὲ τοὺς θεσ- μοθέτας αἱ τῆς ξενίας τε καὶ δωροξενίας (ἐλαγχάνοντο δίκαι) καὶ συκοφαντίας καὶ δώρων καὶ ψευδεγγραφῆς καὶ ὕβρεως καὶ μοιχείας καὶ βουλεύσεως καὶ ἄλλων. Bekk. Ax. 310, 12: οἱ θεσμ. εἰσῆγον ξενίας καὶ συκοφαντίας καὶ δώρων καὶ. ψευδεγγραφῆς καὶ ὕβρεως καὶ μοιχείας καὶ βουλεύσεως. Phot. ἥγεμ. δικαστ. :...οἱ θεσμ. συκοφαντίας καὶ δώρων καὶ ὕβρεως καὶ μοιχείας καὶ βουλεύσεως (cf. Frag. 3797, 4188). Pollux viii 87: γίνονται δὲ γραφαὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ξενίας, δωροξενίας, δώρων, συκοφαντίας, Ψψευδοκλητείας, ψευδεγγρα- φῆς, βουλεύσεως, ἀγραφίου, μοιχείας. Cf. etiam Bekk. Anz. 238, 24 dwpogevia; 240,

33 δωροξενίας δίκη.

ῥητορικὴ γραφή. ἜΝ κατὰ ῥήτορος γράψαν- τός τι εἰπόντος πράξαντος παράνομον, ὥσπερ λέγεται καὶ πρυτανικὴ κατὰ πρυ- τάνεως, καὶ ἐπιστατικὴ κατ᾽ ἐπιστάτου. Hyper. 4 Phil. § 4 (a γραφὴ παρανόμων), προσήκει τοὺς προέδρους κατὰ τοὺς νόμους προεδρεύειν κτλ. (Lipsius, Das Att. Recht, 397). Cf. ς. 44.

ἐπιστατικὴν] Lipsius, Le ὅς

στρατηγοῖς εὐθύνας] Lys. 9 § 113 14 § 38; [Dem.] 49 25. Generals might even be called back to give account be- tore the expiration of their office (Lys. 28 § 5). Meier and Schém. p. 263 Lips.; Lipsius, 294-8; Gilbert, Aeztrdye, pp. 26—28; Scholl, de Synegoris, pp: 12,143 Wilamowitz, Aus Kydathen, p. 62, Ar. und Athen, ii 243—251; Hauvette-Bes- nault, Les Stratéges Ath. pp. 56—63.

8.3. γραφαὶ] Meier and Schém., p. 437 ff. Lips.

πα aos] the fee (probably a drachm) paid to the state by the pro- secutor in certain public causes. The present passage (as quoted by Harpocr. s. Ὁ.) has been the authority for the causes in which it was paid; but the list is probably not exhaustive. Harpocr. quotes from Menander, παράστασις μία δραχμή. The fee was zot paid in an εἰσαγγελία κακώσεως ἐπικλήρων (Isae. 3 Pyrrh. 45). Meier δπᾶ ϑομόμπι. pp. 799 ἴ, 813-4 Lips.

ξενίας] a prosecution for usurping the

rights of citizenship. Meier and Schém. PP. 437—442 and 95—98; Lipsius, 416 ; Dict. Ant. s. Ὁ.

The Lex. Rhet. Cant. adds the need- less explanation: ἐάν τις κατηγορῆται ξένος εἶναι.

δωροξενίας] If a person tried on the charge of gevia was acquitted by fraudu- lent collusion with the prosecutor or wit- nesses, or by any species of bribery, he was liable to be indicted Biers by a yp. δωροξενίας᾽ (Dict. Ant. s. v.; Meier and Schom. p. 441; Lipsius, 417)

συκοφαντίας καὶ δώρων] omitted hy Harpocr. and the Lex. Rhet. Cant. in their list of causes in which παράστασις was paid. Lipsius (A/t. Proc. p. 73) was led to propose the addition of these causes by Bekker’s Amecd. p. 310,14, where συκοφαντίας, δώρων, ὕβρεως are inserted. On the yp. συκοφαντίας, see Meier and Schom. p. 413, he 448; on the yp. δώρων, M. and 5. p. 444; Lipsius, 403.

ψουδεγγραφῆς] a prosecution against a public offic r making a false entry in the list of debtors to the state. Meier and Schoém. p. 415; Lipsius, 443 f; Dict. Ant. S. Ὁ.

ψευδοκλητείας] a prosecution for falsely appearing as witness to a summons. Meier and Schém. p. 414; Lipsius, 4463 and Dict. Ant. s. v.

βουλεύσεως] a prosecution instituted by one who was wrongfully inscribed as

|

236 AOHNAIQN COL. 29, 1. 39—48: > / \ / > / \ \ \ / a ἀγραφίου καὶ μοιχείας. εἰσάγουσιν δὲ καὶ τὰς δοκιμασίας ταῖς 4 ἀρχαῖς ἁπάσαις καὶ τοὺς ἀπεψηφισμένους ὑπὸ τῶν δημοτῶν καὶ τὰς καταγνώσεις τὰς ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς. εἰσάγουσι δὲ καὶ δίκας ἰδίας, 5 > \ \ Ν \ zs A \ > ΄ n

| ἐμπορίκας καὶ METAAALKAS καὶ δούλων, ἂν τις τὸν ἐλεύθερον KQAKWS 15 λέγῃ.

\ \ \ \ , \ \ : Ft, / @ a 6 Kal τὰ δημόσια. καὶ τὰ σύμβολα Ta πρὸς Tas πόλεις οὗτοι κυροῦσι, O

| fal a > a e \ / AL 8 καὶ ἐπικληροῦσι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς οὗτοι τὰ δικαστήρια Ta ἴδια

11 καὶ ὕβρεως ante καὶ μοιχείας ins. Harp. s.v. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου (cf. Bekk. 45., Phot.) ; non inserit Harp. s.v. παράστασις. εἰσάγουσι H-L, Β΄. 14 ἐάν H-L, 15—16 καὶ ἐπικληροῦσι---δημόσια secl. K-w; defendit Pollux.viii 87. 15 OYTOITA (edd.): πάντα K!, πάντα τὰ H-L. τά <t’> ἴδια BY, Th. 16 KYPOYCI (K, K-w, B!-%, Th); idem habet Pollux: <xara>xupoiot Wyse (H-L, B*).

TESTIM. 88 4—6 Pollux vili 87: (8 4) εἰσάγουσι δὲ καὶ δοκιμασίαν rats ἀρχαῖς, καὶ τοὺς ἀπεψηφισμένους, καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς καταγνώσεις. 5) καὶ δίκας ἐμπορικὰς καὶ μεταλλικάς, καὶ ἐὰν δοῦλος κακῶς ἀγορεύῃ τὸν ἐλεύθερον, καὶ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἐπικληροῦσι τὰ δικαστήρια τὰ ἴδια καὶ τὰ δημόσια. (ὃ 6) καὶ τὰ σύμβολα τὰ πρὸς πόλεις κυροῦσι, καὶ

δίκας τὰς ἀπὸ συμβόλων εἰσάγουσι καὶ τὰς τῶν ψευδομαρτυριῶν τῶν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου.

a state debtor against one who had so inscribed him. ‘The distinction between this kind of yp. βουλεύσεως and the cognate yp. ψευδεγγραφῆς is stated as follows by Boeckh, p. 390 Lewis: ‘who- ever falsely declared that another had been registered was liable to the action for false registration (Wevdeyypagjjs). Τί, on the other hand, a man who had been a state debtor had paid all that was due, but his name was not erased, or, having been erased, was re-entered, the action for conspiracy applied (βουλεύσεως). Meier and Schom. p. 415; Lipsius, 444; Dict. Ant. i p. 3144.

ἀγραφίου] a prosecution for non-regis- tration of a name in the list of state debtors, instituted in the event of the name being improperly evased before the debt was paid. This action might be brought either against the person whose name was improperly erased, or against the officer who omitted to register the debt. If the name of a debtor had not been registered at all, he could only be proceeded against by ἔνδειξις, and was not liable to the ἀγραφίου γραφή (Dem. ¢. Theocrin. 51), Meier and Schom. p. 447-9; Lipsius, 410, 443 f; and Dict. Ant. s. v.

μοιχείας] Meier and Schém. p. 402-9; Lipsius, 429—435; Dict. Ant. i 29 ὁ.

4. δοκιμασίας] 55 §§ 2—4. Gilbert, 1 2437.

ἀπεψηφισμένους κτλ.] Those whose claims to citizenship were rejected at the διαψήφισις, held by the members of the deme, might appeal to a law-court. 13 5; 42 1; Meier and Schom. p. 989 f; Lipsius, 415.

καταγνώσεις] 45 § I, τὰς καταγνώσεις

εἰσάγειν τοὺς θεσμοθέτας eis τὸ δικαστήριον.

8 5. ἐμπορικὰς] commercial law-suits heard during the winter, when the sea was closed to mercantile enterprise. These, as well as the μεταλλικαὶ δίκαι, belonged to the class of ἔμμηνοι δίκαι, which were decided within a month ([Dem.] 7 § 12). Meier and Sch., p. 635 Lips.; Dict. Ant. i p. 730¢.

peradArKkas] mining suits, Dem. Pant. 35. Boeckh, Ox the Silver Mines of Laurium, § 12; Meier and Sch., p. 634

Lips.

βούλων] It was only in the event of a δίκη κατηγορίας being brought by a free man against a slave that the θεσμοθέται presided over the court. In other cases, it came before the Forty. Meier and Sch., pp. 80, 628 Lips.

ἐπικληροῦσι- δικαστήρια] CIA ii 56γ (in a decree in honour of θεσμοθέτης), ἐπιμελεῖται δὲ καὶ τῆς KAnpwoews τῶν δικαστηρίων. Meier and Sch., p. 160; Lipsius, 147. Cf. 66 1.

8 6. τὰ σύμβολα τὰ πρὸς τὰς πόλεις] ‘international contracts.’ Such agree- ments were finally ratified by a heliastic court. In [Dem.] 7 § 9, Philip claims that they shall be ratified οὐκ ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ τῷ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν κυρωθῇ ὥσπερ νόμος κελεύει. Cf. [Andoc.] zz Alcid. 18. They secured to the citizens of the con- tracting states the reciprocal right of suing and being sued; Pol. 1275 a 8, (among those who are not citizens are) οἱ τῶν δικαίων μετέχοντες οὕτως ὥστε καὶ δίκην ὑπέχειν καὶ δικάζεσθαι" τοῦτο γὰρ ὑπάρχει καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ συμβόλων κοινωνοῦσι. The decision was given in the court of the defendant’s city, and in accordance with laws agreed upon in the σύμβολα.

«CH. 59,1. 11-—CH> 60,13. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α 237 Kal Tas δίκας Tas ἀπὸ τῶν συμβόλων εἰσάγουσι, καὶ τὰ ψευδομαρ- Ε΄ τύρια (ra) ἐξ Αρείου πάγου.

7 τοὺς δὲ δικαστὰς κληροῦσι πάντες οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, δέκατος

δ᾽ γραμματεὺς τῶν θεσμοθετῶν, τοὺς τῆς αὑτοῦ φυλῆς ἕκαστος.

60. TpOTrov. φυλῆς ἑκάστης.

17 τὰ ψ. TAC mutatum in Tay. coll. Poll. ras τῶν ψ. τῶν K-w.

πάντες corr, K, H-L, B, K-w®, Th. TESTIM.

\ \ 5 a τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ ἀθλοθέτας. δέκα ἄνδρας, ἕνα τῆς ὁπ οὗτοι δὲ δοκιμασθέντες ἄρχουσι τέτταρα ἔτη,

18- 20 τοὺς δὲ---καστος 19 TTANTAC K-W!?-?;

17 *Lex. Bachm. in Bekk. Az. i 436 ἀπὸ συμβόλων δικάζει infra ex-

scriptum (Frag. 380°, 419°); cf. Harp. infra laudatum.

19 δικαστὰς κληροῦσι: κληροῦν δικαστὰς κτλ.

Pollux viii 87 κοινῇ μὲν (οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες) ἔχουσιν ἐξουσίαν...:

19—20 Schol. Ar. Vesp. 775: θεσμοθέται καὶ δέκατος γραμματεὺς κληροῦσι τοὺς

δικαστὰς τοὺς τῆς αὐτῆς φυλῆς ἕκαστος.

LX §1 Pollux viii 93: ᾿ἀθλοθέται δέκα μέν εἰσιν, εἷς κατὰ φυλήν, δοκιμασθέντες δὲ ἄρχουσιν ἔτη τέτταρα ἐπὶ τῷ διαθεῖναι τὰ Παναθήναια, τόν τε μουσικὸν <add, ἀγῶνα:-

“Kal τὸν γυμνικὸν " “"

ἐξουσίαν.

καὶ τὴν ἱπποδρομίαν.᾽" ..KAnpodv δικαστὰς καὶ ἀθλοθέτας, ἕνα κατὰ φυλὴν ἑκάστην.

26. 87 (οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντεΞ)...ἔχουσιν

τὰς δίκας τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν συμβόλων] These were mainly commercial suits; but while, inthe ordinary δίκαι ἐμπορικαί, the suit was tried in the state where the con- tract was made, and in accordance with the laws of that state; in the δίκαι ἀπὸ συμβόλων, it was tried in the defendant’s state and in accordance with the laws agreed upon in the σύμβολα. Thus, on the reduction of Chalcis in B.C. 446/5, the inhabitants retained their own juris- diction except in the case of offences punishable by disfranchisement, exile, or death. These were to be sent to Athens for trial: περὶ δὲ τούτων ἔφεσιν εἷναι ᾿Αθή- ναΐε εἰς τὴν ἡλιαίαν τῶν θεσμοθετῶν.

In Bekker’s Amecd. i 436 we read: ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀπὸ συμβόλων ἐδίκαζον τοῖς ὑπη- Kéots* οὕτως ᾿Αριστοτέλης, and similarly (so far as regards the first statement) Hesych. 5. v. ἀπὸ συμβόλων δικάζειν ; but it will be observed that the text says nothing of ὑπήκοοι. Cf. Pollux viii 63, ἀπὸ συμβόλων δέ, ὅτε οἱ σύμμαχοι ἐδικά- ζοντο. Harpocr. σύμβολα: τὰς συνθήκας ἃς ἂν αἱ πόλεις ἀλλήλαις θέμεναι τάττωσι τοῖς πολίταις ὥστε διδόναι καὶ λαμβάνειν τὰ δίκαια, and similarly Phot. and Etym. M. On this subject cf. Meier and Schom. pp- 994—1006 Lips. ; Goodwin in A merz- can Fournal of Philology, i i 1880, p. 1—16; Dict. Ant. ii 734-6.

τὰ pevdopnaptvpta] this form has hither- to been found only in Plat. 7: heaet. 148 8,

ἔνοχος τοῖς Wevdouapruplos, and is pre- ferred by Blass in Hyper. 4, Phz/. 12, τοῖς τῶν ψευδομαρτυρίων δὶς ἡλωκόσιν. Cf. Cobet, V. 2. 623 f. In the case of δίκαι ψευδομαρτυρίων in general, the manage- ment of the suit was in the hands of the same authorities as those who presided at the trial at which the alleged false witness was tendered: it was only in the event of false witness before the Areopagus, that the case came under the cognisance of the θεσμοθέται. Meier and Schém. p. 485 f.

§7. τοὺς δὲ δικαστὰς κληροῦσι] 63 § 1. Lipsius, Att. Recht, p. 57.

γραμματεὺς] 55 τ; 63 8 1.

LX. The Athlothetae.

§ 1. ,KAnpotor] ‘they (the people, as in cc. 53> 545 not the archons) appoint by lot.” Pollux (viii 87) supposed that

‘all the archons’ not only κληροῦσι δικαστὰς in 59 7, and ἀθλοθέτας (60 § 1), but also χειροτονοῦσι all the military officers of c. 61 (Wilamowitz, i 295 f).

ἀθλοθέτας] The lists of payments from the treasures of Athena for public purposes include the following items: CIA i 183 (Hicks, no. 53), 7 (inthe British Museum), ἀθλοθέταις és Παναθήναια, in B.C. 415, 9 talents; 26. 188 (Ditt. no. 44), 5 (in the Louvre), ἀθλοθέταις és ἸΙαναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα, in B.C. 410, 5 talents, 1000 drachmae; also Ditt. ror, 27—40, B.C. 346. Cf. Wilamowitz, i 238 f; Gilbert, 1 293°,

18 --τὰ-- Bernardakis, K-W, H-L, B!-3, κα΄ <Ta&> non recepit Th; τὰς --τῶν :- ψευδομαρτυρίων -«--τῶν :- ἐξ Kontos, Pollucem secutus; τὰς ψ. -- τῶν -- ἐξ Bf secl. K-w?, cf. 63 § τ; defendit Schol. Arist. Vest. 775.

238

AQHNAIQN

COL. 29, |. 48—30, l. 2.

\ a / \ a , \ \ >, A “Ὁ Kab διοικοῦσι THV TE ΠΟΜΊΤΤΉΡνΡ τῶν Παναθηναίων καὶ τον aAYWVa TNS

“Ὁ \ a 5 μουσικῆς Kal TOV γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα Kal THY ἱπποδρομίαν, καὶ τὸν / lal \ lal a a a πέπλον ποιοῦνται, καὶ τοὺς ἀμφορεῖς ποιοῦνται μετὰ τῆς βουλῆς,

LX 5 μουσικῆς -- καὶ τῆς εὐανδρίας > Sakellarios.

Papageorgios coll. 60 § 3 ad finem.

-- καὶ τὴν evavdplav> καὶ τὴν 6 AMMOPEIC ποιουντὰι (Κ): ἀμφορεῖς

Gennadios (K-W, H-L); ποιοῦνται retinet Β (K*, Th) commatis signo post prius

ποιοῦνται addito, et coll. c. 49 § 3.

πομπὴν τῶν ἸΤαναθηναίων] Thuc. vi 56—58. Michaelis, Parthenon, p. 327.

τὸν ἀγῶνα τῆς μουσικῆς] Plut. Per. 13, φιλοτιμούμενος δ᾽ Περικλῆς τότε πρῶτον ἐψηφίσατο μουσικῆς ἀγῶνα τοῖς Παναθη- ναίοις ἄγεσθαι καὶ διέταξεν αὐτὸς ἀθλοθέτης αἱρεθείς, καθότι χρὴ τοὺς ἀγωνιζομένους αὐλεῖν ἄδειν κιθαρίζειν. Phrynis of Mytilene won the prize with the κιθάρα in B.C. 456. The prizes for κιθαρῳδοί were a crown, together with 500, 300, 200, or 100 ar. (schol., Arist. Av. 11); and for the ἄνδρες αὐλῳδοί, a crown and 100 dr. This competition is mentioned in Plut. ii 1134 A, de Musica, 8, ἐν ἀρχῇ yap ἐλεγεῖα μεμελοποιημένα of αὐλῳδοὶ ἦδον᾽ τοῦτο δὲ δηλοῖ τῶν Παναθηναίων γραφὴ περὶ τοῦ μουσικοῦ ἀγῶνος. The prize for the ἄνδρες κιθαρισταί was a crown, or 200 or 100 dr.; there was also a prize for the αὐληταί, probably a crown (Michaelis, Parthenon, p. 322). A crown won at a μουσικὸς ἀγὼν is represented in an inscr. published in ᾽᾿Ε φημ. ’Apx. 1862, 219 (copied 2d. p. 318). Cf. note on § 3, τὴν μουσικὴν νικῶσιν.

γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα] mentioned in docu- ments quoted in Dem. 18 § 116 and Hip- pocrates, iii 830 Kiihn, also in CIA ii 331, 177 (c. B.C. 270), Παναθηναίων τῶν μεγάλων τῷ γυμνικῷ ἀγῶνι. The contests included running, wrestling, boxing, and the πέν- ταθλον and παγκράτιον (Michaelis, ὦ. c. P+ 323):

ἱπποδρομίαν] The horse-races were held at Echelidae (τόπος ᾿Αθήνησι στα- δίων ὀκτώ, ἐν αἱ ἱπποδρομίαι, Etym. M.). The race is mentioned in Xen. Sym. 1 2. Cf. Athen. p. 168, νικήσαντος ἵπποις Παναθήναια (cf. Michaelis, pp. 324-5).

πέπλον] 49 3. Schol. Arist. Av. 826, TH ᾿Αθηνᾷ πολιάδι οὔσῃ πέπλος ἐγίνετο παμποίκιλος, ὃν ἀνέφερον ἐν τῇ πομπῇ τῶν Παναθηναίων. Among the mythological subjects represented on it was the battle of Athene with the Giants. Michaelis, Zc. Pp. 328.

ἀμφορεῖς] In the athletic contests the prize was a garland from the sacred olive- trees, together with a vase filled with oil from the same. Pindar’s ornate descrip-

tion of the prizes is well known: Mem. x 62—66, ἁδεῖαί γε μὲν ἀμβολάδαν ἐν τελε- ταῖς δὶς ᾿Αθαναίων μιν ὀμφαὶ κώμασαν" γαίᾳ δὲ καυθείσᾳ πυρὶ καρπὸς ἐλαίας ἔμολεν Ἥρας τὸν εὐάνορα λαὸν ἐν ἀγγέων ἕρκεσιν παμποικίλοις (with Schol.). Cf. Simonides in Anth. Pal. xiii 19, 3, καὶ Παναθηναίοις στεφάνους λάβε πέντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀέθλοις ἑξῆς (2.6. in the Pentathlon) ἀμφιφορεῖς <7’ > ἐλαίου. In the list of Panathenaic prizes in CIA ii 965 (Ditt. no. 395, early 4th cent.) ἀμῴφορῆς ἐλαίου are mentioned 16 times.

Panathenaic vases have been found | not only in Attica, but also in Italy and Sicily, and at Cyrene and in the Tauric Chersonesus. They have the figure of Athene on one side, and a representation of the contest for which they were awarded on the other. The earliest Panathenaic vase, now extant, known as the ‘‘ Burgon Vase”’ in the British Museum (Vase Room II Br), is ascribed to the 6th century (c. 560 B.C.), and there are 14 others in the same room; in Room Iv there are 10 © of the 4th century, to which the majority of such vases belong (varying in date from 368 to 312 B.c.). None of the dated vases known to us belong to the . third Olympian year, that of the Great Panathenaea; hence these prizes appear to belong to the Lesser Panathenaea. One of those in the Museum, bearing the © inscr. τῶν ᾿Αθήνηθεν ἄθλων, belongs to ~ B.C. 328, about the date when the text was written. Many of these vases are reproduced in colours in Monumenté dell’ Inst. Arch. x; and single vases in Birtch’s Ancient Pottery, p. 430, Duruy, Aizstoire - des Grecs, i762, and Murray’s Handbook . of Gk Archaeology, p. 104. As many as 130 are carefully examined by Georg von Brauchitsch, in his illustrated work de Panathendischen Pretsamphoren, 1910.— A Panathenaic amphora, with a spray of olive rising out of it and with three crowns . beside it, may be seen on a table in front of a gnarled olive-tree, represented in relief on the outer side of several marble stalls found at Athens (see cut in Michaelis, Parthenon, p. 20).

ΓΕ ΡΥ ΤΕ. as ss

A PIE ae one a

CH. 60, l. 4—15.

2 καὶ τὸ ἔλαιον τοῖς ἀθληταῖς ἀποδιδόασι.

ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

239

συλλέγεται δὲ τὸ ἔλαιον

3 Ν Ὁ“ “Ὁ »

ἀπὸ τῶν μοριῶν: εἰσπράττει δὲ τοὺς τὰ χωρία κεκτημένους ἐν e / πὶ ὺς ς« 7 lal /

οἷς αἱ μορίαι εἰσὶν ἄρχων, τρί᾽ ἡμικοτύλια ἀπὸ τοῦ στελέχους

τ ες εκαστοῦυ.

/ > πρότερον δ᾽ ἐπώλει τὸν καρπὸν πόλις" Kal εἴ τις ἐξ-

rf ορύξειεν ἐλαίαν μορίαν κατάξειεν, ἔκρινεν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου

/ \ x / / na > / βουλή, καὶ εἴ Tov καταγνοίη, θανάτῳ τοῦτον ἐζημίουν. ς \ / / , e 4 1] ἔλαιον TO χωρίον κεϊκτημένος ἀποτίνει, μὲν νόμος ἔστιν, δὲ

κρίσις καταλέλυται.

ἐξ οὗ δὲ τὸ

Ν \ + 3 A / 3 Ν a TO δὲ ἔλαιον ἐκ τοῦ κτήματος, οὐκ ἀπὸ TOV ; ‘al 3 / ᾿ 3 στελεχῶν, ἐστὶ τῇ πόλει. συλλέξας οὖν ἄρχων τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ

7 ὄλεγετὰδι TOA’ EAAION : συλλέγεται δὲ τὸ ἔλαιον Gennadios, Richards, Gertz,

H-L, K-w!, K°, B, Th; τὸ δὲ ἔλαιον συλλέγεται αὶ Hicks (K-w2). HMIKOTYAIA (B); τρία ἡμ- K, H-L, K-W*; τριημικοτύλιον K-wl?, del. Rutherford, ἐλάαν (deleto μορίαν) H-L, Bt.

9 Τρι 11 ἐλαίαν ἐλαίαν (K, K-w); ἐλᾷαν 81. : ἐλαία

habet Soph. O. C. 7o1; ἐλάα Aristophanes, cf. Eustathium p. 84, 9 τὴν ἐλαίαν ἐλάαν ἀττικῶς ; ελααι saepius quam ἐλαίας habent tituli Attici, Meisterhans, p. 31°.

12 τοὺ (H-L, κϑ, B, K-w®, Th), omiserat K!; [[uév?]] K-w1-?.

«-τὸ:- ἐκ τοῦ H-L. KAHMATOC legerat K (H-L).

TEsTIM. § 2 *Schol. Soph. O. C. 7o1 : ἐλαίου τοῦ ἐκ τῶν μοριῶν γινομένου δίδοσθαί φησιν.

383°). Schol. Arist. zd. 1005.

14 τὸ γὰρ 85. 1.

aTIO (correctum in ΕΚ) TOY KTHMATOC (K-W, B, Th):

δὲ ᾽Αρ. καὶ τοῖς νικήσασι τὰ Παναθήναια Cf. Phot. s.v. μορίαι (Frag. 3452,

§ 2. ἔλαιον---μοριῶν κτλ. Arist. Δικ. 1005, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ᾿Ακαδήμειαν κατιὼν ὑπὸ ταῖς μορίαις ἀποθρέξει, and Schol. περὶ αὐτὸν δ᾽ ἦσαν αἱ ὄντως ἱεραὶ ἐλαῖαι τῆς θεοῦ, αἱ καλοῦνται μορίαι. ἐξ ὧν τὸ ἔλαιον τῶν Παναθηναίων. Lucian, Anach. 9, παρ᾽ ἡμῖν δὲ τοῖς Παναθηναίοις τὸ ἔλαιον τὸ ἐκ τῆς μορίας : Schol. Plat. Parm. 127 A; Suidas 5. v. μορίαι (Michaelis, Parthenon, Pp 322).

εἰσπράττει---κεκτημένους κτλ. Schol. Arist. Mud. 1005, ὑπὸ ταῖς μορίαις : διὰ τὸ πάντα ἄνθρωπον κεκτημένον ἐλαίας ἀναγκάζεσθαι μέρος τι παρέχειν εἰς τὰ Παναθήναια κτλ.

τρί᾽ ἡμικοτύλια] # pint; the κοτύλη being about 4 pint.

πρότερον δ᾽ ἐπώλει TOV καρπὸν πόλις] Lysias 7 de Olea Sacra 2, τοὺς ἐωνη- μένους τοὺς καρποὺς τῶν μοριῶν. The speech is not earlier than B.C. 395 (Blass, Att. Ber. i? p. 591): thus πρότερον here refers to a time not earlier than the archonship of Eucleides.

εἴ τις ἐξορύξειεν--- βουλή] Lys. Or. 7 is addressed to the Areopagus, who (besides attending to the sacred olives every month) sent overseers (yvwpovas) to examine them every year 25). In § 7 the speaker states the charge on which he is being tried: τὴν δὲ -- μίαν :- μορίαν, ἣν οὐχ οἷόν τ᾽ ww λαθεῖν ἐξορύξαντα, ὡς ἀφανίζων νυνὶ κρίνομαι. ἐλαίαν μορίαν is defended by § 29, μοριῶν ἐλαιῶν ἐπι-

λεῖσθαι. Cf. Lipsius, Das Att. Recht, 128f.

θανάτῳ] The terms used in Lys. 7 § 3, περὶ πατρίδος καὶ περὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἀγωνί- σασθαι, and 41, πατρίδος-ς---στερηθείς, imply that the penalty at that time was (as in other cases of ἀσέβεια) banishment with confiscation of property. This shews that, even before the time when the state, instead of selling the olives, exacted from the tenant the delivery of a certain quantity of oil, the capital penalty had already become obsolete.

κτήματος] The delivery of the oil has now become a regular tax on the progerty, z.é. either on the χωρίον or on the store of oil manufactured by the proprietor. The alternative reading κλήματος draws a distinction between the ‘fresh shoots’ (Xen. Oec. 19, 8, τὸν βλαστὸν τοῦ κλήμα- ros), and the trunk of the tree, implying that the state insists that the oil supplied to it shall be from the former. But this proviso, even if intelligible in theory, would be difficult to insist upon in prac- tice. Besides στέλεχος is the ordinary term applied to the tree as a whole. Cf. Kaibel 248 f.

στελεχῶν] Dem. 43 Macart. 69, ταύτας (ras ἐλάας) ἐξώρυττον καὶ ἐξεπρέμνιζον, πλεῖν χίλια στελέχη, ὅθεν ἔλαιον πολὺ ἐγίγνετο. Hdt. viii 55, βλαστὸν ἐκ τοῦ στελέχεος.

§ 3. ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ] ‘in his own year of office.’

20

240 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ COL. 30, 1. 2—II.

, ' an / / > > / \ > γιγνόμενον τοῖς ταμίαις παραδίδωσιν εἰς ἀκρόπολιν, καὶ οὐκ y > A t " ,ὕ aha aie. a ἔστιν ἀναβῆναι πρότερον εἰς |” Ape|vov πάγον, πρὶν ἂν ἅπαν παραδῷ τοῖς ταμίαις. οἱ δὲ ταμίαι τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον τηροῦσιν ἐν ἀκρο- move, τοῖς δὲ Παναθηναίοις ἀπομετροῦσι τοῖς ἀθλοθέταις, οἱ δ᾽ ἀθλοθέται τοῖς νικῶσι τῶν ἀγωνιστῶν. ἔστι γὰρ ἄθλα τοῖς μὲν τὴν μουσικὴν νικῶσιν ἀργύρια καὶ χρυσία, τοῖς δὲ THY εὐαν- δρίαν ἀσπίδες, τοῖς δὲ τὸν γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τὴν ἱπποδρομίαν

ἔλαιον. ---- n \ \ \ \ \ / > \ e /

61. χειροτονοῦσι δὲ Kai τὰς πρὸς TOV πόλεμον ἀρχᾶς ἁπάσας,

\ / / \ > 4? e , n Ψ a στρατηγοὺς δέκα, πρότερον μὲν ἀφ᾽ (ἑκάστης) φυλῆς ἕνα, νῦν

16 ΓΙΓΝ (edd.) ; γεγενημένον κϑ8, B*4, 21 ΔρΡΓΥριὰκ χργοὰ (K!): ἀργύρια καὶ χρυσία (H-L, Κϑ, 51, Β); ἀργύριον καὶ χρυσᾶ (K-W, cf. Kaibel 249, ΤῊ); ἀργυρᾶ καὶ χρυσᾶ

(Rutherford). 23 ‘interciderunt magistratus creati in quadriennium, cf. cap. 18’ K-W ; idem coniecerant Newman et Weil; c. 43 § 1 et c. 61 § 1 (χειροτ. δὲ καὶ)

confert B, qui addit tamen nihil amplius Polluci notum fuisse.

LXI1 καὶ ‘fortasse delendum’ Κι. (edd.).

2 A(e)K(at) K!; δέκα, Richards, Gertz

ἑκάστης add. K (K-W, H-L, B*); ἑκάστης τῆς Β' ὅ, 51, Th

TESTIMONIA. LXI Pollux viii 87 (οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες)... ἔχουσιν ἐξουσίαν..., (§1) orpa- τηγοὺς χειροτονεῖν ἐξ ἁπάντων, 2) καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πρυτανείαν ἐπερωτᾶν εἰ δοκεῖ καλῶς ἄρχειν ἕκαστος (τὸν δ᾽ ἀποχειροτονηθέντα κρίνουσιν), 4) καὶ ἱππάρχους δύο, 5) καὲ

φυλάρχους δέκα, (ὃ 8) καὶ ταξιάρχους δέκα.

2 *Harp. στρατηγοί :...ol καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν χειροτονούμενοι στρατὴγοὶ δέκα ἦσαν, ὡς μαθεῖν ἔστιν ἔκ τε τῶν Ὑπερίδου κατ᾽ Αὐτοκλέους καὶ ἐκ τῆς ᾽Αθ. πολ. ᾿Αριστοτέλους

(Frag. 3907, 4305).

ταμίαις] 2; 3; 881; and esp. 30 § 2 and 47 § I.

οὐκ ἔστιν ἀναβῆναι κτλ. the archon could not take his place among the members of the Areopagus at the close of his year of office until he had handed over to the treasurers (of Athene) the full amount of olive-oil due for the year. For ἀναβῆναι cf. [Dem.] c. Meaer. 80, ἐγένετο τὰ ἱερὰ ταῦτα καὶ ἀνέβησαν els “Apevoy πάγον οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες ταῖς καθηκούσαις ἡμέραις, Isocr. 7 § 38, ἐπειδὰν εἰς ΓΑρειον πάγον ἀναβῶσιν, lex in Dem. 24 22, μὴ ἀνιόντων εἰς “Apecov πάγον, Hyp. ap. Athen. 566 F.

τὴν μουσικὴν νικῶσιν ἀργύρια Kal χρυσία] ‘sums of money (in silver) and ornaments of gold.’ For ἀργύρια, in pl., of ‘sums of money,’ cf. Arist. 4v. 600. The Panathenaic prizes for music, as recorded in inscriptions, are crowns and sums of money varying from 300 to 1000 a. Michaelis, Parthenon, p. 322, and CIA ii 965 (Dittenberger, no. 395), where the first of the κιθαρῳδοὶ receives ‘an olive-wreath of gold’ (στέφανος θαλλοῦ

χρυσοῦς) with 1000 dr. (ἀργύριον), and

from others receives sums of money. Cf. note on § 1, τὸν ἀγῶνα τῆς μουσικῆς. evavdSplav] This contest is mentioned in

Andoc. 4 42, νενικηκὼς evavdpia, Xen. Mem. iii 3, 12, Athen. 565 F; also in Harpocr. s.v. and Bekker’s Avec. p. 257, 13- Cf. Thumser, de Civium Ath. Mu- neribus, pp- 81, 97-9. ἀσπίδες] In the early part of the fourth century the prize was an ox; CIA ii 965 (Ditt. 395, 75), evavdplar φυλῆι νικώσει βοῦς. We do not know the date when the ox was super- seded by the portable prize mentioned in the text. The ‘shields’ are not named elsewhere.

γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα Kal τὴν ἱπποδρομίαν] In the above inscr. ll. 23—70 we have the record of the number of ἀμφορῆς ἐλαίον awarded (1) to the boys, and (2) to the youths, who were victorious in running, wrestling, boxing, or in the pentathlum or pancratium; and (3) to the victors in the horse-races. The part enumerating ~ the prizes given to the men is lost.

LXI. Officials elected by open voting (Aiilitary Officers).

§ 1. χειροτονοῦσι--τὰς πρὸς τὸν πό- λεμον ἀρχάς] 43 1ad fin. The subject is, of course, the people’; cf. 60 § 1.

ἀφ᾽ <éxdorns> φυλῆς ἕνα] This was the case on the occasion when Cimon and his colleagues were called upon to act as judges in the dramatic contest of B.C. 468,

Date pel Dube. te oon 0) i

= - = i ns, τῷ ᾿ τς a = =

] ΕἸΣ , 4 AR,

CH. 60, 1. 16—CH. 61, |. 5.

MOAITEIA

241

\ , “Ὁ δ᾽ ἐξ ἁπάντων: καὶ τούτους διατάττουσι τῇ χειροτονίᾳ, ἕνα μὲν \ e / a a a ς a ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁπλίτας, ὃς ἡγεῖται τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἂν ἐξίωσι, ἕνα δ᾽ ἐπὶ \ 7 a / , ? a , n τὴν χώραν, ὃς φυλάττει, κἂν πόλεμος ἐν TH χώρᾳ γίγνηται, πολεμεῖ

4 οπλειτίωνΝ) “αἱ videtur’ K4, ὁπλιτῶν H-L (K3, Β, Th); π[ολι]τῶν K-w.

ἐὰν H-L. 5 ΓΙΝ (K-W).

TTOAEME! : ἡγεῖται K-W 3; πολεμαρχεῖ Kontos.

when Sophocles gained the prize against Aeschylus: Plut., Cimon 8, describes the generals as δέκα ὄντας, ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς ἕκαστον. At some later date, which is not specified, the generals were chosen out of all the citizens (ἐξ ἁπάντων) without distinction of tribe.

It was held by Schomann (Azz. p. 420), Boeckh (on “47:21. 190, and CIG pp. 294, 906), Sauppe and others, that the generals were elected by the several tribes alone. A. Schaefer (Dem. ii 182) held that they were elected ἐξ ἁπάντων (as attested by Pollux). The view that in earlier times the generals were elected κατὰ φυλήν, and afterwards ἐξ ἁπάντων, was held by Bergk, Lugebil, Miiller-Striibing and

others (see Gilbert, 1 220", 2567, and

Bettraége, pp. 16—20). This is proved by the text to be right.

Gilbert (Bettrdge, pp. 21—23) accepts the narrative in Plutarch’s Czmon, but does not admit that on that occasion the to generals belonged to the 10 different tribes, although this is the obvious mean-

_ ing, as in the phrase in Pollux viii 94, of | φύλαρχοι δέκα, εἷς ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς ἕκαστος.

In 440/39 two of the ro generals, Pericles and Glaucon (FHG iv 645), belonged to the same tribe, Acamantis; this is our earliest evidence for a departure from the older system; possibly the change was due to a desire to elect the ablest men, such as Pericles, independently of the tribe to which they belonged. But, even after the change, nearly all the tribes were in practice represented on the board. Thus in B.c. 433/2, out of seven

generals, six belonged to different tribes;

in 424/3, out of six whose demes are known, five; in 418/7, all the six whose demes are given; in 417/6, all the five;

and in 357/6, six out of the seven. There

_ known that there were only five.

- is no example of more than one tribe

_ being represented by two στρατηγοὶ in

_ the same year (Hauvette-Besnault, Zes Strateges Athéniens, pp. 24—29).

διατάττουσι)] The fact that about this

time the duties of the στρατηγοὶ were _ distributed over several members of the

board was already known. The five officers charged with specific duties had already been identified, but it was not The

S. A.

earliest date for the change is 352 B.C., when the general ἐπὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς χώρας is first mentioned (see note on ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν below). (Gilbert, i 2572.)

ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁπχίτας] In Lys. 32 5 we have what at first sight appears to be a mention of this officer: χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον καταλεγεὶς Διόδοτος μετὰ Opa- σύλλου τοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν (B.C. 410); and we know that Thrasyllus was elected a στρατηγὸς in the spring of 411 (Thuc. viii 76) and held office for 410/9 (2b. 104) ; but the words τοῦ ἐπὶ are omitted in two Mss, Florentinus and Ambrosianus, and the construction is parallel to καταλεγεὶς τριηράρχων in Isaeus, de Afpoll. her. 5.

The decrees in the De Corona mention ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων στρατηγὸς 38), τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων (115) and ἐπὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν (116), but these are forgeries of a later date (Hauvette-Besnault, p. 160 f).

In CIA li 302 (c. 294/3 B.C.) Philippides is described as [χειροτονη ]θεὶ ς στρατ]ηγὸς [ἐ]πὶ το[ὺς ὁπλίτας ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου]. In ii 331 the career of Phaedrus is described: in 296/5 he was twice elected στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τὴν παρασκευήν, and was often elected στρ. ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν and thrice ἐπὶ τοὺς ξένους. It was probably after 272 B.c. that he was elected ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα στρατηγός and was afterwards χειροτονηθεὶς ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα πρῶτος ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου στρατηγός. After the end of the fourth century this στρατηγὸς was the foremost member of the board. Ultimately in the theatre of Dionysus the only stall reserved for any of the στρατηγοὶ was inscribed with the title of στρατηγοῦ ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα.---ΤῊς στρ. ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁπλίτας probably acted as presi- dent of the στρατηγοὶ (cf. Gilbert, i 222) ; see, however, 2b, 258.

ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν] Plut. Phocion, 32, Δερκύλλου τοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας στρατηγοῦ (B.C. 317). Bull. Corr. Hell. xiii 433 f (Michel, no. 674) 19 f, τὸν στρατηγὸν τὸν ἐπὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς χώρας κεχειρο-. τονημένον (352 B.C.), CIA ii 331 (quoted above), and 1195 (in the 3rd cent.).

φυλάττει) The φυλακὴ τῆς χώρας in- volved placing patrols at important points in the interior and along the coast; Thuc. ii 24, φυλακὰς κατεστήσαντο κατὰ γῆν Kal κατὰ θάλασσαν. In Xen. Mem. iii 6, 10, περὶ φυλακῆς τῆς χώρας, mention is made

‘16

5

10

242 AOQHNAIQN COL. 30, l. 1I—19. οὗτος" δύο δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιέα, τὸν μὲν εἰς τὴν Μουνιχίαν, τὸν δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ᾿Ακτήν, οἱ τῆς φυλακῆς ἐπιμελοῦνται [[καὶ]} τῶν ἐν Πειραιεῖ" ἕνα δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰς συμμορίας, ὃς τούς τε τριηράρχους καταλέγει καὶ τὰς ἀντιδόσεις αὐτοῖς ποιεῖ καὶ τὰς διαδικασίας αὐτοῖς εἰσάγει"

\ > » \ \ / 4 > / τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους πρὸς τὰ παρόντα πράγματα ἐκπέμπουσιν.

6 Treipaied: Πειραιᾶ H-L.

terum αὐτοῖς secl. K-w?-3,

MOYNYX: ΚΙ, φυλακῆς (deleto καὶ) K-w, B1-%, κέ, Th; καὶ retinent 51, B*. Thucydidis in codicibus saepe confusa esse constat. 10 πράγματα supra scriptum delent H-L, ΒΕ.

ἐπιχει-

1 φιληο : φ[υ]λῆς (vel φυλακῆς) φυλῆς εἰ φυλακῆς χηλῆς Torr (H-L, K®). 9 al-

TESTIM. 8—9 Phot. ἡγεμ. δικ. : τῷ στρατηγῷ περὶ τριηραρχίας καὶ ἀντιδόσεως.

of φυλακαὶ and φρουροί. In B.C. 445 this φυλακὴ extended as far as Euboea; CIA iv 27 a, wept δὲ φυλακῆς Εὐβοίας τοὺς orpa- τηγοὺς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι κτλ. In B.C. 342, [Dem.] 7 §§ 14, 15, it has expanded intoa τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν φυλακῆς in a still wider sense. About B.C. 265, CIA 334, we find a decree in honour of those who ἐπέδωκαν els τὴν σωτηρίαν THs πόλεως Kal THY φυλα- κὴν τῆς χώρας. In the time of the text this duty, which had once been shared by all the στρατηγοί, was apparently divided between the στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν for the interior, and the two στρατηγοὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιέα for the coast,—assuming that φυλακῆς is the right reading in the passage referring to the latter.

ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιέα] In B.C. 324/3, CIA ii 811 ¢ 434, Δικαιογένης στρατηγὸς is mentioned in the same context as the overseer of the νεώρια. Between B.c. 318 and 229 the Peiraeus and Salamis were under an officer called the στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ Πειραιέως καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν TaTTO- μένων μετὰ τοῦ Πειραιέως (Bull. Corr. Hellén. vi 526). About τοο B.C. we read of three στρατηγοὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ (CIA 11 1207), and the archon of B.C. 97/6 is described as ᾿Αργεῖος ’Apyelov. Τικο[ρύ- o.os] στρατηγήσας ἐπὶ τὸν Iepalia], 2d. 1206. . εἰς τὴν Μουνιχίαν] In B.c. 325/4 we find Philocles mentioned by Dinarchus, 3 1, as στρατηγὸς ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὴν Μουνιχίαν καὶ τὰ νεώρια κεχειροτονημένος. On Munichia, cf. 19 2; 42 3.

εἰς τὴν ᾿Ακτήν] possibly identical with the officer called. the στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν τὴν παραλίαν in CIA ii 3, 1194 (the son of an official of B.C. 382/1), and 1195 (B.C. 241). The latter inser. was found at Sunium. On ᾿Ακτή cf. 42 § 3.

υλακῆς] τών ἐν Πειραιεῖ, the rest of μ᾿ ρ

the φυλακὴ being assigned to the στρ. ἐπὶ τὴν - χώραν.

ἐπὶ τὰς συμμορίας] In an inscription assigned to 334.B.C. the στρατηγοὶ act as. one body in reference to the συμμορίαι.

(CIA ii 804 63 f); but aspecial στρατηγὸς

is indicated in B.C. 325/4, CIA ii 809 205—210, ὅπως δ᾽ ἂν αἱ σκήψεις εἰσαχ- θῶσι, τοὺς θεσμοθέτας παρα[πλ]ηρῶσαι δικαστήρια εἰς ἕνα καὶ διακοσίους τῷ στρα- τηγῷ τῷ ἐπὶ τὰς συμμορίας ῃρημένῳ. The σκήψεις mentioned in this inscr., and in c. 56 § 3, are the pleas put forward by one who maintains that another is better able to bear the expense of a trierarchy

and who therefore challenges him either .

to undertake it or to exchange proper- ties. It may also refer to any plea of exemption. It is used elsewhere (CIA ii 804) of the reasons pleaded by a trierarch for being unable to restore to the state the vessel confided to his care (Hauvette- Besnault, Les Stratéges Ath., p. 143). For the relations of the board of στρατηγοὶ to the συμμορίαι and the τριηραρχία before

the distribution of offices among the |

members of the board, cf. Dem. 39 § 8, τίνα δ᾽ οἱ στρατηγοὶ τρόπον ἐγγράφουσιν, ἂν εἰς συμμορίαν ἐγγράφωσιν, ἂν τριήραρ- χον καθιστῶσιν, and 35 § 48, (οἱ στρατηγοὶ) τριηράρχους καθιστᾶσιν.

ἀντιδόσεις--- ποιεῖ] Dem. 4 § 36, τριηρ- dpxous καθίσταμεν καὶ τούτοις ἀντιδόσεις ποιούμεθα, and in [42] § 5, about 330, ἐποίουν οἱ στρατηγοὶ τοῖς τετρακοσίοις Tas ἀντιδόσεις (in August).

διαδικασίας] 4... [Xen.] de Rep. Ath. 3, 4, διαδικάζειν, εἴ τις τὴν ναῦν μὴ ἐπι- σκευάζει. CIA li 795 39, τριήρεις al ἐπὶ Διοτίμου ἄρχοντος (B.C. 354/3) διεδικάσθη-

σαν καὶ ἔδοξαν κατὰ χειμῶνα διαφθαρῆναι,

26. 1. 60, ἀριθμὸς τριήρων καὶ σκευῶν τῶν.

διαδεδικασμένων. Boeckh, Seeurkunden, p- 214; Meier and Schém. pp. 467 f. In [Dem.] 47 26 (B.C. 339) we read, of the ἀποστολεῖς and the νεωρίων ἐπιμεληταί, that these were the officials who εἰσῆγον

τότε (c. B.C. 344) Tas διαδικασίας περὶ τῶν.

σκευῶν. Cf. Meier and Schom. p. 475. τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους] This shews that the

above list of special posts is complete by

the time when the treatise was written.

In the spurious decrees quoted in Dem.

»..5

SOT Th Be TS ΒΝ, ae

ἜΡΤΗΙ

Re Thee OLY eae DON Care EERE ee Rk PE

CH. 61, 1. 6—18. TTOAITEIA

243

᾿ροτονία δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐστι κατὰ τὴν πρυτανείαν ἑκάστην, εἰ δοκοῦσιν

- ΠΣ a

καλῶς ἄρχειν: Kav τινα ἀποχειροτονήσωσιν, κρίνουσιν ἐν TO Xx a A a na

δικαστηρίῳ, κἂν μὲν ἁλῷ, τιμῶσιν 6 τι χρὴ παθεῖν ἀποτεῖσαι, ἂν

5:3 / / YA 4 > e aA \ a δ᾽ ἀποφύγῃ, πάλιν ἄρχει. κύριοι δέ εἰσιν, ὅταν ἡγῶνται, Kal δῆσαι

tov ἀτακτοῦντα καὶ (ἐκ)κ[η]ρῦξαι καὶ ἐπιβολὴν ἐπιβάλλειν" οὐκ

ῳ»

Officials ; apis treated here in comparison with 43 § 4

εἰώθασι δὲ ἐπιβάλλειν.

χειροτονοῦσι δὲ καὶ ταξιάρχους δέκα, ἕνα τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης"

11 δοκοῦσι H-L, Bt. (K?, Β, Th); τὰ [λοιπὰ] K!; τὸν K-W, H-L, B?74, κ΄, Th. H-L, K*, Th).

[ἔτι] H-L.

13 aAdA(supra scr. ὠ)ω!. κύριοι δ᾽ H-L. κηρυξὰι ὃ): ἐπιβολὴν ἐπιβαλεῖν coni. Diels. 16 δ᾽ H

lal an οὗτος δ᾽ ἡγεῖται τῶν φυλετῶν καὶ λοχαγοὺς καθίστησιν.

ἐὰν H-L. 14 πάλιν Κ-’-

15 τιν ὃ: τιν᾽ Καὶ “ὃ, Bl, sl;

aa ch alg Blass, Lipsius (K-w, 3

TEST. 88 Bekk. Ax. 306, 12 ταξίαρχοι---: ἄρχοντες ἡγούμενοι τῶν πολιτῶν κατὰ φυλήν, χειροτονητοί, δέκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, οἷς ὑπετέτακτο τὸ πλῆθος κατὰ φυλήν.

ae Cor. §§ 38, 115 an officer called ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως is mentioned (in the former decree immediately after ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων στρατηγός, in the latter after τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων). It was once supposed that this was the title of one of the στρατηγοί, but it is now agreed that this was not the case (Boeckh, note 322 Frankel; Scho- mann, p. 421 ἢ. 3). Again, in CIA li 331 Thymochares, the father of Phaedrus {who held office between B.C. 296 and 272), was χειροτονηθεὶς στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου ἐπὶ τὸν ναυτικόν. In the same inscr. Phaedrus is described as στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τὴν παρασκευήν and ἐπὶ τοὺς ξένου. The στρ. ἐπὶ τὴν παρασκευήν is mentioned in CIA li 403—405 in connexion with melting down the τύποι dedicated to the ἥρως ἰατρός (2nd century B.C.); also 26. 839. The decree in Pseudo-Plutarch ii p. 852 describes Lycurgus as χειροτονηθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευῆς, but this does not prove that he was στρατηγός; and, in any case, these last titles belong to a later date than the text.

§2. ἐπιχειροτονία] 43 4, at the κυρία

Ξ ἐκκλησία, ἐπιχειροτονεῖν εἰ δοκοῦσι καλῶς

ἄρχειν. This procedure must have been instituted with special reference to military hence the fulness with which it

(Lipsius, Leipzig Verhandl. 1891, p. 49). τιμῶσιν] It was a δίκη τιμητός luisier and Schom. p. 213 f, Lips.). δῆσαι] During the Sicilian expedition

Lamachus put to death a soldier who was _ caught signalling to the enemy; Lys. 13 - § 67; and Iphicrates at Corinth transfixed ' with his spear a sentinel whom’ he found

asleep at his post (Frontinus iii 12, 2). Dem. 50 51 even a trierarch fears. he

may be put into bonds by a στρατηγός: φοβούμενος μὴ δεθείην. Cf. Xen. Mem. iii 5, 19, τοὺς ὁπλίτας καὶ τοὺς immets— ἀπειθεστάτους εἶναι πάντων.

ἐκκηρῦξαι)͵ One Simon, who arrived too late for the battle of Corinth and the march to Coroneia, had a scuffle with the taxiarch and struck him, καὶ πανστρατιᾷ τῶν πολιτῶν ἐξελθόντων, δόξας ἀκοσμό- τατος εἶναι καὶ πονηρότατος, μόνος ᾿Αθη- ναίων ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐξεκηρύχθη. This implies that the offender was expelled from the army, after being publicly pro- epi oot to serve as a soldier. Lys.

ἐπιβάλλειν [Lys.] 15 5, ἐχρῆν γὰρ αὐτοὺς (τοὺς στρατηγοὺ:) εἴπερ ἀληθῆ λέγου- σιν ἀνακαλεῖν μὲν Πάμφιλον ὅτι ἀφαιρῶν τὸν ἵππον ἱππέως ἀπεστέρει τὴν πόλιν, ἐπιβάλλειν δὲ τῷ φυλάρχῳ, ὅτι ἐξ- ελαύνων ᾿Αλκιβιάδην ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ἄκυρον ἐποίει τὴν τούτων τάξιν, κελεύειν δὲ τὸν ταξίαρχον ἐξαλείφειν αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καταλόγου...

§ 3. ταξιάρχους] commanders of the

ΤῸ τάξεις of hoplites corresponding to the

1o φυλαί. They were instituted after 490 B.C. Dem. 4 § 26, οὐκ ἐχειροτονεῖτε δ᾽ ἐξ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν δέκα ταξιάρχους καὶ στρατηγοὺς καὶ φυλάρχους καὶ ἱππάρχοῦς δύο; Each of the taxiarchs commanded the hoplites of a single tribe, Dem. 39 § 17, ταξιάρχων τῆς φυλῆς, Aeschin. 2 Z. 169, Tepevidou τοῦ τῆς Πανδιονίδος ταξιάρ- χου. ἡγεῖται τῶν φυλετῶν] Α5 rule the taxiarch was a member of the tribe which he commanded, Thue. viii 92, ᾿Αριστοκράτης ἣν ταξιαρχῶν καὶ τὴν ἑαυ- τοῦ φυλὴν ἔχων, CIA ii 444, 446 (Gilbert, i 2622).

᾿- λοχαγούς}] Isocr. 15 § £17,.Isaeus

16—2

--- °

244 AOHNAIQN COL. 30, l. 19—25..

χειροτονοῦσι δὲ Kal ἱππάρχους δύο ἐξ ἁπάντων: οὗτοι δ᾽ 4

20 ἡγοῦνται τῶν ἱππέων, διελόμενοι τὰς φυλὰς πέντε ἑκάτερος" κύριοι δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν εἰσιν ὧνπερ οἱ στρατηγοὶ κατὰ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν. ἐπιχειροτονία δὲ γίγνεται (καὶ) τούτων.

χειροτονοῦσι δὲ καὶ φυλάρχους (δέκα), ἕνα τῆς φυλῆς, τὸν 5 ἡγησόμενον (Trav ἱππέων), ὥσπερ οἱ ταξίαρχοι τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.

χειροτονοῦσι δὲ καὶ εἰς Λῆμνον ἵππαρχον, ὃς ἐπιμελεῖται 6 τῶν ἱππέων τῶν ἐν Λήμνῳ.

χειροτονοῦσι δὲ καὶ ταμίαν τῆς Ἰ]αράλου καὶ δίχα τῆς Told] 7 Ἄμμωνος.

25

21 WNTTEP(EICIN): εἴσιν, ὧνπερ van Leeuwen (edd.); ὧνπερ Gertz. 21—62,2 duo fragmenta nova attulit Κι. 22 TiN (K-W). TOYTWN K!: <xal> τούτων Gertz, Lips., edd. 23 post φυλάρχους add. δέκα Richards (edd.); post δὲ καὶ excidisse antea putabam, cf. c. 53 § 3. 24 τῶν ἱππέων Pollucem secutus add. K (edd.). 27 δίχα ‘lectio non certa, sed cum vestigiis congrua’ K*; 6..a Wilcken (K-w*); ν[ν] B?-4, Kaibel 252, Th; ἄλλον κ' “8 (H-L, Κ- 12, BI, 51).

TEST. § 4 Pollux viii 94 ἵππαρχοι δὲ δύο ἐξ ἁπάντων Αθηναίων αἱρεθέντες ἐπιμεὰλ- οὔνται τῶν πολέμων. *Harp. ἵππαρχος:.. λέγεται δὲ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἵππαρχος καὶ τῶν ἱππέων ἄρχων" δύο δ᾽ ἦσαν οὗτοι, ws Anu. ἐν 6 Φιλιππικῶν φησὶ καὶ ’Ap. ἐν ᾽ΑΘθ. πολ. Phot. ἵππαρχοι: δύο ἦσαν, οἱ τῶν ἱππέων ἡγοῦντο, “" διελόμενοι τὰς φυλὰς ἑκάτερος ἀνὰ πέντε" ἐπιμεληταὶ δέ εἰσι τῶν ἱππέων -- οἱ φύλαρχοι additum ex Poll. viii 94> καθάπερ οἱ ταξίαρχοι δέκα ὄντες εἷς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς τῶν ὁπλιτῶν (Frag. 3917, 431°). |

§ 5 Pollux viii 94 οἱ δὲ φύλαρχοι δέκα, εἷς ἀπὸ φυλῆς ἑκάστης, τῶν ἱππέων. προΐστανται, καθάπερ οἱ ταξίαρχοι τῶν ὁπλιτῶν. *Harp. φύλαρχος :...ὁ κατὰ φυλὴν ἑκάστην τοῦ ἱππικοῦ ἄρχων, ὑποτεταγμένος δὲ τῷ ἱππάρχῳ, ὡς Ap. ἐν τῇ ᾽Αθ. πολ. φησί

(Frag. 3022, 432°).

§ 7 *Harp. ταμίαι:... εἰσὶ δέ τινες καὶ τῶν (ἱερῶν) τριήρων ταμίαι, ws αὐτὸς

φιλόσοφός (sc. Ar.) φησιν (cf. Suid. ταμίαι art. 2).

Phot. s.v. εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι ταμίαι,

§ 14. The text shews that they were appointed by the ταξίαρχοι, and not, as has been supposed (Gilbert i 2637), by the στρατηγοί.

§ 4. ἱππάρχους] Their importance is implied by Lys. 26 § 20, ἀντὶ τούτων αὐτοὺς δῆμος ταῖς μεγίσταις τιμαῖς τετίμηκεν, ἱππαρχεῖν καὶ στρατηγεῖν καὶ πρεσβεύειν ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν αἱρούμενοι. δύο] Dem. 4 § 26 supra, CIA 11 445, 15.

τὰς φυλὰς πέντε ἑκάτερος] Xen.

Hipparch. 3.8 11, ὅταν οἱ ἵππαρχοι ἡγῶνται ᾿

ταῖς πέντέ φυλαῖς.

κύριοι] The disciplinary powers of the ἵππαρχοι are illustrated by Hesych. s.v. ἱππάρχου πίναξ ἐπεὶ οἱ ἵππαρχοι ἐν πίναξι τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἀτακτούντων γράφοντες παρεσημειοῦντο.

8 5». φυλάρχους] [ἢ ΟἿΑ ii 444, 445 the φύλαρχοι belong to the tribes which they command.

86. εἰς Δῆμνον ἵππαρχον] This officer was in command of corps of Athenian cavalry stationed in Lemnos. That island had long been in the possession of Athens and was held by Athenian κλη-

ροῦχοι. Athens had recovered possession of Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros before B.C. 387 and her right was recognised in

that year by the ‘peace of Antalcidas’.

Hyperides, pro Lycophrone, c. 14, ὑμεῖς γάρ με, ἄνδρες δικασταί, πρῶτον μὲν φύλαρχον ἐχειροτονήσατε, ἔπειτα εἰς Λῆ μ- νον ἵππαρχον, καὶ ἦρξα μὲν αὐτόθι δύ᾽

ἔτη τῶν πώποθ᾽ ἱππαρχηκότων μόνος, προσ- :

κατέμεινα δὲ αὐτόθι τὸν τρίτον ἐνιαυτὸν οὐ βουλόμενος πολίτας ἄνδρας ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν εἰσπράττειν τὸν μισθὸν τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἀπόρως διακειμένους. στεφάνοις δὲ τρισὶν ἐστε-

φανώθην ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ ἐν ΗἩφαιστίᾳ

καὶ ἑτέροις ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Μυρίνῃ. 8 27, εἰς μὲν Λῆμνον τὸν παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἵππαρχον δεῖ πλεῖν. CIA ii 14 (B.C. 387/6), [ἱππαρ- Xloivros ἐν Λήμνῳ. CIA ii §93 (a decree passed by the κληροῦχοι at Myrina after the third Macedonian war), ἐπὶ δὲ Λῆμνον

Dem. 4 -

στρατηγοῦντος Φιλαρχίδου ἸΠαιανιέως ἵππ- Β

ἀρχοῦντος τὸ δεύτερον Ἰελεσιδήμου τοῦ ᾿Αμινίου Ἑκαλῆθεν. Cf. Gilbert, i 5087; Hauvette-Besnault, Les Stratéges Ath., pp: 169, 170. |

§ 7. ταμίαν τῆς Παράλου] In Dem.

; νὰν ae eal I

PSSST

te Mo Ear ΠΝ ΣΎ ae es Yee RE οὐ TR N RPTL 7 003

CH. 61,1. 1g—CH. 62, 1. 1.

TIOAITEIA

245

62. ai δὲ κληρωταὶ ἀρχαὶ πρότερον μὲν ἦσαν αἱ μὲν μετ᾽ LXII 1 met (edd.): μετὰ τῶν (μὶτ΄) Gennadios, H-L. ἄρχοντες χειροτονητοὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ἱερὰς καὶ δημοσίας τριήρεις, μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν Πάραλον, δὲ

ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ΓΑμμωνος.

Pollux viii 116 ταμίας ἐκάλουν τοὺς ταῖς ἱεραῖς τριήρεσι λειτουρ-

γοῦντας, ἄλλους τριηράρχους (cf. Frag. 4022, 442°). *Lex. rhet. Cantab. Πάραλος καὶ Σαλαμινία : ταύτας τὰς τριήρεις εἶχον διὰ παντὸς

᾿ πρὸς τὰς ἐπειγούσας ὑπηρεσίας, ἐφ᾽ αἷς καὶ ταμίαι τινὲς ἐχειροτονοῦντο...᾿ Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ

᾿Αμμωνιάδα καὶ Πάραλον οἷδε. Schol. in Dem. p. 636, τό Dind....cai ᾿Αμμωνιὰς ἐπειδὴ

τῴ Αμμωνι δι᾽ αὐτῆς τὰς θυσίας ἔπεμπον.

Cf. Phot. 5. ν. Πάραλοι εἰ Πάραλος, Harp.

s.v. ᾿Αμμωνίς, Lex. Dem. Patm. p. 150 (Frag. 4032, 443°).

Mid. § 173, Midias is described as saying: ἱππάρχηκα, τῆς wapddos ταμίας γέγονα. Demosthenes adds: τῆς μὲν παράλου τα- μιεύσας Κυζικηνῶν ἥρπασε πλεῖν πέντε τάλαντα. 174, Midiasallowed the Paralus to be outstripped in speed by one of the

‘ordinary triremes, οὕτως εὖ τὴν ἱερὰν 'τριήρη παρεσκευάκει. The ταμίας Παράλου

is mentioned in CIA ii 804 B 66 (B.C. 34/3), and probably also in 808 A 79 B.C. 326/5). The ταμίας provided for

the sacred trireme at the cost of the state

all that, in the case of ordinary vessels, was provided by the trierarch himself.

The. ship was entirely manned by Athenians (Thuc. viii 73, 5) who were

paid 4 obols a day (Harpocr. s.v.). Cf.

Boeckh, 305 ff. Frankel. The Paralos and

Salaminia are mentioned in Arist. Av. 1207 and Thuc. iii 33, 2: the Salaminia was sent in pursuit of Alcibiades in vi 53, 1 and 61, 4 (cf. Arist. dv. 147). <A state- ment in Photius (s.v. πάραλοι), λέγεται δὲ

αὐτὴ καὶ Σαλαμινία, led Boeckh to accuse Photius of confounding the two triremes with one another, which is inconsistent with the same lexicographer’s article on

πάραλος. Mr Marindin, in Dict. Ant. ii 827 a, understands αὐτή as meaning ‘of

a similar character’: but I should prefer

attributing the mistake to a careless cita- tion from the Schol. on Av. 1204, where

we are told that, if, instead of Πάραλος Σαλαμινία, we read Πάραλος Σαλαμινία :

ἔσται αὐτὴ ἸΙάραλος καὶ Σαλαμινία.

1. 28. τοῦ "Αμμωνος] It follows from the passages quoted in the Zestimonia that the state-trireme, formerly called the Σαλαμινία, was superseded by one named after Ζεὺς “Auuwy and known as the ᾿Αμμωνὶς (Harpocr.) or ’Auuwrids (Lex. Rhet. Cant.). It was specially intended to convey θεωρίαι to the coast of Cyrene, on their way to the shrine of Ζεὺς Αμμων. Cimon, sent from Cyprus to consult the oracle shortly before his death (Plut. Czm. 18); in the Aves, 716 and 618, Ammon is mentioned by the side of Delphi and Dodona; and it is therefore possible that θεωρίαι may have been sent there as early as 415 B.C. In [Plat.] Ad. ii 148, the

Athenians consult the oracle on the ques- tion why they were constantly being beaten by the Lacedaemonians. We have a record of a sacrifice to Αμμων on the part of the στρατηγοὶ in B.C. 333 (CIA ii 741, 32); Boeckh, ii 118—121 Frankel; Foucart, Rev. des études gr. 1893, I—7- Thus it seems probable that the oracle was originally consulted by Athens in connexion with military undertakings, and this custom may account, not only for the sacrifice offered by the στρατηγοί, but also for the connexion in which the vessel is mentioned in this chapter, at the close of a description of the military officers of Athens.—Hesych. s.v. ᾿Αμμών (Αμμώ- via?) has ἑορτὴ ᾿Αθήνησιν ἀγομένη, and it would be natural that the general interest in the oracle should be increased by the visit paid by Alexander the Great in B.C. 332. The sacred trireme ᾿Αμμωνὶς was men- tioned by Dinarchus in his speech against Himeraeus (Harpocr. s.v. ’Apuuwvis), which may be assigned to B.C. 324 (Rose, Ar. Pseud. p. 397)-

It has been suggested (by Rose, /.c.) that the name of the sacred trireme Salaminia was changed in consequence of the revolt of Salamis in B.c. 318 (Paus. i 35, 2; Polyaen. iv 11, 1; Diod. 18, 69; CIA i p. 418), but the text shews that the *Aupwvis superseded it at an earlier date.

The name Salaminia was in itself not uncommon. Thus, in B.C. 357/6 there were two ships bearing the name Sala- minia (one belonging to the second class, CIA ii 793 33; the other, one of the vives ἐξαίρετοι, 2b. c 32): a trireme named Salaminia foundered at sea shortly before B.C. 325/4 (CIA ii 809 d 29 and 811, 80): and a τετρήρης of the same name occurs in an inscr. of B.C. 323/2 or shortly after: CIA ii 812 123. In the same inscr., @ 25 and 42, there are two triremes named Παραλία (not Πάραλος). All these, how- ever, are warshi~s. Not one of the sacred triremes is mentioned in the naval archives of Athens. Cf. Boeckh, 11 xvi, vol. I, p. 306-7, and note 448 Frankel.

LXII. Salaries.

§1. at μὲν per’ ἐννέα ἀρχόντων] It is

tn

246

AOHNAIQN

COL, 30, 1.'25—36.

ἐννέα ἀρχόντων ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ὅλης κληρούμεναι, αἱ δ᾽ ἐν Θησείῳ ΄ὔ fa) > \ / 3 \ gee , ς κληρούμεναι διῃροῦντο εἰς τοὺς δήμους: ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐπώλουν οἱ δῆμοι, καὶ ταύτας ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ὅλης κληροῦσι πλὴν βουλευτῶν καὶ φρουρῶν: τούτους δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς δήμους ἀποδιδόασι. μισθοφοροῦσι δὲ πρῶτον δῆμος ταῖς μὲν ἄλλαις ἐκκλησί-

ais δραχμήν, τῇ δὲ κυρίᾳ ἐννέα (ὀβολούς).

\ / ἔπειτα τὰ δικαστήρια

τρεῖς ὀβολούς. εἶθ᾽ βουλὴ πέντε ὀβολούς" τοῖς δὲ πρυτανεύουσιν

3 <at> διῃροῦντο Gertz, H-L. 7 ἐννέα -- ὀβολούς -- K-W (edd.).

6—11 ex fragmentis novis supplevit K*.

not known what offices are meant: Mr Kenyon suggests that the phrase in- cluded ‘all the various boards of ten.’ A similar phrase occurs in the ὅρκος ἡλιαστῶν in Dem. ¢. 77mocr. 150, τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων καὶ τοῦ ἱερομνήμονος καὶ ὅσαι (ἀρχαὶ) μετὰ τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων κυαμεύονται ταύτῃ τῇ (τῇ αὐτῇ) ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ κήρυκος καὶ πρεσ- βείας καὶ συνέδρων.

ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ὅλης κληρούμεναι] c. 8 § 1.

αἱ δ᾽ ἐν Θησείῳ κληρούμεναι] ‘the offices assigned by lot in the Theseum’ (c. 15 § 4). In Aeschines, c. Cres. § 13 (B.C. 336—330), the offices to which the people elect (χειροτονεῖ), such as those of

the στρατηγοί and ἵππαρχοι, are con-

trasted with those ds οἱ θεσμοθέται ἀπο- κληροῦσιν ἐν τῷ Onoelw. It might be inferred from this that the Theseum was the only place in which the allotment was held; whereas the text implies that the archons were appointed elsewhere. The place is not known. See Gilbert, 2417 ἢ, and esp. Wilamowitz, i 200-4. διῃροῦντο] ‘used to be distributed over’

the demes.

ἐπώλουν ot δῆμοι] 41 2, εὐδιαφθο- ρώτεροι γὰρ οἱ ὀλίγοι κτλ.

πλὴν βουλευτῶν] This shews that the preliminary appointment of members of the Council was made by the demes. The fact that the demes lost the pre- liminary appointment to. certain offices, owing to their being corrupt, makes us understand how. it was possible for Aeschines to taunt. Demosthenes with having secured his appointment as βου- λευτὴς by bribery and intrigue, Aesch. zz Ctes. 62, οὕτε λαχὼν οὔτε ἐπιλαχὼν ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ παρασκευῆς πριάμενος, 73, βουλευτὴς ὧν ἐκ παρασκευῆς. ;

The lists of Prytanies for the fourth century (CIA ii 864—874) prove that the number of members of .the Council be- longing to each deme. varies with the

size of the deme, and that the number

appointed from the same deme is constant. It was inferred from this that a certain number were appointed from each deme, and not from the whole tribe indiscrimi- nately(Kohlerin A/7ztzhezi. ivg7; Hauvette- Besnault in Bull. Corr. Hell. v 361; Head- lam, Ox the Lot, pp. 55, 56). This inference is confirmed by the text.

2

Pro- |

bably each deme nominated twice the

requisite number; half of these were

appointed by lot, and the rest held in reserve to take their places if necessary (Headlam, p. 188). Even in the case of offices filled by lot something of the nature of candidature is implied by Lys. 31 § 33 (of one who had drawn the lot to be a βουλευτής), προθύμως κληρωσόμενος ἦλθε, 6 § 4, ἂν ἔλθῃ κληρωσόμενος τῶν

ἐννέα ἀρχόντων (cf. 20 13), and Isocr. 15 § 82, κληροῦσθαι τῶν ἀρχῶν ἕνεκα.

Cf. Gilbert, 296? n. 1.

φρουρῶν] possibly the 500 φρουροὶ νεωρίων, mentioned with the 500 βουλευταί in 24 § 3.

§ 2. highest sum named as the μισθὸς ἐκκλη- σιαστικός was 3 obols. The text implies that this sum had been doubled. In Arist. Vesp. 691 and Schol. a drachma is the sum paid at that time to the συνήγοροι, but there is no probability that that is the fee here meant.

“τρεῖς ὀβολούς] In 27 3 the institution of the μισθὸς δικαστικὸς by Pericles is mentioned; but the amount is not named.

Spaxpyv] At the end of c. 41 the

It was raised to three obols by Cleon.

(Schol. Arist. Vesf. 88, 300; Gilbert i

384° f.) πέντε ὀβολούς] one obol more is the

amount named in Hesych. s.v. βουλῆς

λαχεῖν: τὸ λαχεῖν βουλευτὴν Kal δραχμὴν

τῆς ἡμέρας λαβεῖν. Hesychius has pro- bably confounded the five obols paid to the ordinary βουλευτὴς with the six paid

‘to the mpurdves.. Thuc. viii 69 mentions the μισθός without naming the amount. .

CH. 62,1. 2—17. TIOAITEIA 247 εἰς σίτησιν ὀβολὸς προστίθεται [δέκα προστίθενται]. ἔπειτ᾽ εἰς σίτησιν λαμβάνουσιν ἐννέ᾽ ἄρχοντες τέτταρας ὀβολοὺς ἕκαστος καὶ παρατρέφουσι κήρυκα καὶ αὐλητήν, ἔπειτ᾽ ἄρχων εἰς Σαλα- μῖνα δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας. ἀθλοθέται δ᾽ ἐν πρυτανείῳ δειπνοῦσι τὸν ᾿Εκατομβαιῶνα μῆνα, ὅταν 4 τὰ Παναθήναια, ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τῆς τετράδος ἱσταμένου. ἀμφικτύονες εἰς Δῆλον δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας ἑκάστης ἐκ Δήλου (λαμβάνουσι). λαμβάνουσι δὲ καὶ ὅσαι ἀποστέλλονται ἀρχαὶ εἰς Σάμον Σκῦρον Λῆμνον Ἴμβρον εἰς σίτησιν ἀργύριον.

9 ὀβολὸς Blass (εἰ K%); δέκα προστίθενται (ab omnibus seclusum); εἷς ὀβολὸς Rutherford, H-L ‘ex signo |, i.e. oboli, male intellecto ndtum esse docet Β ; sed in papyris aegyptiacis signum oboli~ est ; est potius scholium interpretantis quod decem prytanibus decem numerabantur oboli,’ κι. 10 <oi> ἐννέα Gennadios, H-L;

ἐννέα K, K-W, B, coll. v. 2; ἐννέ᾽ K4, Th. articulus in crasi latet?’ Th. putat Wil. i 185.

@ ἂν ΚΙ, H-L. 15 <)apuBdvove.> add

12 <7@> πρυτανείῳ H-L. . K (K-W, H-L, Th): nihil addit B.

11 ‘Anin11 ἀρχ., 12 ἀθλ., 14 dud.,

12—14 ἀθλοθέται---ἱσταμένου ab hoc loco aliena’

13 o[T]an (K-w, K3, B, Th):

ἄρχοντες κτλ.] The archons received an allowance for food, but this is not the same thing as a stipend. It was all that they received; otherwise the verb would have been προσλαμβάνουσιν. It was sup- posed by Schémann (Azz. p. 402) that the ‘executive functionaries’ (ἄρχοντες) as well as the ‘commissioners’ "(ἔπεμε- ληταί), as contrasted with the ‘sub- ordinates’ (ὑπηρέται), ‘served without pay.’ Boeckh, II xvi p. 304 Frankel, more cautiously describes this as the ‘original’ distinction between an ἀρχὴ and a ὑπηρεσία. c. 24 3 mentions the 700 ἀρχαὶ ἔνδημοι as in receipt of pay; and in c. 29 § 5 the board of Thirty appointed in B.C. 411 propose τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀμίσθους ἄρχειν ἁπάσας ἕως ἂν πόλεμος ἧ, πλὴν τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων καὶ τῶν πρυ- τανέων οἱ ἂν ὦσιν, τούτους δὲ φέρειν τρεῖς ὀβολοὺς ἕκαστον τῆς ἡμέρας. This implies (as observed by Mr Kenyon) that ‘the magistrates named, and others who are not named, received pay.’ [Xen.]de Rep. Ath. 1, 3, says that the δῆμος is not eager for offices like those of στρατηγός or ἵππαρχος, --ο-οὁπόσαι δ᾽ εἰσὶν ἀρχαὶ μισθοφορίας ἕνεκα καὶ ὠφελείας εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ταύτας ζητεῖ δῆμος ἄρχειν.

κήρυκα καὶ αὐλητήν] Both the κῆρυξ τῷ ἄρχοντι and the αὐλητής are mentioned in CIA iii 1005 and 1007 (Gilbert i 182?n. 2).

ἄρχων εἰς Σαλαμῖνα] 54 8.

ἀθλοθέται] 60. ᾿ἙΙκατομβαιῶνα)] The principal day of the greater Panathenaea (54 § 7: 60 § 1) was the third from the end of Hecatombaeon. Probably the lesser Panathenaea were also held in the same month: in Dem. c. Zimocr. 28, the

Panathenaea (of Ol. 106, 4, B.C. 353) are at hand on Hecatombaeon 11th. In the, text the greater Panathenaea alone appear to be meant. ἀμφικτύονες eis Δῆλον] the Athenian Commissioners of the funds of the Delian temple, called dudixrioves because 7” theory they were the deputies of the Ἰώνων τε καὶ περικτιόνων νησιωτῶν (Thuc. iii 104). The ‘Sandwich marble,’ now: in the library of Trinity College, Cam- bridge, records their accounts from B.C. 377 to 374, beginning τάδε ἔπραξαν ἀμ-. φικτύονες ᾿Αθηναίων. Each Amphictyon: administered the temple for one year, beginning with Hecatombaeon, the first month in the Attic civil year (Hicks, Gz Hist. Inscr. p. 142—148; CIA ii 814). ἐκ Δήλου, from the funds of the Delian. temple. : Σάμον] Athenian κληροῦχοι were set- tled in Samos after its conquest by Timo-’ theus in B.C. 365. κληροῦχοι were also sent in 361 and again in 352 (Aeschin. Ι § 53; A. Schaefer, Dem. i? p. 99 ἢ, Ρ- 474 0). After the autumn of 322 the Athenians were no longer in a position to send ἀρχαὶ: to Samos; at that date the island ceased’ to be under their control, and the Samians: banished by Athens were restored by Per- diccas, Diod. xviii 18 (F. Cauer in Ber/.: Phil. Woch. 9 April, 1892, p. 458. Σκῦρον... «Λῆμνον... Ἴμβρον] A. refer-: ence not to the local officials, but to the military officers sent out from Athens, e.g. a στρατηγὸς sent to Scyros, and:an: ἵππαρχος to Lemnos (Gilbert, 1 507-9?).’

248 AOHNAIQN COL. 30, 1. 36—4I.

bl \ \ \ \ Ud > \ » an

ἄρχειν δὲ Tas μὲν κατὰ πόλεμον ἀρχὰς ἔξεστι πλεονάκις, TOV δ᾽ ἄλλων οὐδεμίαν, πλὴν βουλεῦσαι δίς.

63. τὰ δὲ δικαστήρια [κ7Ἰληρί οὐ ]σ[ ιν] of ἐννέα ἄρχοντες κατὰ

18 <riv> πόλεμον Papageorgios coll. 43 1 ult., 44 § 4, 61 τ. LXIII 1 TaA(€)TA corr. K. πληροῦσιν Dareste.

TESTIMONIA. LXIII Schol. ad Arist. Plut. 277 (RV): ἐν ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις πολλὰ ἣν dixacrHpia...exacrov δὲ τούτων εἶχεν ἕν τι τῶν στοιχείων ἰδικὸν ὄνομα. οἷον ἣν τι τῶν : δικαστηρίων λεγόμενον α, ὁμοίως. ἄλλο β, ἄλλο δὲ γ, καὶ ἑξῆς τὸ καὶ τὸ ε ἕως τοῦ κ. δέκα γὰρ ἦν δικαστήρια τὰ πάντα ἐν ᾿Αθήναις. καὶ πρὸ θυρῶν δὲ ἑκάστου δικαστηρίου ἐγέγραπτο πυρρῷ βάμματι τὸ στοιχεῖον τινι τὸ δικαστήριον ὠνομάζετο. ὅσοι δὲ δι- κασταὶ σαν ἐν ᾿Αθήναις, ἕκαστος καθ᾽ ἕκαστον δικαστήριον εἶχε δέλτον τουτέστι πινάκιον, ἐν ἐγγεγραμμένον ἣν τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ δικαστηρίου. εἶχε δὲ καὶ ῥάβδον ἅμα (leg. ὁμόχρουν) τῷ πινακίῳ καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ῥάβδῳ ἣν τὸ ὄνομα (leg. γράμμα) τοῦ δικαστη- ρίου ἐγγεγραμμένον. ὅτε οὖν συνέβαινε καιρὸς τοῦ δικάζειν, ἤρχοντο πάντες οἱ δικασταὶ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν κἀκεῖ κλήρους ἔβαλλον, καὶ ὅστις [ἂν] ἐκληροῦτο κλῆρον ἔχοντα τὸ α, ἀπήρχετο εἰς τὸ α δικαστήριον, ὁμοίως εἰς τὸ β καὶ τὰ ἐφεξῆς. [ἀπήρχετο dé] καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐδείκνυε τῷ κήρυκι τοῦ δικαστηρίου τὸν κλῆρον τοῦ στοιχείου, δὲ κῆρυξ λοιπὸν ἐδίδου αὐτῷ τὸ πινάκιον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ ῥάβδον, εἶτα οὕτως ἐδίκαζεν. εἰ δέ τις δικαστὴς εἰσήει μὴ κληρωθεὶς εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, κατηγορεῖτο καὶ ἐξημιοῦτο διαφόρως. Schol. Arist. Vesp. 775 (V):.. «ἄλλως. ἐπειδὴ θεσμοθέται καὶ δέκατος γραμματεὺς κληροῦσι τοὺς δικαστὰς τοὺς τῆς αὐτῆς φυλῆς ἕκαστος. Schol. Ar. Plut. 277 (Junt. Wes εἶτα οἱ θεσμοθέται κατὰ φυλὴν ἕκαστος καὶ δέκατος γραμματεὺς ἐκλήρουν τὰ γράμματα

μέχρι τοῦ κ.

δ 3. τὰς μὲν κατὰ πόλεμον---πλεονάκις] Thus Pericles was general for 15 years, and Phocion 45 times (Plut. Fer. 15, Phoc. 8).—In Pol. 1371 24, (it is character- istic of a democracy) τὸ μὴ δὶς τὸν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν μηδεμίαν ὀλιγάκις ὀλίγας ἔξω τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον. Dem. Provem. p. 1461, 9, δεινότατοι γάρ ἐστ᾽ ἀφελέσθαι μὲν ὅσ᾽ ὑμῖν ὑπάρχει, καὶ νόμους “περὶ τούτων θεῖναι, ἄν τις ἀστυνομήσῃ δὶς τὰ τοιαῦτα, στρατηγεῖν δ᾽ ἀεὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐᾶν, ε. Timocr. 149 (ὅρκος ἡλιαστικὸς), οὔτε δὶς τὴν αὐτὴν ἀρχὴν τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα καταστήσω. οἴ. 1209 @ 10, μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν δὶς ἀλλ᾽ ἅπαξ μόνον. 1275 25, δὶς τὸν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἄρχειν ἐνίας (ἀρχάς).

The effect of the rule forbidding more than one reappointment to the Council was to give every Athenian citizen at some period of his life a seat in that body. At the time when the number of citizens was at its highest (about 30,000 in 460

C.), it is probable that the number who reached the age of 30 in each year, and thus became qualified for the Council, was rather less than tooo, Headlam, Ox the Lot, p. 50 n). Each of these might be a member of the 500 twice in his life, but not oftener. Thus the office was twice held by Timarchus, and by Demosthenes in 349 (Dem. 21 § 114) and 347 (Aeschin. ii 17). In the few cases in which the names of the βουλευταὶ from the same deme are preserved for more than one year, only one case of reappointment is to

TT

be found, viz. Διονύσιος Η φαιστίωνος of the deme Φιλαΐδαι (in the middle of the fourth century) CIA ii 870, 3, and (in B.C. 341) 872, 17.

Boeckh, ii 515 Frankel, states his con- viction that no one could be a member of the βουλὴ for two consecutive years: the text proves that it was possible.

As regards other offices, we know the names of a large number of ταμίαι, ἑλλη- νοταμίαι and ἐπιμεληταί; but we never find one man holding the same office twice (Headlam, p. 91).

LXIII to the ἐπὶ The Law-Courts.

On the Athenian procedure for the distribution of the δικασταὶ over the se- veral δικαστήρια, see Sch6mann, De Sor- tettone Ludicum apud Athenienses, Opusc. Acad. i 200—229; Schdmann, Azz. p. 475 E. T.; Att. Process, pp. 146—162; Lipsius, Das Att. Recht, 134—150; Frankel, Att. Geschworenengerichte, 1877, pp- 92 ff; Gilbert, i 445—451?; Busolt in Miiller’s Handbuch, τν i 180; Cail- lemer in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dict. iii 191; Teusch, De Sortitione Ludicum, 1894; and Wyse in Whibley’s Companion to Greek Studies, p. 387 f.

§ 1. δικαστήρια κληροῦσιν] Pollux, viii 87, mentions as one of the duties of the archons, κληροῦν δικαστάς. A distinction must, however, be drawn between κληροῦν δικαστάς, which refers to the daily appoint- ment of dicasts (c. 59 7), and κληροῦν δικαστήρια, which refers to the allotment

CH. 62,1]. 18----ΟΗ. 63,1.7. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ

249

φυλάς, δὲ γραμματεὺς τῶν θεσμο[θετῶν τῆς] δεκάτης φυλῆς. Μ / > ? \ 7 / / Aa a ¢ / \ εἴσοδοι δέ εἰσιν εἰς Ta δικαστήρια δέκα, μία TH φυλῇ ἑκάστῃ, Kal / Μ 4 Aa a e / \ , ε / κληρωτήρια εἴκοσι, δύο TH φυλῇ ἑκάστῃ, Kal κιβώτια ἑκατόν, ᾿ δέκα τῇ φυλῇ ἑκάστῃ, καὶ ἕτερα κιβώτια, εἰς ἐμβάλλεται

a / \ \ ig / 4 τῶν λαχόντων δικαστῶν τὰ πινάκια, καὶ ὑδρίαι δύο.

καὶ βακ-

/ / \ \ x e / Ψ ς τηρίαι παρατίθενται κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον] ἑκάστην ὅσοιπερ οἱ δικα-

2 <6> τῶν Papageorgios, coll. 59 § 7. <tTa> τῆς Papageorgios; <é«> τῆς Photiades, οἷς ΚΙ, H-L, K-w!?; δέκα, els K-w?; δέκα om. B*4, κί, Th.

7 OYCOITTEp corr. K.

-«-τοὺς -- τῆς H-L, coll. c. 59 ult. ; 5 eis Papageorgios, edd.; δέκα 6 BAKTHPIA corr. K.

of the several law-courts to the dicasts so appointed (26. 5). [Dem.] 47 § 17, κλη- ρουμένων τῶν δικαστηρίων, and 37 39, τῶν δικαστηρίων ἐπικεκληρωμένων. κατὰ φυλὰς is not meant to imply that each δικαστήριον was allotted to a different tribe, but that representatives of all the tribes sat in each δικαστήριον. At an earlier date (c. 390 B.C.) the daily allot- ment was not ‘by tribes,’ but by heliastic divisions or ‘sections,’ Arist. Zcc/. 682-9. (Lipsius, Az. Recht, 139 f.)

§ 2. εἴσοδοι κτλ.}] the separate en- trances for the members of the several tribes would not only facilitate entrance and exit, but also make it easier to detect personation. It may perhaps be inferred that the members of each tribe sat to- gether in the court.

κληρωτήρια] either (1) ‘vessels for holding lots’ (wrnes lots, Reinach); or (2) ‘rooms in which the dicasts have their several courts allotted to them’ (so Kaibel and Kiessling, Poland, and Haus- soullier). Mr Kenyon gives in the text of his translation ‘twenty vessels for holding votes,’ adding in the note the alternative rendering, ‘rooms in which the jurors are elected.’ Losungsrdume is the term used by Lipsius, Azt. Recht, 146.

(1) is the sense in c. 66 § 1 and in Arist. Zccl. 682, BA. τὰ δὲ κληρωτήρια ποῖ τρέψεις ; ΠΡ. és τὴν ἀγορὰν καταθήσω" κᾷτα στήσασα παρ᾽ ‘Apuodiy κληρώσω ἅπαντας (where the Schol. absurdly ex- plains κληρωτήρια as Tas κληρωτὰς apxds). «Anpwrpls means an urn for holding votes in Schol. Arist. Ves. 674, κληρωτρίδι τῶν ψήφων, and 752, τοῦ κήρυκος τὴν κληρω- τρίδα προσφέροντος, ἔβαλον τὰς ψήφους. Both senses are recognised in Pollux x 61, κληρωτήριον " εἰ yap καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ τόπου ἔοικεν εἰρῆσθαι τοὔνομα ἐν τῷ Τήρᾳ ᾽Αρισ- τοφάνους, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀγγείου ἂν ἐναρμόσειεν. The sense is uncertain in Eubulus ap. Athen. 6408, κλητῆρες... μάρ- Tupes.. δίκαι... κληρωτήρια.. κλεψύδραι, vd- μοι, γραφαί, and in ΟΙΑ 11 44τ,[ἀνα͵γράψαι

δὲ τόδε [τὸ ψήφισμα----Ἴ κληρωτήριον λιθ- [ι---- ον.

(2) is supported by Plut. ii 793 Ὁ, πρεσ- βύτῃ---ἐπίπονος καὶ ταλαίπωρος πρὸς πᾶν μὲν ἀεὶ κληρωτήριον ἀπαντῶσα φιλαρχία, παντὶ δὲ ἐφεδρεύουσα δικαστηρίου καιρῷ καὶ συνεδρίου πολυπραγμοσύνη, Pollux ix 44, κληρωτήρια ἔνθα κληροῦνται οἱ δικασταί, and Bekk. Απόεᾶ. p. 47, κληρωτήρια: ἔνθα κληροῦνται οἱ δικασταί.

It is not obvious why each tribe requires two κληρωτήρια, unless we are to sup- pose that one of them was merely an antechamber serving as a waiting-room for the other.

κιβώτια] ‘small boxes,’ Arist. Plat. 711. The number of the first set of κι- βώτια is 100, 10 for each tribe, because the dicasts in each tribe are distributed over all the ten divisions into which all the dicasts are divided. In each tribe, all the tickets (πινάκια) bearing the names of the dicasts in division A are placed in the first κιβώτιον, those of division B in the second, and so on for all the ten divisions. According to the number of dicasts required, an equal number of tickets is drawn by lot from each of the roo κιβώτια. Each ticket so drawn has a court assigned it by lot; and all the tickets are now placed in the second set of κιβώτια, all tickets of dicasts assigned to any given court being placed in the κιβώ- τιον which bears the letter corresponding to that court. The names of all the di- casts who are selected to serve are thus distributed over the several courts that are to siton the dayin question. The process is described in detail in c. 64.

πινάκια] see note on § 4.

βακτηρίαι] ‘batons’ serving the dicasts as badges of office. The βακτηρία was marked with the same colour as the lintel of the court assigned to the dicast, who gave it up on entering the court when he received a σύμβολον (or ‘token’) instead. This σύμβολον enabled him to claim the τριώβολον. See infra c. 65 88 1,°2, ὁ. 69

ἐπ

ΙΟ

15

250 AOHNAIQN COL. 30, 1. 42—5 τὰ

, Ά , «ἢ / a oral, καὶ βάλανοι eis THY ὑδρίαν ἐμβάλλονται ἴσαι ταῖς βακτη-

, , " δὲ." ͵ a az ρίαις, ἐγγέγραπται δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς βαλάνοις τῶν στοιχείων ἀπὸ τοῦ

ἑνδεκάτου, τοῦ [τριακοστοῦ], ὅσαπερ ἂν μέλλῃ τὰ δικαστήρια , t a πληρωθήσεσθαι. δικάζειν δ᾽ ἔξεστιν τοῖς ὑπὲρ τριάκοντα ἔτη γε- / ee > Lal \ > / ᾿ A / x 5 >? γονόσιν, ὅσοι αὐτῶν μὴ ὀφείλουσιν τῷ δημοσίῳ ἄτιμοί εἰσιν. 9. δέ i 1 9 b] Ν 7 \ / ἐὰν δέ τις δικάζῃ οἷς μὴ ἔξεστιν, ἐνδείκνυται Kal eis τὸ δικαστή- / \ 5 a la A ρίον εἰσάγεται" ἐὰν δ᾽ ἁλῷ προστιμῶσιν αὐτῷ οἱ δικασταί, 6 x BA <4 θ a x > -“ bay δὲ > ‘4 τι ἂν δοκῇ ἄξιος εἶναι παθεῖν ἀποτεῖσαι. ἐὰν δὲ ἀργυρίου " a | ey / τιμηθῇ, Set αὐτὸν δεδέσθαι, ἕως ἂν ἐκτείσῃ τό τε πρότερον ὄφλη- 23? e > , θ λ 4 xX > al , \ / μα eh ἐνεδείχθη καὶ 6 τι ἂν αὐτῷ προστιμήσῃ TO δικαστή- Yj > Ψ \ \ ριον. ἔχει δ᾽ ἕκαστος δικαστὴς τὸ πινάκιον πύξινον, ἐπιγεγραμμέ-

9 éy[y]eyp. ex fragmentis novis K* (Th), legebatur γεγρ. Baddvos --γράμματα >

Papageorgios. T(@N) οτοιχειοίν) Blass (κ8, K-w’, Th): [τὰ] οτοιχειὰ (K}, K-wl?, H-L). τοῦ ἑνδεκάτου delet Rutherford (H-1). 10 τριακοστοῦ del. K (edd.). EAN. 13 o1c: @ Richards (H-L). KAI—EICAPETAI K-W, κϑ, B, Th: κατὰ τὸ

δικαστήριον εἰσαγγελία K! (εἰσαγγελίᾳ Frankel, H-L). 18 ἕκαστος <6> B, Th. ἕν 1. B?-4,

TEsT. 84 Schol. Ar, Plat. 277 (Junt. ): ἔρχεται ἕκαστος εἰς τὸ < δικαστήριον > πινάκιον' ἔχων ἐπιγεγραμμένον τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ [[καὶ] πατρόθεν καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ γράμμα ἕν τι μέχρι τοῦ κ, διὰ τὸ πάλαι δέκα φυλὰς εἶναι ᾿Αθήνησιν, διήρηντο γὰρ κατὰ φυλάς. εἶτα οἱ θεσμοθέται κατὰ φυλὴν ἕκαστος καὶ δέκατος γραμματεὺς ἐκλήρουν τὰ γράμματα. μέχρι τοῦ κι Et. genuinum.(ex Photio) χαλκοῦν πινάκιον : εἶχον οἱ δικασταὶ πρὸς τὰς κληρώσεις ἔχον τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ δικαστοῦ πατρόθεν καὶ δήμου -- καὶ Symeo> τῆς φυλῆς (hucusque descr. Symeo). ᾿Αριστοτέλης (Wilamowitz; ᾿Αρίσταρχος cod.) πύξινον. Hesych. χαλκοῦν πινάκιον : ᾿Αθηναῖοι εἶχον ἕκαστος πινάκιον πύξινον ἐπιγεγραμμένον TO ὄνομα [τοῦ] αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ δημοῦ πατρόθεν.

15,16 aTTOTICAIMEKTICH. τὸ πινάκιον ex fragmentis novis K4, vix ferendum’ Th ;

§ 2, and cf. Dem. de Cor. 210, (δεῖ) παρα- λαμβάνειν γ᾽ ἅμα τῇ βακτηρίᾳ καὶ τῷ συμ- βόλῳ τὸ τῆς πόλεως νομίζειν ἕκαστον ὑμῶν, ὅταν τὰ δημόσια εἰσίητε κρινοῦντες. Bekk. Anecd. p. 185, βακτηρία καὶ σύμβολον: ῥάβδον κατεῖχον οἱ δικάζοντες, καὶ σύμβολον ἐλάμβανον ἀντιδιδόντες διὰ τὸ κομίσασθαι τὸ τριώβολον. Pollux viii τό, σκεύη δὲ δι- καστικά, σύμβολον, βακτηρία, -«-- πινάκιον >, πινάκιον τιμητικόν.

βάλανοι] either actual acorns or (more probably) ballot balls of metal shaped like them. Ineither case the βάλανος had the letter of the court scratched upon it.

πληρωθήσεσθαι] to be made up to their full complement of δικασταί. Dem. c. Timocr. 92, δικαστήρια πληροῦτε. Mid. 209; Lys. 26 § 6; Isae. 6 § 37; CIA ii 395 (of the θεσμοθέται) ὅταν πρῶτον πλη- ρῶσιν δικαστήριον εἰς ἕνα καὶ πεντακοσίους δικαστάς. Cf. Meier and Sch. p. 156, note 18; Forster in Rhein. Mus. xxx 2846 ; Gilbert, i 4507; Lipsius, 159.

§ 3. τριάκοντα ἔτη] Pollux viii 122, ἐδίκαζον οἱ ὑπὲρ τριάκοντα ἔτη ἐκ τῶν ἐπι- τίμων καὶ μὴ ὀφειλόντῳν τῷ δημοσίῳ. (ΟἹ. Dem. ¢. Limocr. 123, and law 20. 80.

The text lends no support to the opinion that the number of dicasts was limited to 6000 annually appointed by lot from the general body of duly qualified citizens. On the contrary, it favours Frankel’s view that all duly qualified Athenians might be enrolled on the list of dicasts. At Ardettos, near the Pana- thenaic stadium, δημοσίᾳ πάντες ὥμνυον ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὸν ὅρκον τὸν ἐκκλησιαστικόν (Harp. s.v. ᾽᾿Αρδηττόθ). Frankel, “421. Geschworenenger., esp. pp. 14—20. The number 6000, however, occurs in c. 24, 13 with reference to the previous century.

ἐνδείκνυται] ἔνδειξις was primarily put in force against debtors to the state (Dem. Androt. 33, Nicostr.14). In Dem. c. Mid. 182 Pyrrhus is prosecuted by ἔν- δειξις for acting as dicast. Cf. Dict. Ant. 1 734 ὁ.

προστιμῶσιν οἱ δικασταί] In cases where a person. illegally.acted as dicast, it was left to the court to impose the penalty, Dem. ς. 2724. /.c.; similarly in the event of a disqualified person speaking in the ἐκκλησία ([Dem.] Aristag. i § 92).

§ 4. πινάκιον] All the extant πινάκια

3

4

a Se ΒΦ. δ

Sse pal

BL STR We RG,

Sr ee ee ee ere Cte earn Ὑὐ

K(1).

CH. 63,1. 8—22.

TIOAITEIA

251

\ \ fe} a a νον τὸ ὄνομα TO ἑαυτοῦ πατρόθεν καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ γράμμα ἕν τῶν

/ / \ \ \ / / e στοιχείων μέχρι τοῦ K* νενέμηνται yap κατὰ φυλὰς δέκα μέρη οἱ

/ / t 5 δικασταί, παραπλησίως ἴσοι ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῷ γράμματι. ἐπειδὰν

δὲ θεσμοθέτης ἐπικληρώσῃ τὰ γράμματα, δεῖ προσπαρατίθε-

19 ΕΔΥΤΟΥ : τ᾽ αὐτοῦ H-L. Papageorgios. (Κ-ν 1.2, H-L); παρατίθεσθαι 84.

τό --τ᾽ -- αὐτοῦ - καὶ :- πατρόθεν καὶ τῶν δήμων 22 ττροοττ(ὰρὰ)τιθεοθὰι Blass (κϑ, κ-ιννϑ, Th); -rinecOai κὶ

are of bronze; those οὗ boxwood, men-

_ tioned in the text, having presumably

perished. The specimens from the British Museum are given in Hicks, Hast. Zuscr. . 202. Out of the 65 collected in CIA 11 875-940, seventeen are mere fragments : the remaining 48 exhibit in the upper left-hand corner one of the first ten let- ters of the Greek alphabet :—A(4), B(6), T(5), A(g), Β(8), (4), H(2), Θ(6), 1(3), Two of them (914-5) were found in the same tomb, both bearing the same letter and the same name (with a slight difference in spelling). Cf. g17-8. See also Suppl. iv (2) p. 212f. Apparently each dicast remained permanently in the division first assigned him; so that the annual κλήρωσις δικαστῶν only affected those citizens who on reaching the age of 30 were assigned to a particular division for the first time. The πινάκια are discussed by Dumont, Rev. Arch. 1868, p. 140; C. Curtius, Rhein. Mus. 1876, 281 ; Klein, Sahrb. des Vereins von Alterthumsfreun- den im Rheinlande, 1876, p. 57—; P. Girard in Bull. Corr. Hell. 1878, p. 523 —; Frankel, Att. Geschworenenger. pp. 94, 95, 105; Meier and Schomann, pp. 151-2, Lips.; Lipsius, Das Attesche Recht, 140; Caillemer in Daremberg and Saglio, iii 189 f; and Bruck, in PAz/ol. 54 (1895) 64—79-. The πινάκιον re- produced (as fig. 1) at the head of the frontispiece bears the name of Διονύσιος Διονυ[σίου] ἐκ Koi[Ans]; in the upper left- hand corner is the letter of the division, A; below this, an owl between A and 9, being part of AOH, for ᾿Αθηναίων ; towards

‘the right are two owls between A and A,

and to the right of this is a gorgon’s head (ΟἿΑ ii 876)... ᾿

The use of the πινάκιον in drawing lots for certain public offices is mentioned in Dem. 39 (adv. Boeotum de nomine) § 12, τί δέ, av ἄρα.. ἅτερος ἡμῶν πείσας τὸν ἕτε- ρὸν, ἐὰν λάχῃ, παραδοῦναι αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχήν, οὕτω κληροῦται; τὸ δυοῖν πινακίοιν τὸν ἕνα

- κληροῦσθαι τί ἄλλο ἐστίν ; That this πι-

νάκιον was of. bronze is proved by § 10, ἂν δ᾽ ἀρχὴν ἡντινοῦν πόλις κληροῖ, οἷον βουλῆς θεσμοθέτου τῶν ἄλλων, τῷ δῆλος

λαχὼν ἔσται; πλὴν εἰ σημεῖον, ὥσπερ ἄλλῳ τινί, τῷ χαλκίῳ προσέσται.

ἔπιγεγραμμένον---δήμου] Cf. Plat. Leg. 7536 (in the scheme for the election of magistrates), εἰς πινάκιον γράψαντα rov- νομα πατρόθεν καὶ φυλῆς καὶ δήμου ὁπόθεν ἂν δημοτεύηται.

νενέμηνται γὰρ κατὰ φυλὰς δέκα μέρη] z,é.are divided into ten sections distributed over the tribes. The ten μέρη did not coincide with the ten tribes, but each μέρος had a nearly equal number of di- casts from all the tribes. The extant πινάκια prove that members of different tribes belonged to the same section (Benn- dorf, Gétting. gel. Anz. 1870, p. 276—).

ἑκάστῳ τῷ γράμματι] A, B, Τ', ἄς to K, the letters of the dicastic divisions.

§ 5. θεσμοθέτης] Pollux viii 88, (οἱ θεσμοθέται) ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἐπικληροῦσι τὰ δι- καστήρια τὰ ἴδια καὶ τὰ δημόσια. CIA ii 567 6 (inscr. in honour of a θεσμοθέτης), ἐπιμελεῖται---τῆς κληρώσεως τῶν δικαστη- ρίων, 2b. 806, 206 (B.C. 325/4), τοὺς θεσμο- θέτας παρα[πλ]ηρῶσαι δικαστήρια eis ἕνα καὶ διακοσίους. The θεσμοθέτης draws lots assigning the letters (A, M, N, P, &c) to the several courts. The letter thus allotted was placed over the entrance of the court. Hence γράμμα is synonymous with δικαστήριον in Arist. Zccl. 683—, κληρώσω πάντας, ἕως av εἰδὼς λαχὼν ἀπίῃ χαίρων ἐν ὁποίῳ γράμματι δειπνεῖ. In the next three lines the letters B, O and K can only refer to the ten heliastic divisions (A to K) severally marked on the dicast’s πινάκιον. But at that date (c. 390 B.C.) the whole of a dicastic division was assigned to the same court, whereas, in Aristotle’s day, it was dis- tributed over all the courts.

Even the original allotment of the citi- zens to the several heliastic divisions was under the superintendence of the θεσμοθέ- ται (cf. 59 7). This would involve the use of a set of balloting balls or counters marked with a letter indicating the several divisions (A, B, I, A, E, to K). It is probably specimens of these that have sur- vived in two bronze counters having on the one side four owls arranged diagonally

23

252 AOHNAIQN COL. 30,]. 52—31, 1. 26. σθαι tots δικαστηρίοις, ἐπέθηκε φέρων ὑπηρέτης ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστον τὸ δικαστήριον τὸ γράμμα τὸ λαχόν. ||

64. εἰσόδου καθ᾽ ἑκάστην τὴν φυλήν" στοιχεῖα μέχρι [τοῦ] κ.

τὰ δὲ κιβώτια τὰ δέκα 3 / δ αν a A ἐπιγέγραπται δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ > > t e \ \ δ᾽ ἐμβάλωσιν οἱ δικασταὶ τὰ / 3 \ / ? 3 e xX / 1s / πινάκια εἰς TO κιβώτιον, ἐφ᾽ οὗ ἂν ἐπιγεγραμμένον TO γράμμα

ἐπειδὰν

\ 3 λΨ : Ee A 4 2 \ aA “- / Ud TO αὐτὸ ὅπερ ἐπὶ TO πινακίῳ ἐστὶν αὐτῷ τῶν στοιχείων, τότε] / A ¢ / e a σείσαντος τοῦ ὑπηρέτου ἕλκει θεσμοθέτης ἐξ ἑκάστου τοῦ 7] / @ a κιβωτίου πινάκιον ἕν. οὗτος δὲ καλεῖται ἐμπήκτης, Kal ἐμπήγνυσι

τὰ πινάκια [τὰ ἐκ τ]οῦ κιβωτίου εἰς τὴν κανονίδα, [ἐφ᾽ ἧς τὸ αὐτὸ

a / γράμμα ἔπεστιν ὅπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ κιβωτίου.

23 560]. ΒΓ appendix.

Hauss. ἐφ᾽ K-wh?,

[κληροῦται δ᾽] οὗτος,

ἕκαστον τὸ B; confirmat ΚΞ. LXIV 1—3 Fragmentum novum adhibuit kK‘. (Th); [τὰ] δ᾽ ἑκ[ατὸν κιβώτι]α Κ-νν8, 554; κ[εῖται] B*4, K-w%, K4, Th. ἔμηπροσθεν coni. Β8 (K*, Th); ἐν τ[ἢ ἡλιαίᾳ] πρόσθεν κ-νν8. 8 τοῦ x supplevi coll. c. 63 v. 20; idem suppleverunt ceteri. αὐτὸ Wilcken ; [ἐστὶν α[ὐτ]ὸ τῶν στοιχει[ῶν év]]] K-w*®; melius abessent. σείσαντος Κ΄, cf. c. 38,173 67,14: [δια]σείσαντος Haussoullier, B, 51, Th. et ENTTHPNYCI: ἐμπήκτης Bywater ((H-L, K%); ἐνπ. K-w, B, Th.

1 τὰ δὲ [κιβώ]τια τὰ δέ[κ]α κι [ἐν τῷ 1—2 τῆς εἰσόδου K* (Th). 5 αὐτῷ 88, K*, Th; 5—6 [τότε] T EN...60C 8 [τὰ ἐκ τ]οῦ

ἐφ᾽ ἧς scripsi cum H-L, Papabasileio, Hauss. (Κϑ, B, Kaibel 260, κ- ν8) ; 9 κιβωτίου supplevi cum Papabasileio, Hauss., cet.

κληροῦται δ᾽

addiderunt K-w (edd.), vestigia supra versum agn. K.

TESTIMONIA. 82 Hesych. ἐμπήκτης : τὰ δικαστικὰ γραμματίδια (γράμματα διὰ cod.) παρὰ τοῦ θεσμοθέτου (θεσμοφόρου cod.) λαμβάνων ὑπηρέτης καὶ πήσσων εἰς κανονίδα (κανευνίδα cod.); ‘errat grammaticus: nam decem sunt e tribulibus ἐμπῆκται᾽ K-w; errat etiam Bekk. Am. 258, 21, ἐμπήκτης 6 θεσμοθέτης.

and encircled with the word θεσμοθέτων, and on the other the letter A or Εἰ (Frankel in Sallet’s Zeztschrift f. Numismatzk, iii p- 383 f, and Caillemer in Daremberg and Saglio, iii 191). See figs. 2 and 3 in fron- tispiece.

LXIV §1. τὰ δὲ κιβώτια τὰ δέκα KrA.] These are the too boxes (the κιβώτια ἑκατὸν) of c. 63 § 2, arranged in sets of ten, the boxes in each set being dis- tinguished by the first ten letters of the alphabet. The first box contains all the tickets of the first heliastic division, the second that of the second, and so on. Each box is shaken in turn by the attendant, and the presiding official, the θεσμοθέτης, draws one ticket out of each.

ἔμπροσθεν τῆς εἰσόδου] ‘in front of the entrance’ of the κληρωτήρια of each tribe.

σείσαντος] Cf. the Homeric κλήρους

πάλλειν, 7|. 7, 17I—1893 15, 101; 23,

353 f, 861; 24, 400; Od. το, 206. ἕλκει] “Ed. ᾿Αρχ. 1888, p. 114 v. 35,

βασιλεὺς ἑλκέτω τὸν κ[αττίτε]ροϊν

ἑκάτερον ἐν μέρει. Cf. Eustath. p. 675, 53, (Ἑρμοῦ xAjpos) ἣν ῥηθεὶς κλῆρος φύλλον ἐλαίας κατὰ τιμὴν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰώθεσαν ἐμβάλλειν καὶ πρῶτον ἀνέλκειν, also Photius s.v. ἙἭ ρμοῦ κλῆρος (Wyse, Class. Rev. ν 3356).

§ 2. οὗτος] the person whose ticket has just been drawn. The ἐμπήκτης is neither the θεσμοθέτης (Bekk. Ax.), nor the ὑπηρέτης (Hesychius). A separate ἐμπήκτης is taken by lot from each heliastic division.

κανονίδα] probably a wooden frame fitted with a number of ‘straight rules’ or parallel ledges (κανόνες), stretching horizontally across it. We may suppose that the upper surface of each of these ledges was grooved and that each πινά- κιον, as it was drawn, was inserted with its lower edge in the groove.

κληροῦται] not middle but passive, is appointed by lot.’ The object of this (as we are told) is to prevent the jobbery that might arise, if the ἐμπήκτης were always the same and were therefore known beforehand.

κεῖται ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν τῆς [(

2

᾿ς ΘΗ. 63, 1. 23--- Η.64,].17. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙ͂Α 253 εἰσὶ δὲ Kavovides [πέντε “2 ΤΩΝ, a / ef is , \ , ¢ 4 ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν κληρωτηρίων. ὅταν δὲ ἐμβάλῃ τοὺς κύβους ᾿ς ἄρχων, τὴν φυλὴν κληρ[οἱ κατὰ κ]ληρωτήριον. εἰσὶ δὲ κύβοι ᾿ al / \ / > x / -

: χαλκοῖ, μέλανες καὶ λευκοί: ὅσους δ᾽ ἂν δέῃ λαχεῖν δικαστάς, ᾿ς γχοσοῦτοι ἐμβάλλονται λευκοί, κατὰ πέντε πινάκια εἷς, οἱ δὲ μέλανες τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον. ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ ἐΐ ξέλῃ] τοὺς κύβους, καλεῖ ᾿ τοὺς εἰληχότας κ[ῆρυξ]' ὑπάρχει δὲ καὶ ἐμπήκτης εἰς τὸν αἰαἀριθμό]ν. δὲ κληθεὶς καὶ ὑπακούσας ἕλκει βάλανον ἐκ τῆς 10 ἐνπ[ηγνύων] K-w, Β (ἐμπ. st, Kt), Th; ἐμπ[ηγνύτης ὦν] κ', ἐμπ[ήκτης ὧν]

Bywater (Hauss., H-L, Κϑ). [πέντε] propter bina κληρωτήρια (Kt, Th): [δέκα] Hauss, cet.

᾿ς ἵνα μὴ ἀεὶ αὐτὸς ἐμπηγνύων κακουργῇ.

»

ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ (Hauss., 51).

sed ο in charta exstare negat Κα.

13 λαχεῖν H-L, cet.

11 ὅταν δὲ] K-w%, K*, Th, quod cum spatio melius convenit quam 11—12 ἄρχων, B, Th; ἄρχων K-w’, ΚΊ. Β3.4. K-w3, K4, Th: καλεῖ BL2, Κ-νν1.2, κϑ, sl.

12 κληρ[οἱ]} [κατὰ] B*4 (K4, Th): [els τ]ὸ K-w (51), 15 ἐϊξέλῃ] Hauss. (K-w,

K3) ; ἐϊξαιρῇ] B, 51, Kaibel 260, Th; an éééAxy? Wyse, coll. Arist. Zcc/. 688 ὅτῳ δὲ

τὸ γράμμα μὴ ᾽ξελκυσ θῇ. 5ἢ).

16 κ[ῆρυξ] B+ (x-w3, κί, ΤῈ) ; [ἄρχων] K-wh? (x3, pl, 16—17 εἰς τὸν ἀ[ριθμό]ν 554 (Κ-ν8, κέ, Th): εἷς [ὧν [αὐτῶ]ν Β1 (51).

11 ὑπακ[ού]σας ‘lectio minime certa’ K* (Th).

TESTIMONIA.

§ 3 ‘hinc nati errores in scholio Junt. ad Ar. Plut. 277 p. 339 44—48 (Diibner)’ K-w :---παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις δέκα ἦσαν φυλαί.

ἔθος οὖν ἀπὸ πασῶν

τῶν φυλῶν δικαστὰς καθίζειν: εἶτα ἀπὸ μιᾶς ἑκάστης ἐλάμβανον ἄνδρας πέντε τοὺς

ἐπισημοτέρους" καὶ πάλιν ἐκ τῶν πέντε ἕνα τὸν κλήρῳ λαχόντα ἐποίουν δικάζειν.

Schol. 26. 972.

Cf.

KavovlSes] In each of the two balloting chambers of the several tribes there were five of these contrivances, or ten in all, one for each of the heliastic divisions over which the dicasts of the tribe were distributed. The total number of κανονί- des was 100.

§ 3. dpxwv] ‘the archon’ (con- cerned). The allotment of the dicasts of the 10 tribes is supervised by the nine archons and the secretary of the ¢hesmo- thetae (cf. c. 63 § 1).

τὴν φυλὴν KAnpot κατὰ κληρωτήριον] ‘allots (draws lots for) the tribe (con- cerned) in each of the two allotment rooms’ (successively). κατὰ here has a distributive sense, as in Dem. 2 31, πάντας ἐξιέναι κατὰ μέρος, and, below, κατὰ πέντε πινάκια εἷς.

κύβοι κτλ.] bronze dice (or lots) of two colours, black and white, but differing from ordinary dice by not being marked by any pips.

κατὰ πέντε πινάκια εἷς] Instead of having exactly as many dice as the number of the tickets, it was arranged (to save time) that each of the dice should correspond to five tickets, and thus, every time that one of the white dice was drawn, a group of five con- secutive tickets should be taken down, to supply five dicasts towards the number required. Thus the white dice were equal

' in number to the fifth part of the dicasts

required; and, similarly, the black dice were equivalent in number to a fifth part of the rest of the applicants. All the tickets were taken down in groups, five for each white die and five for each black die. The former denoted the dicasts who were accepted, the latter those that were rejected (so Teusch, p. 21, who states and refutes the opinions of Dareste, Gilbert, and Kaibel).

ὑπάρχει---ἀριθμόν] z.c. ‘from the very first, the ἐμπήκτης is included in the number of those accepted as dicasts.’

84. βάλανον κτλ.] 63,8f. The dicasts having now been determined, it has still to be settled in what court they are severally to sit. Each of them, when called, draws out of the urn a ballot marked with a letter denoting one of the courts, and shews it to the presiding official, who now puts the ticket of the dicast concerned into the box marked with the same letter as the ballot drawn by the dicast. The number of these boxes is as many as the number of the courts that are to sit on the day in question. This ensures the dicast’s taking his seat in the court he has actually drawn, and prevents his choosing his own court or arranging to sit in the same court as his friends.

σι

254 ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩ͂Ν - σ01..31,]. 26—32,1. 19. ε 7 ΤΣ a lee aap Ν᾿ 7 : A ~ ὑδρίας, καὶ opéEas αὐτὴν. ἀνέχ]ων τὸ γράμμα, δείκνυσι πρῶτον \ a Ρ P A ὧν / ¢ δὲ + > \ ἴδ > / μὲν τῷ ἄρχοντι τῷ ἐφεστηκότι. δὲ ἄρχων, ἐπειδὰν ἴδῃ, ἐμβάλλει τὸ πινάκιον αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ κιβώτιον, ὅπου ἂν ἐπιγεγραμμένον τὸ πὸ Ν a > - / 7 3 > e x , ? / \ αὐτὸ στοιχεῖον ὅπερ ἐν τῷ βαλάνῳ, ἵν᾿ εἰς οἷον ἂν λάχη εἰσίῃ καὶ \ > XN / δὲ Φ an > / μὴ εἰς οἷον ἂν βούληται, μηδὲ συναγαγεῖν [εἰς] δικαστήριον oa x ri / id \ a μ ols ἂν βούληταϊ τις. πα[ράκειἾται δὲ τῷ ἄρχοντι κιβώτια, ὅσαπερ 5 ay , \ , / BA a Ψ ἂν μέλλῃ τὰ δικαστήρια πληρωθήσεσθαι, ἔχοντα στοιχεῖον ἕκασ- τον, ὅπερ ἂν [ἢ τὸ] τοῦ δικαστηρίου ἑκάστου εἴληχός. 65. αὐτὸς δὲ δείξας πάλιν τῷ ὑπηρέτῃ, εἶτ᾽ ἐντὸς εἰσέρχετἼ]αι a Ζ ¢ Cie / / a / ¢ , τῆς κιγκλίδος. δὲ ὑπηρέτης [δίδωσιν αὐτ]ῷ βακτηρίαν ὁμόχρων τῷ δικαστ[ηρίῳ οὗ τὸ] αὐτὸ γράμμα ἐστίν, ὅπερ ἐν τῷ βαλάνῳ,

4 3 a 3 >? a > “Ὁ > ἵνα ἀναγκαῖον αὐτῷ εἰσελθεῖν εἰς

[

» / >\ εἴληχε δικαστήριον" ἐὰν

18 [ἀνέχων 51 (Κ-ννγ8, Bt, Th); [ἄνω ἔχ]ων, fortasse spatio magis aptum (hiatu admisso) K4. 18—19 pal rov μὲν] K, K-w*, Th: πρῶ[τον αὐτὸ] B2 ; πρ[οσελθὼν] Bl (s?). 19 [ἐπειδὰ]ν Papabasileios, al. 21 ΔΥΤΟΥ: αὐτὸ Richards (edd.). [¢]v’ Hauss. 23 πα[ράκει)ται Hauss. (edd.) 25 [ἢ] K-w (Th); [ἢ τὸ] Kaibel 262 (K*); [ἢ ἐπὶ] B*4.

LXV 1 αὐτ[ὸς δὲ δείξα]ς πάλιν K* (Th); ‘dictum erat iudicem postquam archonti glandem ostendit eandem ministro ostendisse,’ K-w*. εἶτ᾽ ἐϊντὸς εἰσέρχετ]αι K* in notis (Th) ; εἰσέρχεται ἐντὸς ἰὼν (ἐντὸς ἰὼν Diels) Κ. 42. κ[(7Πγλ[δος Diels (K*, Th). 2—5 restituerunt K-w, coll. Bekk. Az. 220. 3 [ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὸ] αὐτὸ B? (51), ‘spatio nimium’ K*; [οὗ ἐστὶ] ταὐτὸ Papageorgios ; [οὗ τὸ] αὐτὸ K* (Th). 4 ΗΝ corr. K-W.

ΤΈΒΥ. LXV 831,2 Bekk. “422. 220, 17 βακτηρίαι: ὁμόχρωμοι τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἐδίδοντο βακτηρίαι, ἵνα λαβὼν οἵου δὴ χρώματος βακτηρίαν εἰς τὸ ὁμόχρωμον εἰσέλθῃ (-θοι cod.) δικαστήριον καὶ μὴ εἰς ἕτερον πλανᾶται διὰ τὸ πολλὰ εἶναι τὰ δικαστήρια. 7b. 185, 4 βακτηρία καὶ σύμβολον : ῥάβδον κατεῖχον οἱ δικάζοντες καὶ σύμβολον ἐλάμβανον ἀντι- διδόντες διὰ τὸ κομίσασθαι τὸν (v. 1. τὸ) τριώβολον (cf. 68, 1o—13). Pleniora eadem in lex. Patm. p. 144, et apud Suidam (e lexico Photiano) βακτηρία καὶ σύμβολον : οἱ λαχόντες δικάζειν ἐλάμβανον παρὰ τῶν δημοσίων ὑπηρετῶν σύμβολον καὶ βακτηρίαν καὶ οὕτως ἐδίκαζον. τὴν χρόαν δὲ ὁμοίαν εἶχε τῇ βακτηρίᾳ τὸ δικαστήριον. τὸ μέντοι σύμβολον μετὰ τὴν κρίσιν ἀποδιδόντες ἐκομίζοντο τριώβολον: ὅπερ καὶ δικαστικὸν γέγονεν (leg. ἔλεγον). Schol. Ar. Vesp. 1110, ἐδίδοντο δὲ καὶ βακτηρίαι τοῖς δικασταῖς ὁμόχροοι τοῖς δικαστηρίοις, ὅπου ἕκαστος εἰσελθόντες δικάζειν ἔδει, ἵνα τὸν διαμαρτάνοντα ἀπελέγξῃ τὸ

χρῶμα.

τὸ γράμμα] the letter (A, μ, ν, etc) denoting the court (63 § 2). Cf. Arist. Plut. 277, ἐν τῷ copy νυνὶ λαχὸν TO γράμμα σου δικάζειν, σὺ δ᾽ οὐ βαδίζεις, δὲ Χάρων τὸ σύμβολον δίδωσιν and 1166, οὐκ ἐτὸς ἅπαντες οἱ δικάζοντες θαμὰ σπεύ- δουσιν ἐν πολλοῖς γεγράφθαι γράμμασιν.

§ 5. κιβώτια] These boxes are, of course, quite different from those of 64 § 1. Their number corresponds to that of the courts which are to sit on the day in question. Each of them is distinguished by one of the letters of the alphabet, beginning with A, the letter assigned to each court having been determined: by lot, and the courts required having thus: been arranged in alphabetical order. :

LXV 1. δείξας πάλιν] the dicast has

already shewn the ballot to the ‘archon’; he now shews it to the attendant, who, on his coming within the rail, gives him a small staff of the same colour as that of the court designated by that ballot. The colour on the staff practically super- sedes the letter on the ballot, as it is obviously easier for the doorkeeper to see that each dicast has a staff of the right colour than a ballot marked with the right letter.

τῆς κιγκλίδος] ‘the rail,’ cancellt ; cf. Arist.: Vesp. 124, ἐπὶ τῇ κιγκλίδι, 775; οὐδείς σ᾽ ἀποκλείσει θεσμοθέτης τῇ κιγκλίδι, fragm. 18, δ' δ᾽. ἡλιαστὴς εἶρπε πρὸς τὴν κιγκλίδα, and Pollux viii 124, αἱ μὲν οὖν δικαστηρίων θύραι κιγκλίδες ἐκαλοῦντο.

CH. 64,}]. 18---ΟΗ.665,1.12. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 255 yap εἰς ἕτερον εἰ σέ]λ[θη], ἐξελέγχεται ὑπὸ τοῦ χρώματος τῆς 5 2 βακτηρίας. τοῖς γὰρ δικαστηρίοις χρῶμα ἐπιγέγραπται ἑκάστῳ ἐπὶ τῷ σφηκίσκῳ τῆς εἰσόδου. δὲ λαβὼν τὴν βακτηρίαν βαδίζει εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον τὸ ὁμόχρων μὲν τῇ βακτηρίᾳ, ἔχον δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ γράμμα ὅπερ ἐν τῇ βαλάνῳ. ἐπε[ιδὰν δ᾽ εἰσ]έλθῃ, παραλαμβάνει 3 σύμβολον δημοσίᾳ παρὰ τοῦ εἰληχότος ταύτην τὴν ἀρχήν. εἶτα 10 τήν τε βάλανον καὶ τὴν βακτηρίαν (ἔχοντες καθίζουσιν) ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ, τοῦτον (τὸν) τρόπον εἰσεληλυθότες" τοῖς δ᾽ ἀπο- 4 λαγχανουσιν ἀποδιδόασιν οἱ ἐμπῆκται τὰ πινάκια. οἱ δὲ ὑπηρέται

Oe om a Οὐ ace eis eed, ee hk ee ΒΕ he oe i) |

5 εἰ[σέ]λ[θῃ}] K*; εἰσίῃ] B, K-w, Th. ἑκάστῳ Schol. Ar., ‘non capit spatium’ ΚΈ. Schol. Ar.: 0’. 10 [e]ira κί (Th); ιτὰς Bt: Tes καθίζουσιν Ξ- K*; fortasse ἀποτιθέασιν Th.

6 XPWMATA: χρῶμα Schol. Ar. ἐφ᾽ 8 εἰς τὸ : εἰς Schol. Ar. 9 ὅπερ

» [δε]ίξας Kaibel (Κ- νν8). 11 -«ἔχον- 13 EMTTEPHKTAI: restituit B?.

TESTIM. LXV 8 2 *Schol. Arist. Plut. 278 (om..cod. Ravennas, cod. Venetus, et cod. Laur. Θ) περὲ τοῦ παραδιδομένου τοῖς εἰσιοῦσιν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον συμβόλου "Ap. ἐν τῇ AQ. πολ. οὕτω γράφει" “" τοῖς γὰρ δικαστηρίοις. χρῶμα ἐπιγέγραπται [ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ ἐπὶ τῷ σφηκίσκῳ τῆς εἰσόδου. δὲ λαβὼν--- ἀρχήν ᾽" (7—10). Frag. 4207, 460°. Cf. Schol. © Junt. ad v. 277, p. 340 40, Tots λαχοῦσι δικάσαι εἰσελθοῦσιν ἑκάστῳ σύμ-

τ Borov δίδοται δημόσιον παρὰ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτῳ εἰληχυίας ἀρχῆς, ἵν᾿ οἱ ἐξιόντες καὶ τοῦτο προσφέροντες λαμβάνοιεν τὸν δικαστικὸν μισθόν, 4 ἐδίδου δὲ κῆρυξ αὐτοῖς ῥάβδον, ἥτις ἦν σύμβολον τοῦ δικάζειν, ἵνα ἕκαστος καθ᾽ ἑσπέραν ἀποδιδοὺς τῷ πρυτάνει τὴν

ῥάβδον τριώβολον λαμβάνῃ μισθὸν τῆς δικάσεως.

8.2. τοῖς γὰρ δικαστηρίοις χρῶμα ἐπι- γέγραπται] Each of the courts is marked outside with a different colour. Two of the courts derived their name from their colour, Paus. i 28, Βατραχιοῦν δὲ καὶ Φοινικιοῦν ἀπὸ χρωμάτων.

τῷ σφηκίσκῳ τῆς εἰσόδου] the lintel of the entrance,’ supercilium ianuae, Steph. Thesaurus, vii 1606, Paris, quoted in Schodmann’s Ofusc. Acad. i 206; similarly in Boeckh, AZ. Schr. vii 478 f. The word has also been discussed by Fabricius, in Hermes, xvii (1882) 581, 585, and by Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii (1) 381 ἢ. 2. It is sometimes under- stood to mean timbers for the roof, as in CIA 1 3228 80, τῆς ἐποροφίας σφηκίσκους καὶ ἱμάντας, ii 1054, lines 53, 71; ἐπιθήσει σφηκίσκους, and iv 3, 225¢ p. 168, σφηκίσκοι ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς καθῃρημένοι (at Eleusis). In Aristoph. Plutus, 301, it is a ‘pointed stake.’

λαβὼν τὴν βακτηρίαν... "παραλαμβάνει σύμβολον] The ‘staff’ and the ‘symbol’ are characteristic of the dicast, Dem. Cor. 210, (de?) “παραλαμβάνειν γ᾽ ἅμα τῇ βακτηρίᾳ καὶ τῷ συμβόλῳ κτλ. (quoted on c. 63 2). The ‘symbol’ was a token entitling the holder to receive his fee for attendance. It was afterwards taken to the place allotted to him in the court,

and it was there that he received payment (69 § 2).

It has been proposed to identify with these σύμβολα certain leaden counters stamped on one side with a design re- sembling that used for the reverse of a τριώβολον, and on the other with one of the first ten letters of the alphabet (Benndorf, Zeztschr. f. d. Oesterr. Gymn. 1875). See figs. 4 and 5, frontispiece. The fact that letters after « are not found on these counters shews that the letters do not indicate the courts beginning with A, but the heliastic divisions (64 § 1) from a to x, marked on the ticket of each dicast. This assumes that the token received by each dicast, a/ter entering the court, was marked with the same letter as that of his dicastic division; but the entrances of the courts corresponded not to the heliastic divisions, but to the tribes (c. 63, 3). It is therefore possible that these counters belonged to an earlier date, when the whole of a heliastic division was assigned to the same court.

τὴν ἀρχήν] probably a ‘public slave’ (Azt. Proc. p. 162, Lips.). In the time of Aristophanes, it was the κωλακρέται who paid the dicastic fee, but there is no reason to believe that these officials existed after 403 B.C.

15

σι

Io

256 AOHNAIQN | . COL. 32,1. 1g—33, |. 29.

e Ν lal lal ͵ , οἱ δημόσιοι ἀπὸ τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης παραδιδόασιν τὰ κιβώτια, ἕν

ree \ , e » ee lr a a. 3 ἐπὶ TO OLKATTHPLOV ἕκαστον, EV ἔνεστιν τὰ OVOMaTAa τῆς φυλῆς ᾿

Ν bd > e , a / U \ lal Ta ὄντα ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν δικαστηρίων. παραδιδόασι δὲ τοῖς εἰλη- / a / lal a n χόσι ταῦτα ἀποδιδόναι τοῖς δικασταῖς ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῷ δικαστη- / 5 Lal \ / n an pio ἀριθμῷ τὰ πινάκια, ὅπως ἐκ τούτων καλοῦντες ἀποδιδῶσι τὸν μισθόν. > \ \ , / Ἂν \ 66. ἐπειδὰν δὲ πάντα πλήρη τὰ δικαστήρια, τίθεται ἐν a / lal / , / r τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν δικαστηρίων δύο κληρωτήρια, Kal κύβοι χαλκοῖ, 5 5 / \ , a ἐν οἷς ἐπιγέγραπται τὰ χρώματα τῶν δικαστηρίων, καὶ ἕτεροι 3 Lal a κύβοι, ἐν οἷς ἐστιν τῶν ἀρχῶν τὰ ὀνόματα ἐπυγεγραμμένα. λα- / \ aA A , χόντες δὲ τῶν θεσμοθετῶν δύο χωρὶς ἑκατέρων τοὺς κύβους ἐμβάλ- «ς \ \ / > a a λουσιν, μὲν TA χρώματα εἰς TO Ev κληρωτήριον, δὲ τῶν ἀρχῶν 2 “Δ a o τὰ ὀνόματα εἰς TO ἕτερον" δ᾽ ἂν πρώτη λάχῃ τῶν ἀρχῶν, αὕτη bd / ς \ el / J avayopeveTat ὕπο τοῦ κήρυκος ὅτι χρήσεται TO πρώτῳ || λαχόντι ᾽ὔ ¢e \ / a / n δικαστηρίῳ, δὲ δευτέρα τῷ δευτέρῳ, καὶ w[cavtws τοῖς ἄλλοις, ,ὔ͵ "“ nw (va μηδεμία προειδ[ῇἢ tive αὐτῶν χρήσεται], GAN οἷον ἂν λάχῃ e / / / ἑκάστη, τούτῳ χρήσηται. ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ ἔλθωσιν καὶ ν[ενεμημένοι > pet 3 ς , ς > \ ¢ Μ΄ n > n ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστον ὦ]σιν οἱ δικασταί, ἀρχὴ [ἐφεστηκυῖα ἐν τ]ῷ δικα- / ς / ) e / A / / στηρίῳ ἑκάστῳ [ἕλκει ἐξ ἑκάστου τοῦ] κιβωτίου πινάκιον [ἕν, 16 ἐν [ἑκάστῳ] τῷ δικαστηρίῳ κ-νν8. 11 ταῦ[τ]α [ἀπο]διδόναι, ‘lectio non certa’ K* (Th); τὸ πάλ[ιν] διδόναι Wilcken; τόπον διδόναι Κ-νν8; πέντε ἀποδιδόναι Β΄ cum Photiade. 18 ra πινάκια secl. K+, qui πέντε proposuit coll. c. 66 v. 19. [κ]αλοῦντες ἀπο- K* (Th) ; σκοποῦντες [[érc]] Wilcken K-w*, σκοποῦντες ἀπο- Bt, LXVI1 πλή[ρ]η τὰ Photiades (K*, Th); πλη[ρωθ]ῇ τὰ Wilcken (Κ-νν8) ; πα[ρα- ων 5 EKATEPOYC: -pos Κ- ΝΥ, -ρων Κ΄, -pous Β΄, Th. 9—11 Blas- 9 [δ]ικα[στηρίῳ] restituit B (K+, Th) ; ‘1Kka incertum,’

11 Kal N: καὶ εἰι- Wilcken (K-w’*). 12 [οἱ δικα]σταί [ἐφεστηκυῖα)] K-w? (edd.).

δοθ]ῇ κατὰ B*4, sium secutus supplevit K4. Κι: HAH Wilcken (K-w?). K* (Th): -wrac Wilcken, unde οἱ ἰδιῶται 88.3. 13—165 restituit Β2,

§ 4. τὰ κιβώτια κτλ. The tickets quired for the several courts has been

belonging to the dicasts in each court have been sorted out into ten boxes; these boxes are taken by the attendants of each ‘tribe,’ and handed over to the persons who have been allotted the duty of re- turning the tickets to the dicasts in that court, in order that the officials may (ultimately) call out the name on each ticket and pay the dicast his fee. ἀριθμῷ appears unintelligible, unless we either (1) make it a synomyn for δικαστηρίῳ and read ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῷ ἀριθμῷ (so Kaibel, 264), or (2) accept Mr Kenyon’s ἀριθμῷ πέντε, and suppose that these persons are the same as the five mentioned in 66 § 3.

LXVI $1. ἐπειδὰν δὲ πάντα πλήρη κτλ.] When the number of dicasts re-

supplied, the next step is to assign the courts to their presiding officers. This is done by two of the ¢hesmothetae, one of whom draws the colour of the court, and the other the name of the presiding officer. The officer is described in § 2 as ἀρχὴ ἐφεστηκυῖα. His first act is to draw the name of one dicast out of each of the ten boxes corresponding to the ten tribes. Of the ten thus drawn, the five first drawn are allotted, one to attend to the κλεψύδρα, and four to superintend the voting. The other five receive the de- tailed scheme, shewing in which parts of the court the dicasts belonging to the several tribes are ultimately to stand for the purpose of receiving payment.

2)

oS Ν

ΠΣ tp ke ὙΣΥ ΡΞ oe De ee EN ἐὰν.

+

CH. 65,1. 14—CH.67,1.5. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 257

a - \

ἵνα γένωνται δέκα], εἷς ἐξ ἑκάστης τῆς φυλῆς, Kal ταῦτα τὰ \ /

muwax|ta [eis] ἕτερον κενὸν x[tBortiov ἐμβάλλει: καὶ] τούτων , a \

πέντε τοὺς πρώτους λα[χόντας κληροῖ, ἕνα μὲν] ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ,

/ τέτταρας δὲ [ἄλλους ἐπὶ τὰς Wy]dous, [ἵνα] μηδεὶς παρασκευάζῃ / \ 5 \ \ “ὃ / \ 5 \ Ν , δὲ / μήτε τὸν ἐπὶ TO ὕδωρ μήτε τοὺς ἐπὶ Tas ψήφους, μηδὲ γίγνηται

: “Ὁ / \ 3 περὶ ταῦτα κακούργημα μηδέν. οἱ δὲ ἀπολαχόντες πέντε παρὰ

τούτων ἀπολαμβάνουσι τὸ πρόγραμμα, καθ᾽ ὅτι τὸν μισθὸν λή- ψονται καὶ ὅπου ἕκασται ai φυλαὶ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ δικαστηρίῳ, ἐπειδὰν δικάσωσιϊν, ὅπως] διαστάντες ἕκαστοι κατ᾽ ὀλίγους λάβωσι καὶ μὴ πολλοὶ εἰς ταὐτὸ συγκλεισθέντες ἀλλήλοις ἐνοχλώσιν.

67. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες εἰσκαλοῦσι τοὺς ἀγῶνας, ὅταν μὲν τὰ ἴδια δικάζωσι, τοὺς ἰδίους, τῷ ἀριθμῷ τέτταρας ἐξ ἑκάστων τῶν δικῶν τῶν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου, καὶ διομνύουσιν οἱ ἀντίδικοι εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐρεῖν" ὅταν δὲ τὰ δημόσια, τοὺς δημοσίους, καὶ ἕνα

᾿ ἔκρους] _ capable of containing a definite amount

In the upper part was a hollow semi-circular handle é

15—16. [καὶ] τούτων ε΄] K* (Th): rov[rwy δὲ] K-w? (B4). ἕνα μὲν] K*: δ[ιακληροῖ, ἕνα μὲν τὸν] K-w*; δ[ιακληροῖ, ἕνα μὲν] B4, Th. 11 [ἄλλους ἐπὶ τὰς ψή]φους, Β2 (K*); [τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς WH] pous 20 τὸ π]ρόγίραμμ]α 82, ‘lectio non certa’ K*, Th: To y Wilcken,

‘videtur habere L,’ K+. K- Ww? (Th).

unde Photiades coniecit τὰ] τοί] 7 [σύμβολ]α, καθ᾽ [ἔστι λαβεῖν] (Bt).

2 μόνον ἐκδικάζουσι. εἰσὶ δὲ κλεψύδραι αὐλ[ούς τε] ἔχουσᾳι καὶ é]-

16 λα[χόντας κληροῖ, λὰ (non A)

22 δικά-

σωσιίν, ὅπως] K* (Th); δικάσωσι, [ἔλαχον] Photiades (B*); post -o« agnosci posse δὴ

(Wilcken) negat K+.

LXVII 2 τέτταρας ἐξ ; λεξ, ut videtur (K4) ; [ὃς dv B (Th). del. K-w? (ΤῊ). δ[ιο]μνύζουσι]ν Wilcken (K*, Th): διομνύονται B* 4,

—ovdels fere omnia restituit. Wilcken. avd[ioxouvs] ἔχουσαι ceteri. ἔχουσίαι μι]κρούς Sakellarios (K*).

3 τῶν alterum 5—10 κλεψύδραι 5 αὐλ[ούς τε] ἔχουσαι καὶ praetuli;

ἔχουσίαι ἔ]κρους B2-4, κ-νν8, Th (agn. ave Wilcken):

~LXVII§ 1. τῷ ἀριθμῷ τέτταρας] This implies that exactly four private. suits were taken on each day on which private suits were to be tried; but the time allotted to the several suits would depend on the nature of the suit (fra, § 2, and Lipsius, Att. Recht, 149, n. 46). The alternative [ὃς &]v leaves the number undetermined.

᾿ εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐρεῖν] Dem. 57 Eubul. ἢ, τὸ γὰρ εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πρᾶγμα πάντα

᾿ λέγειν τοῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ ὑπολαμβάνω, and 60, | ἐρῶ δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πρᾶγμα.

'κλεψύδραι αὐλούς τε ἔχουσαι καὶ The clepsydra was vessel

of water. aves) with an

- Opening at the top (στόμα or πορθμόΞ).

_ It was through this opening that the - vessel was filled, while the bottom of the _ vessel was perforated (τρυπήματα or 70u6s),

5. A,

so as to allow of the gradual escape of the water. So long as the opening at the top remained open, the water continued running; but, as soon as that opening was closed, either by placing a lid upon it; or by pressing it with the hand, the water ceased to flow. The above de- scription of the probable shape of the clepsydra is suggested by two earthen vessels, the first of which is figured by Zahn in Mitth. D. Arch.. Inst., 1899, p- 339, and the second by Pottier in the Revue Archéologique, 1899 (1), p. 7. Once supposed to be a kind of wine- strainer, they were first connected with the clepsydra by Maltézos in the Ἐφ. "Apx. 1902, p. 18 ἢ, while both of the figures have since been reproduced by Photiades in ᾿Αθηνᾶ, xvi, 1904, p. 55. -A passage in Empedocles, quoted by Aristotle, De Respiratione, i 473 ὦ, de- scribes a clépsydra, used as a girl’s play-

17

-

5

σι

258

AQHNAIQN

COL. 33,1. 30—34, lL. 4.

Kpous, εἰς ἃς TO ὕδωρ ἐγχέουσι, πρὸς δεῖ λέγειν τὰς δίκας. δίδοται «δὲ» δεκάχους ταῖς ὑπὲρ πεντακισχιλίας καὶ τρίχους τῷ δευτέρῳ λόγῳ, ἑπτάχους δὲ ταῖς μέχρι πεντακισχιλίων καὶ δίχους, πεντάχους δὲ ταῖς ἐντὸς [χιλίων] καὶ δίχους, ἑξάχους δὲ ταῖς διαδικασίαις, « αἷς» ὕστερον λόγος οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδείς.

6 καὶ, fortasse ante τὰς scriptum (K*), seclusit Th.

K-w?, 83. K-w?,

8 d[evrépy] κέ, Th: [ὕστερον]

9 ἐν[τὸ]ς [χιλίων] coni. Photiades, coll. c. 53 § 3 (BY, κα, Th): ἐν[μήνοι5] 10 <ais> K-w*, κα, Th: <xal> 83.

thing. It was a brasen vessel, into which the water could not pass upwards through the perforations, so long as the hand was placed on the πορθμὸς in the αὐλός, 2.6. on the opening, or mouth, of the handle, or tube, at the top. The clepsydra described in Arist. Probl. xvi 8 has an αὐλὸς with a στόμα above, and τρυπήματα below; the water does not pass through the τρυπήματα in either direction, ἐπιληφθέν- Tos τοῦ αὐλοῦ or πωμασθέντος τοῦ αὐλοῦ, but, as soon as the pressure on the αὐλὸς is removed, the water ἐκρεῖ. Cf. zd. ii 1.

Thus, each clepsydra has a supply-pipe or αὐλός, and an outlet or ἔκρους, and the sense required is given by the werds proposed in the text. For ἔχουσαι with αὐλ[ούς], cf. 68 8 2 αὐλίσκον [ἔχουσαι], and, with ἔκρους, 50, 12, ὀχετοὺς... ἔκρουν ἔχοντας, and Meteor. i 13, 3512 το, λίμνη οὐκ ἔχουσα ἔκρουν φανερόν.

πρὸς δεῖ λέγειν τὰς δίκας] Cf. δίκαι πρὸς ὕδωρ, and the use of πρὸς in Aeschin. 2, 126, πρὸς ἕνδεκα ἀμφορέας. τὰς δίκας is not needed, but may be defended by Isocr. 15 § 40, δίκας.. λέγειν.

δεκάχους] sc. κλεψύδρα. The χοῦς, τς of the ἀμφορεύς, was equivalent to 12 κοτύλαι, z.¢. to 5°76 English pints. Ten of these would be 57°6 pints or 2°16 gallons. πεντακισχιλίας, sc. δραχμάς, or 4200. ϑίχους, ap. Athen. 495 A. ἑξάχους, Plut. Sol. 23. ταῖς διαδικασίαις, ‘rival claims,’ as ἐπιτροπῆς in 58, 38, or Tprnpap- xlas in 61,9. Cf. Meier and Schémann, pp- 471-5, Lips. In Dem. Macart. 78, in a case of κλήρου διαδικασία (361 B.C.), the archon was bound to supply an ἀμφορεὺς of water for each of the claimants and 3 x6es for the second speech ; whereas the text shews that, a generation later, the time allowed was only half an ἀμφορεὺς (6 χόες), and there was no second speech.

The subject in general is elaborately discussed by Bruno Keil, in the appendix Zum athenischen Gerichtswesen, pp. 225— 269 of his ed. of the Anonymus Argenti-

nensis (1902). Evidence of the use of the clepsydra is supplied by Aristophanes for the years B.C. 425 (Ach. 692) and 422 (Vesp. 93, 857). From Antiphon (Or. 6 § 37 we learn that, in his time, a trial might extend over two days, and, from Andocides (1 88 26, 35, 55, ἐν τῷ eum λόγῳ), that there was a limit of time, and a certain relation between the length of the first and that of the second speech. ὕδωρ is used with reference to the clepsydra in Isocr. 18 § 51 (¢. 400 B.C.), Lys. 23 §§ 4, 8, 11, 14, [5 (an early speech), Isaeus 2 34 (ς. 350) and 3 §§ 12, 76 (c. 360), and in the earliest speech of Demosthenes, 27 § 12, and often after- wards. It is even introduced into the artificial speech of Isocrates, Antid. 320, αἰσθάνομαι... τὸ... ὕδωρ ἡμᾶς ἐπιλεῖπον. Probably about 370 B.c. the Athenian procedure was revised, and definite limits of time introduced; Plato, 7heae?. (ες. 370 B.C.) twice refers to the ὕδωρ of the law courts, 172 and 201 B. But this new arrangement (exemplified in Dem. Macart. © 78, 361 B.C.) did not remain unaltered. In the text we have a statement of the total number of choés (13, 9, 7, 6) assigned to the speeches in a series of private suits. In view of this statement the © length of the extant speeches has been © examined by Keil, who comes to the conclusion that, in the age of Lysias, 8o lines of the Ziirich ed. of the Oratores Attict (which would take little more than 4™ 345 to deliver) may be taken as the © equivalent of one χοῦς, and that, in the age of Demosthenes, the χοῦς corresponds to 70 lines, or 4™. The following are examples of the first two of the limits laid down in the text: Dem. Or. 47, Wevdo- μαρτυρίων (c. 353 B.C.), 719 lines= 10 choés or 4o™; Or. 45 Steph. A, Ψευδομαρτυ- ρίων (349-8 Β.6.), in an action involving one talent, 717 lines=10 choés, and Or. © 46, Steph. B, 211 lines=3 choés or 12 for the second speech. .

ἘΣΉΜΜΡΉΡΤΕΙ Ὑπὸ δι

Bly te ΜΈΡΗ

CH. 67, |. 6—13. TIOAITEIA 259

3413 δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ εἰληχὼς ἐπιλαμβάνει || τὸν αὐλόν, ὅταν ψήφισμα

ἢ] νόμον μαρ[τυρίαν σύμβολον γραμμ]ατεὺς ἀναγιγνώσκειν μέλλῃ: ὅταν δὲ] [πρὸς] διαμεμετρημένην τὴν ἡμέραν [ἀγών,

11 αὐλόν praetuli; αὐλίσκον ceteri. Post ὅταν, <#> inserui. 11—13 [ὅταν ψήφισμα ἢ] νόμον μαρ[τυρίαν σύμβολον γραμμ]ατεὺς ἀναγιγνώσκῃ. ὅταν δὲ ἀγὼν πρὸς] K-w*; eadem, sed ἀναγι[γνώσκειν μέλλῃ ὅταν δὲ] [πρὸς] κ΄; [ἐπειδὰν μέλλῃ τινα ἢ] νόμον μαρτυρίαν τοιοῦτόν τι γραμμ]ατεὺς ἀναγι[νώσκειν. ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ ἀγὼν πρὸς] Β5.2 : eadem, sed ἐπειδὰν δὲ] [πρὸς] Th.

TESTIMONIA. LXVII 3 *Harp. διαμεμετρημένη ἡμέρα: μέτρον τί ἐστιν ὕδατος πρὸς μεμετρημένον ἡμέρας διάστημα ῥέον. ἐμετρεῖτο δὲ τᾷ Ποσειδεῶνι (melius Ποσι- δεῶνι) μηνί" πρὸς δὴ τοῦτο ἠγωνίζοντο οἱ μέγιστοι καὶ περὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἀγῶνες. διενέ- μετο δὲ τρία μέρη τὸ ὕδωρ, τὸ μὲν τῷ διώκοντι, τὸ δὲ TE φεύγοντι, τὸ δὲ τρίτον τοῖς δικάζουσι. ταῦτα δὲ σαφέστατα αὐτοὶ οἱ ῥήτορες δεδηλώκασιν, ὥσπερ καὶ Αἰσχίνης ἐν τῷ κατὰ Κηφισοφῶντος 126). ᾿Αρ. δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθ. πολ. διδάσκει περὶ τούτων... (Εταρ. 4237, 463°). Lex. Sabbaiticum, 10, 18 οἱ τοίνυν δημόσιοι καὶ μεγάλοι ἀγῶνες πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ ὕδωρ ἠγωνίζοντο. καὶ διενέμετο εἰς τρία μέρη ἡμέρα, μὲν πρώτη ἡμέρα τῷ κατηγόρῳ, ἐφεξῆς δὲ τῷ κατηγορουμένῳ, καὶ τρίτη τοῖς δικάζουσιν εἰς τὸ σκέψασθαι τὴν ψῆφον.

Schol. ad Aeschin. 2 § 126 ““πρὸς ἕνδεκα γὰρ ἀμφορέας ἐν διαμεμετρημένῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ κρίνομαι : φασὶν ὅτι τὰς ἡμέρας τοῦ ΠΠοσειδεῶνος μηνὸς ἐπιλεξάμενοι (ἐκλεξ. K-W) οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὡς συμμέτρους καὶ δυναμένας κατέχειν ἕνδεκα ἀμφορέας, πρὸς αὐτὰς καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡμέραις (τὰς ἄλλας ἡμέρας codd., corr. Sauppe) éoxebagov τὴν κλεψύδραν, μεγάλου πράγματος δηλονότι ἀγωνιζομένου (γυμναζομένου codd., corr. K-W). ἀπενέμοντο δὲ οἱ ἕνδεκα ἀμφορεῖς κατὰ τὸ τρίτον τοῖς ἀντιδίκοις καὶ τοῖς δικασταῖς. Aliud schol. τοῖς περὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἀγωνιζομένοις διῃρεῖτο ἡμέρα καὶ ἐδίδοτο αὐτοῖς ἥμισυ μὲν τῷ κατη- γόρῳ, ἥμισυ δὲ τῷ ἀπολογουμένῳ, καὶ διεμετρεῖτο τὸ ὕδωρ ὅσον ἐπαρκεῖ εἰς τὰς ὥρας τοῦ

ne en ee) ϑ ον, Re Mab th ale bd dun Ἷ ἐπι ἀρ PRO) va

ἡμίσους μέρους τῆς ἡμέρας.

τοῦτο δὲ ἀπὸ μιᾶς ὥρας.

Hesych. διαμεμετρημένην ἡμέραν"

ἐπὶ τῶν μεγάλων δικῶν τὴν ἡμέραν ἐμέριζον εἰς διαστήματα.

§ 3. ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ εἰληχώς] 66, 6, ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ. ἐπιλαμβάνει τὸν αὐλὸν, lays his hand on the opening of the supply-pipe above, and thus stops the percolation of the water below. Cf. ἐπίλαβε τὸ ὕδωρ, ‘stop the water,’ in Lys. Pamkleon, 4, 8, 11, 14f, Isaeus Pyrrh. 12, Menekl. 34, Dem. c. Steph. A, 8, Conon 36, Eubul. 21; Herondas, ii 41—43, καίτοι λαβών μοι, ypaupared, τῆς αἰκείας | τὸν νόμον ἄνειπε, καὶ σὺ τὴν ὀπὴν βῦσον | τῆς κλεψύδρης, βέλτιστε, μέχρις οὗ εἴπῃ. γραμματεὺς] the clerk of the court.

ὅταν δὲ πρὸς διαμεμετρημένην τὴν ἡμέραν ἀγών] ‘when the trial takes place on a day divided into several parts,’ z.e. when a single day is assigned to a trial, and when the several parts of the day are assigned to the several parts of that trial. This is the procedure adopted for important trials (Harpocr. s.v. δια- μεμετρημένη ἡμέρα), whereas, in ordinary private suits, several cases are taken on the same day, and a limited space of time is assigned to each speech, with deductions for the recitation of documents. In the more important trials there is no such deduction.

The/ocz classici on the ἡμέρα διαμεμετρη- μένη are as follows: In Xen. Ze//.i 7,

20, Euryptolemus proposes that the generals in command at Arginussae should be tried individually, either under the decree of Cannénus or under the law of treason, w7th the three parts of the day divided, διῃρημένων τῆς ἡμέρας τριῶν μερῶν, one for the voting, one for the prosecution, and one for the defence. Aeschines, 3 (Cteszph.), 197, says that, in a γραφὴ παρανόμων, the day ts divided into three parts, eis τρία μέρη διαιρεῖται ἡμέρα, the first for the prosecution, the second for the defence, and the third for the assessment of the penalty. Demo- sthenes, 7. Z. 120, says of Aeschines, ἀγῶνας Kawovs...mpds διαμεμετρημένην ἡμέραν αἱρεῖς διώκων, probably referrin

to εἰσαγγελίαι; and Aeschines, 2.2. 126, says of himself πρὸς ἕνδεκα yap ἀμφορέας ἐν διαμεμετρημένῃ TH ἡμέρᾳ κρίνομαι. (Here, either the 11 ἀμφορεῖς represent the duration of Aeschines’ speech, and are a third of the legal day, so Photiades, ᾿Αθηνᾶ, xvi 20; or they are nearly the whole of the day, which probably had the duration of 12 ἀμφορεῖς, the speech of Aeschines lasting for 2; so Keil, lc. 255.) There is also a passing re- ference in Dem. WVicostr. 17, εἰσελθὼν εἰς δικαστήριον πρὸς ἡμέραν διαμεμετρημένην.

17—2

260

AOHNAIQN

COL. 34, 1]. 4—36.

τότ]ε δὲ οὐκ ἐπιλαμβ᾽ aver αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ δίδοτα)], τὸ [ἴσο]ῆν ὕδωρ᾽

15 τῷ Te κα[τηγοροῦντι καὶ τῷ ἀπο]λογ[ουμ]ένῳ. διαμετ[ρεῖται δὲ 4 πρὸς τὰς ἡμέ]ρας τοῦ ἸΠοσιδεῶνος [μηνὸς .....«.««νὐνννννν 7αρο... νται τ χε; ΡΣ τς «REDS REPRESS τὰ κλαρὶ Sos oe atrjo..[...]aow οἱ di[xlao[Tat............... ] od..[...] ἔσον &xa- PT Als chee s Ree. ] te.[..] yap @orevdov [............ 000.

20 πετί..]ρος ἐξωθεῖν τοὺς [φεύγοντας .....

ἐν νυ Ϊλεενν ὕδωρ λαμ-

Palys ον cst: 7 εἰσίν, ὁ] μὲν ἕτερος τοῖς S[udKovaow, δὲ

ἕτερος] toils φ]εύγουσιν.

CPi ον FOS [oe hicks Sec ov ..-] atof...] ἐξεῖλε τῷ διαψη[φισμῷ TO δευτέρῳ.

δι[αιρ]εῦῖται δ᾽ ἡμέρα ἐπὶ

a ͵ ' \ a , τοῖς. [ss thaws ee des . ἀγώ]νων ὅ]σοις πρόσεστι δεσμ[ὸς θάνατος 25 φυγὴ ἀτ]ιμία δήμευσις χρημάτων, καὶ οὐ κεῖται ἐν τοῖς νόμοις [0] te χρὴ παθεῖν ἀποτεῖσαι.

15—16 κα[τηγοροῦντι--- μηνὸς restituit B?.

K* (Th). 18 ἀ[ποτι[θέ]ᾳσιν K-w?, ἴσον B? (K-w*, Th): e]is ὃν K4, ὕδωρ)" 58. An πρότερον] yap? Th.

ἐξωθεῖν xré. cf. Thuc. vi 34, 6 (ἐξωσθῆναι ὧν τῇ wpa és χειμῶνα), ΒΞ.

B? (Th). coni. 88, σι. ἕξ εἰσι Wilcken.

Β5, φυγὴ Κ- ννἘ, utrumque K* (Th).

28 τῷ δευτέρ]ῳ Photiades ; τῶν δικαστῶν 88, μέγιστοι δὲ τῶν ἀγώϊνων coni. Β8 ; [γ. τιμητοὶ δὲ τῶν ἀγώνων Photiades.

15 δὲ post διαμετ[ρεῖται addidit

16 ὅτι ἐν τούτῳ βραχύτεραι γίνονταιὐ Th; malim τότε yap B. γ.

19 An λ[ζαμβάνουσιν

‘Fere ἔσπευδον [av eis βραχὺ τῆς ἡμέρας μέ]ρος

᾿ 20 [φεύγοντας]

21 [ἵν᾽ οὖν] ἀεὶ [ἴσο]ν ὕδωρ λαμβάνωσιν, δύο κάδοι εἰσίν, μὲν ἕτερος 22 ἐν δὲ τοῖς [τιμητοῖς ἀγῶσι Photiades.

22—23 [τὸ] ἴσ[ον] ἐξεῖλε B*4; 24 τοῖς [Ὑ. θάνατος

25 [καὶ οὐ κεῖται ἐν τοῖς νόμοις Photiades

(K*): τιμῆσαι δΊ]ε[1 (Th), cf. ὅτ § 2, 69 § 2.

ΒΞ

τὸ ἴσον ὕδωρ τῷ τε κατηγοροῦντι καὶ τῷ ἀπολογουμένῳ, Aeschin. 3, 107; ἐγχεῖται...τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὕδωρ τῷ κατη- γόρῳ...τὸ δὲ δεύτερον ὕδωρ τῷ τὴν γραφὴν φεύγοντι...

διαμετρεῖται---Τοσιδεῶνος μηνός] The standard adopted was a day in Posideon (Dec.—Jan.), when the days were shortest. The length of the shortest day at Athens has been variously estimated at 9 25°8™ (Ἀθηνᾶ, xvi 1904, p. 10), or 28™ (Bruno Keil, /.c., 255). In any case, all arrangements made as to the-distribution of legal business on that day would easily fit into all the other days of the year. When the standard day was in December, if 12 ἀμφορεῖς of 12 χόες be (as Keil suggests) the length of the day, the duration of 4™ for each χοῦς would give us a day of 144x4™=576™=g' 36™. (Photiades, ᾿Αθηνᾶ, xvi 20, taking a day of 9" 25°8™ and making this equivalent to 33 ἀμφορεῖς, reduces the χοῦς to 1°74”, which would give us only t4™ for aspeech of 10 χόες.)

But, in an earlier age, that of Lysias (c. 403—380 B.C.), the speeches were longer, and a χοῦς corresponds, not to lines of text, as in the age of Demo- sthenes, but to 80 lines of text or 4™ 34?

seconds of time. This, multiplied by 144, gives a day of 658™ or τοῦ 58™, the length of the day at Athens on Oct. 22 and Feb. 21. The former, which would be a suitable day for beginning the winter sessions, was apparently adopted as the standard day for legal purposes in the time of Lysias (Keil, 263). ξΞ However, at the time of this treatise, the standard day was in mid-winter. To ensure perfect accuracy it would be ~ necessary to make allowance for the fact that the rate at which the water flowed would depend on its temperature (cf. Athen. p. 42; Plut. Quaest. Nat. c. 7). I learn from Mr (now Sir Joseph) Larmor ~ that, when the level of the water ina ~ water-clock is maintained constant, the rate at which it percolates through narrow tubes or pores of any form depends only on the degree of viscosity of water. Ac- cording to the experiments of Poiseuille (Afémotres de T Institut, x), the rate of percolation is increased by about one- thirtieth for each degree Centigrade οὗ rise in the temperature. Thus a rise of © 1°C. should make a water-clock go faster by about two minutes every hour. ov κεῖται-- ἀποτεῖσαι) Harpocr. 5.7. ἀτίμητος ἀγὼν καὶ τιμητός: μὲν τιμητὸς.

= έχουν,

CH. 67, |. 14—CH. 68, 1.10. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 261

68. [τὰ δὲ πολλ]ὰ τῶν δικαστηρίων ἐστὶ φί..... CP ES 7 oo..[..Jacw: ὅταν δὲ δέῃ τὰς μεγίστας γραφ]ὰς ε[ἰς εἰσαγα- γεῖν, συν[έρχεται β δικαστήρια εἰς τὴν ἡλιαίαν" τὰ ..[..... see sees 7

ψῆφοι δέ] εἰσιν χαλκαῖ, αὐλίσκον [ἔχουσαι ἐν τῷ μέσῳ, αἱ μ]ὲν ἡμίσειαι τετρυ[ϊ πημέναι, αἱ δὲ ἡμίσειαι TAH |pei[s: οὗ] δὲ λαχόντες [ἐπὶ τὰς ψήφους, ἐπειδὰν εἰρημένοι ὦσιν οἱ [Χόγοι, παραδιδόασιν ἑκάστῳ τῶν δικαστί ὧν δύο ψήφους, τετρυπ]ημένην καὶ πλήρη, [φανερὰς ὁρᾶν τοῖς ἀντιδί]- κοίις, ἵ]να μήτε πλή[ρεις μήτε τετρυπημένας] ἀμφοτέρας λαμβά- νζωσιν. δὲ ταύτην τὴν ἀρχὴν] εἰληχὼς ἀπολα[μβάνει τὰς βακ-

Ζ κνα.. εἰς φ καὶ G, τρία [δικαστήρια.

OU CE atta TE δος δίς ΡΣ, RPT OS ΤῸ a ee

LXVIII 1 [τὰ δὲ πολλ]ὰ τῶν Wilcken, K-w’*, ‘spatio non satis, nisi fuit intervallum ante ra’ κ΄, Th. [τὰ δὲ δημόσι]α τῶν Photiades. φ[ά propter lineolam longiorem super lacunam manentem’(Th). 1—2 οἷς τὰ ἴδια ἀποδιδό]ασιν B4, ἀποδ., quod :verum esse quondam negavit K*, postea non reiecit. φ[ά καὶ τούτοις τὰ δημόσια διδόασιν Photiades. [οἷς κρίνειν τὰς ἐλάττους διδό]ασιν sensum indicavit Th, ‘neque enim de litibus privatis cogitandum,’ cf. c. 53 3. 2—4 δέῃ---τρία δικαστήρια restit. K-w? ; δέῃ τι ἐκ THs ἐκκλησίας κτλ. Photiades. 2 τὰς μεγίστας ex Lex. Patm. Lipsius; τὰς petfous? Th; τὰς δημοσίας K-w (B4, K*). ε[ἰς ἃ] propter spatium addidit κα (Th). 3f. ταῖς δὲ μεγίσταις συνικνεῖται eis? Th, Berl. Phil. Woch.tgo9, 702. 4—10 ψῆφοι -- λαμβάνωσιν ex Harp. restituit K. 10 [ὁ δὲ ταύτην τὴν ἀρχὴν] Th: [τότε δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῦτο] K+. τὰς βακτηρίας Photiades (B*, K*): τὰ σύμβολα Th.

' TESTIMONIA. LXVIII§1 Harp. ἡλιαία καὶ ἡλίασις : ἡλιαία μέν ἐστι τὸ μέγιστον δικαστήριον τῶν ᾿Αθήνῃσιν, ἐν τὰ δημόσια τῶν πραγμάτων ἐκρίνετο χιλίων δικαστῶν χιλίων καὶ συνιόντων. συνήεσαν δὲ οἱ μὲν χίλιοι ἐκ δυοῖν δικαστηρίων, οἱ δὲ χίλιοι πεντακόσιοι ἐκ τριῶν .... Lex. Patm. p. 137 ἡλιαία: τὸ μέγα δικαστήριον, ἐν τὰ μέγιστα τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων ἐκρίνετο. ἣν δὲ ποτὲ μὲν χιλίων ἀνδρῶν καὶ πεντα- κοσίων καὶ ἑνός, --ποτὲ δὲ χιλίων καὶ évds>. ἧσαν δὲ οἱ χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι ἐκ τριῶν δικαστηρίων" οἱ δὲ χίλιοι ἀπὸ δύο δικαστηρίων. ἐκλήθη δὲ οὕτως ἀπὸ τοῦ ἁλί- ζεσθαι. Cf. Bekk. Ax. 262, το, Phot. et Schol. Dem. 24, 9.

§ 2, 4—10 *Harp. τετρυπημένη :...᾽ Αρ. ἐν ᾽Αθ. πολ. γράφει ταυτί" ψῆφοι---λαμβά- νωσιν᾽" (4—10). Bekk. Ax. 307, 18 (= Photius!) τετρυπημένη ψῆφος : τῶν ψήφων οὐσῶν χαλκῶν καὶ αὐλίσκον ἐχουσῶν, αἱ μὲν ἦσαν τετρυπημέναι ὅσαι κατεψηφίζοντο, αἱ δὲ πληρεῖς <xal> ἀτρύπητοι, ὅσαι ἠφίεσαν τοὺς κρινομένους (Frag. 4247, 464%). Pollux Vili 123 ψήφους δ᾽ εἶχον χαλκᾶς δύο, τετρυπημένην καὶ ἀτρύπητον. Bachmann, Avec. li 333, 15—25=373 1--Ἰο.

10—12 Bekker, Anecd. 185, 4 ῥάβδον κατεῖχον οἱ δικάζοντες, καὶ σύμβολον ἐλάμ- βανον ἀντιδιδόντες διὰ τὸ κομίσασθαι τὸ τριώβολον.

nm

ἐφ᾽ τίμημα ἐκ τῶν νόμων οὐ κεῖται, ἀλλὰ τοὺς δικαστὰς ἔδει τιμᾶσθαι ὅτι χρὴ παθεῖν ἀποτῖσαι. Ar. Probl. 953 4 4, quoted on p. 263 ὁ.

LXVIII τ. δικαστήριον is here used of the normal unit of a court for the trial of public causes, viz. 500 dicasts, which may be doubled or trebled to 1000 or 1500 respectively.

§ 2. ψῆφοι. τετρυπημέναι--- πλήρεις] In Aeschin. c. Zimarch. 79, the herald standing by the side of the orator is de- scribed as proclaiming that of the two votes given to each dicast, that which was perforated, τῶν ψήφων τετρυπημένη, ὅτῳ δοκεῖ κτλ., was the vote of condem- nation; that which was not, the vote of acquittal, δὲ πλήρης, ὅτῳ μή (with Schol.).

Cf. Plut. Zyc. 12, τῆς τετρημένης (ψήφου).

These ψῆφοι are identified with certain small discs of bronze which have been found at Athens, pierced with a short metal stem. In the two specimens given in figs. 6 and 7 this stem, the αὐλίσκος of the text, is in one case perforated, in the other not: the former is clearly a ψῆφος τετρυπημένη, the latter a Ψ. πλήρης. On one side of the disc are the words ψῆφος δημοσία, on the other is punched a letter of the alphabet (Τ' or K in the only two specimens at present known to us). These letters probably correspond to those of the heliastic divisions (A to K). Cf. Meier and Schém. p. 936 Lips., and Daremberg and Saglio, iii 196.

tas βακτηρίας] c. 65, 2, 7, II.

262 AOHNAIQN = COL. 34, 1 36—36, 11, τηρίας, ἀνθ᾽] av] εἷς ἕκαστος ψηφιζ[όμενος λαμβάνει σὐμβολοὴν χαλκοῦν μετὰ] τοῦ γ (ἀποδιδοὺς γὰρ y λαμβάνει), ἵϊνα] ψηφί- [Co [ζωντ]αι πάντες" οὐ γὰρ ἔστι λαβεῖν σύμβολον [οὐδενἼΐ, ἐὰν μὴ ψηφίζηται.

15 μὲν χαλκοῦς, [ὁ δὲ ξύλινος, διαιρετοὶ ὅπως μὴ λάθῃ ὑποβάλλων τίς ψήφους, εἰς οὺς ψηφίζονται οἱ δικασταί, μὲν χαλκοῦς κύριος,

δὲ ξύλινος ἄκυρος, ἔχων χαλκοῦς ἐπίθημα διερρινημένον, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὴν μόνην χωρεῖν τὴν ψῆφον, ἵνα μὴ δύο αὐτὸς [ἐμβαάλλ]ῃ. ἐπει- 4 Sav δὲ διαψηφίζεσθαι μέλλωσιν οἱ δικασταί, κῆρυξ «ἀν: »αγορεύει

εἰσὶ δὲ ἀμφορεῖς [δύο κείμενοι ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ, 3

20 πρῶτον, ἂν ἐπισκήπτωνται οἱ ἀντίδικοι ταῖς μαρτυρίαις. οὐ γὰρ » [ἔστιν] ἐπισκήψασθαι, ὅταν ἄρξωνται διαψηφίζεσθαι. ἔπειτα

/ / a πάλιν ανακηρύττει" “ἡ τετρυπημένη τοῦ πρότερον λέγοντος,

δὲ πλήρης τοῦ ὕστερον λέγοντος."

11 λαμβάνει σύμβολον Β8.4 (K4, Th). Photiades, idem iva ψηφίζωνται (κέ, Th). (K4, Th). évB. B, K-W®, Th). c. όρ ν. 7, cf. etiam v. 22 ἀνακηρύττει.

MAPTYPIAC : corr. K-w* e Plat. Leg. 937 B (edd. ¥ 23 al βὼν] B? (K-w*), - ἅμα Bt (K4, Th).

TEstT. LXVIII § 3 Schol. Arist. Ἐφ. 1150.. δικαστηρίοις, μὲν χαλκοῦς δὲ ξύλινος, καὶ μὲν κύριος ἦν, δ᾽ ἄκυρος. ὡς φησιν ᾽Αρ. διερρινημένον ἐπίθημα εἰς τὸ αὐτὴν μόνην τὴν Schol. Ar. Vesp. 987 δύο yap ἀμφορεῖς εἰσὶν ὧν μὲν κύριος λεγό-

restit. B? (edd.).

““ὁ μὲν χαλκοῦς, ψῆφον καθίεσθαι.

16 Δ[ἀ4θ]η ὑποβάλλων τις K* (Th). 19 [οἱ δικασταί B? (edd.).

6 δὲ δικαστὴς λα[βὼν ἅμα] ἐκ

12 μετὰ B? (κ΄, Th); ἀντὶ vel ὑπὲρ 18- 14 οὐδενί--- κείμενοι restit. K-w? 18 [ἐμβάλλῃ van Leeuwen (Κ,

-- ἀν -- αγορεύει coni. Th. coll.

corr. K-w? (edd.). TAC 20—22 οὐ---ἀνακηρύττει

20 ETTICKE:

«ὕστερον δὲ dug op: ets δύο ἵσταντο ἐν τοῖς ἔχει

μενος χαλκοῦς, εἰς ὃν τὴν κυρίαν ψῆφον καθίεσαν οἱ δικασταὶ καταδικάζοντες ἀπολύοντες" δ᾽ ἕτερος ξύλινος, εἰς ὃν τὰς ἀκύρους καθίεσαν. ὁπότε δὲ πάντες διεψηφίσαντο, εἰς τὸν χαλκοῦν κάδον διηριθμοῦντο αἱ ψῆφοι, καὶ κατεδίκα ον μὲν αἱ τετρυπημέναι, ἀπέλυον δὲ αἱ πλήρεις. Pollux viii 123 καὶ κάδον (εἶχον) κημὸς ἐπέκειτο δι᾽ οὗ καθίετο ψῆφος" αὖθις δὲ δύο ἀμφορεῖς μὲν χαλκοῦς δὲ ξύλινος, μὲν κύριος δὲ ἄκυρος.

τῷ δὲ χαλκῷ ἐπῆν ἐπίθημα μιᾷ ψήφῳ χώραν ἔχον (Frag. 4267, 466°).

μετὰ τοῦ γ,

σύμβολον] c. 65, το. In ¥ Aap-

‘inscribed with the letter y.’ βάνει, γὙ-- τριώβολον.

§ 3. ἀμφορεῖς] also called κάδοι or κα- δίσκοι; Pollux vill 17, καδίσκος"...τὸ ἀγ- γεῖον Tas ψήφους ἐγκαθίεσαν. Harp.

καδίσκος : Ἴσαιος ἐν τῷ περὶ τοῦ ᾿Αγνίου κλήρου (Or. 11 § 21 bes), ἀγγεῖόν τι εἰς ἐψηφοφόρουν οἱ δικασταί... Bekk. Anec. 275 καδίσκοι : ὑδρίαι χαλκαῖ, εἰς ἃς καθίεντο αἱ ψῆφοι τῶν δικαζομένων. Schol. Arist. Vesp. 321 etc (Meier and Schom. p. 938 —0g42 Lips.). Lys. 13 § 37. Cf. the ὑδρίαι of Xen. Hell. i 7, 9, and CIA iv 1, 116 h, p. 24

ext@npal. “also called κημός Arist. Vesp. 754 (Pollux viii 16 δι’ οὗ κατήεσαν αἱ ψῆφοι ἐπικειμένου τῷ καδίσκῳ), tb. 123 κάδον, κημὸς ἐπέκειτο, δι᾽ οὗ καθίετο ψῆφος. Cf. Meier and Schom. p. 938, n.

492-3.

πως διερρινημένον κτλ.] ‘a lid filed through, so as to be only large enough to admit one vote.’

§ 4. κηρνυξ] Arist. Vesp. 752, κεῖθι γενοίμαν, tv’ κῆρυξ φησί, τίς ἀψήφιστος ; ἀνιστάσθω.

ἐπισκκήπτωνται] Plat. Leg. 937 B, ἐπι- σκήπτεσθαι δὲ τῶν ἀντιδίκων ἑκάτερον ὅλῃ τῇ μαρτυρίᾳ καὶ μέρει, ἐὰν τὰ ψευδῆ φῇ τινὰ μεμαρτυρηκέναι, πρὶν τὴν δίκην διακε- κρίσθαι (Meier and Schom. p. 488 Lips.).

τοῦ πρότερον λέγοντος, the nar τες τοῦ ὕστερον, the defendant. Cf. 69, 8 Similarly in the trials of the generals after Arginussae, Xen. He//.i 7,9, the votes of condemnation are placed in what is briefly called the προτέρα ὑδρία ; those of acquittal, in the ὑστέρα ; cf. Lys. 13 § 37, and Arist. Vesp. 987—990.

ἈΤΡΥ τὸν PAP TS Ta ee

= = τὸ = =| = = Σ 3 -_ τ Ἂς : = > a ἐν

CH. 68, ]. 1I—CH. 69,1. το. ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ 263 Tov λυχνείου τὰς ψήφους, πιέζων τὸν [αὐλίσκον] τῆς ψήφου καὶ οὐ δεικνύων τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις οὔτε τὸ τετρυπημένον οὔτε τὸ πλῆρες, ἐμβάλλει τὴν μὲν κυρίαν εἰς τὸν χαλκοῦν ἀμφορέα, τὴν δὲ ἄκυρον εἰς τὸν ξύλινον.

69. πάντες δ᾽ ἐπειδὰν ὦσι διεψηφισμένοι, λαβόντες οἱ ὑπη- ρέται τὸν ἀμφορέα τὸν κύριον ἐϊξ]ερῶσιν ἐπὶ ἄβαϊκα τρ]υπήματα ἔχοντα ὅσαπερ εἰσὶν αἱ ψῆφοι, καὶ τ]αῦτα ὅϊ πως] αἱ κύριαι προ» κείμεναι evapiOur[ to ὦσι]ν, καὶ τὰ τρυπητὰ καὶ τὰ πλήρη δῆλα τοῖς ἀντιδίκοις" οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς ψήφους εἰληχότες δια[ριθ- povow] αὐτὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἄβακος, χωρὶς μὲν τὰς πλήρεις, χωρὶς δὲ Tas τετρυπημένας. καὶ ἀναγορεύει κῆρυξ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ψήφων, τοῦ μὲν διώκοντος τὰς τετρυπημένας, τοῦ δὲ φεύγοντος τὰς πλήρεις" ὁποτέρῳ δ᾽ ἂν πλείων γένηται, οὗτος νικᾷ, ἂν δὲ ἴσαι, φεύγων. ἔπειτα πάϊλιν τιμῶσι, ἂν δέῃ τιμῆσαι, τὸν αὐτὸν

24 [αὐλίσκον] Papageorgios (K-w® ‘num caperet spatium, dubium est’ κί, Th). 25 ἀ[ γωνιζο]μένοι5----πλῆρες restit. B? (edd.). 26—27 [τὸν χαλ]κοῦν.---[ τὸν ξὐχίοον K-W? (edd.).

LXIX 1 διε ψηφισ μένοι Wilcken (edd.). 2 [τὸν ἀϊμφορέα K-w. ἐϊ ξ]ερῶσι B? (Th): -σιν corr. K-w® (Κἢ). 2—3 ἄβα[κα]-- ψῆφοι B2 (edd.). 3 καὶ τ]αῦτα ὅπως ai κύρ-Ξιαι mpo> κείμεναι K*; ἵν᾽] αὗται φανεραὶ προἸκείμεναι (K-W*, ΤῊ) ; τοσ[αῦτα,

ὅϊπως kat [διε]ρ[ηρ]ει[σἸμέναι eal 58.4͵ 53.4 :

AH postea deletum ; [ριθμοῦσι»}--τετρυπημένας B? (edd.).

- τὰ -- [τε]τρυπημένα Wilcken (K-w?).

δηλονότι τοῖς ἀντιδίκοις scholion esse vidit Diels’ (Κἢ). 7 ἀριθ]μὸν K-w (edd.).

4 TPYTTHTA K4, Th; [τρ]υπήμ[ατα év |ra 5 δῆλα [rots ἀν[τιδ[{]|κοις Be-* (Th) ;

5—7 δια- 9 πλείων yévy[ rac]

B, K*, Th; πλείους γένωνται K-W e lex. Cantab.

TEST.

φεύγοντος"

φεύγων " ἀπέφυγεν...

LXIX 81 ad fin. “lex. rhet. Cantab. ἔσαι ai ψῆφοι αὐτῶν ἐγένοντο δὲ ἴσαι ψῆφοι, ὡς ᾿Αρ. ἐν τῇ AO. πολ." καὶ ἦσαν ““ τοῦ μὲν διώκοντος "ἢ αἱ πλήρεις, “ὁποτέρῳ δ dv πλείους γένωνται,

(Εταρ. 4255, 4655).

αἱ τετρυπημέναι, ““ τοῦ δὲ οὗτος ἐνίκα, ὅτε δὲ ““ἴσαι, Harp. κἂν ἴσαι, Hesych. ἴσαι ψῆφοι et

κἂν ἴσαι, Append. prov. iii 30, 42, Schol. ad Arist. Ran. 685.

λυχνείου] a ‘lamp-stand,’ probably with two branches, each of them sup-

‘porting a hollow disk, or pan (πινάκιον,

Pollux, x 115). In the ordinary use of the Avxvetov, the two pans would be the proper place for the λύχνοι ; in its present use, or rather in the metaphorical applica- tion of the term to part of the machinery of the law-courts, the two pans are the place for the two sets of ψῆφοι. The contrivance probably resembled a very simple type of efergne.

αὐλίσκον] Cf. 68, 5.

ov δεικνύων] Lys. 12 § gt, μηδ᾽ οἴεσθε κρύβδην τὴν ψῆφον εἶναι, Dem. F. L. 239, κρύβδην ψηφίζεσθαι, Plat. Leg. 876 A. Meier and Schom. p. 937 Lips.

LXIX § 1. ἐξερῶσιν) SC. τὰς ψήφους. Arist. Vesp. 993, φέρ᾽ ἐξεράσω" πῶς ἂν ἠγωνίσμεθα; cf. Aesch. Hum. 742, ἐκβάλλεθ᾽ ὡς τάχιστα τευχέων πάλους.

ἄβακα] ‘a reckoning-board,’ Pollux x 105-6, here used to count the votes. Cf. Arist. Vesp. 332, δῆτα λίθον με ποίησον ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰς χοιρίνας ἀριθμοῦσιν.

ἴσαι] Probl. 29, 13, διὰ τί ποτε, ὅταν τῷ φεύγοντι καὶ τῷ διώκοντι ᾿ Φαίνωνται αἱ ψῆφοι ἴσαι, φεύγων νικᾷ; and 15. Aeschin. 3 § 252, Ant. Herod. 51, Arist. Ran. 685, Aesch. Hum. 732-3 (Meier =i Schom. p. 938, n. 495 Lips.).

2. τιμῶσι--τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἀδύλμνοι [Dem.] Avistog. 1, 83, θανά- του πᾶσιν ἐτιμᾶτο... καὶ ταῦτα πρὶν τὴν πρώ- τὴν ψῆφον διενεχθῆναι. Aeschin. 3 197, Dem. 2.2.8 290 (Meier and Schém. p. 943 Lips.). In Plat. Apoé. cc. I—24 are sup- posed to have been spoken ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης ψήφου, and 25—28 ἐν τῇ τιμήσει (Shil- leto on F.L., /.¢.). Cf. Ar. Probl. 953 @ 4 τίμησις τί χρὴ παθεῖν ἀποτῖσαι.

τὸν αὐτὸν pia Mine cr eas 2

25

σι

264

A@HNAIQN TIOAITEIA CH. 69, COL. 36, 1. 2—8.

τρόπον ψηφιζόμενοι, TO μὲν σύμβολον ἀποδιδόντες, βακτηρίαν

δὲ πάλιν παραλαμβάνοντες. ὕδατος ἑκατέρῳ.

e \ / / > \ e ΄

δὲ τίμησίς ἐστιν πρὸς ἡμίχουν 3 Ν δὲ ? a 3 / \ > A ἐπειδὰν δὲ αὐτοῖς 7 δεδικασμένα τὰ ἐκ τῶν

> / \ \ > [9] 4 Lg » νόμων, ἀπολαμβάνουσιν τὸν μισθὸν ἐν τῷ μέρει ov ἔλαχον

15 ἕκαστοι.

ρίαν] 68, rof. The dicast has received the σύμβολον which entitles him to draw his pay; but, as a second voting is necessary and he is not entitled to his pay until this is completed, he gives up his σύμβολον and receives his βακτηρία instead.

τίμησι9] Aeschin. 3, 197, τὸ τρίτον ὕδωρ ἐγχεῖται τῇ τιμήσει, Dem. Wicostr.

18, ἐν τῇ τιμήσει.

ἡμίχουν] 2°88 pints, representing, in Bruno Keil’s view, 2 minutes ; in that of Photiades, only 42 seconds, for each of the two speeches.

ἐν τῷ μέρει κτλ. 7 z.¢. in the part allotted to them in the δικαστήριον. Cf. 66, 20 f.

HERACLIDIS EPITOMA | 265

HERACLIDIS EPITOMA.

> a \ \ > > A ΦῈ ΤΕ ΤΩΝ / / I. ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐχρῶντο βασιλείᾳ: συνοική-

al 4 σαντος δὲ “lwvos αὐτοῖς, τότε πρῶτον Ἴωνες ἐκλήθησαν (cf. frag. 1). Πανδίων δὲ βασιλεύσας μετὰ ᾿Βρεχθέα διένειμε τὴν ἀρχὴν -“ can \ / @ / \ \ τοῖς υἱοῖς. 2. καὶ διετέλουν οὗτοι στασιάζοντες. Θησεὺς δὲ

ἐκήρυξε καὶ συνεβίβασε τούτους ἐπ᾽ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ (cf. frag. 2). 5

οὗτος ἐλθὼν εἰς Σκῦρον ἐτελεύτησεν ὠσθεὶς κατὰ πετρῶν ὑπὸ Λυκομήδους, φοβηθέντος μὴ σφετερίσηται τὴν νῆσον" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ὕστερον μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ μετεκόμισαν αὐτοῦ τὰ ὀστᾶ (cf. frag. 4). 3. ἀπὸ δὲ Κοδριδῶν οὐκέτι βασιλεῖς ἡροῦντο, διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τρυφᾶν καὶ μαλακοὺς γεγονέναι. ἹἹππομένης δὲ εἷς τῶν Κοδριδῶν βουλόμενος ἀπώσασθαι τὴν διαβολήν, λαβὼν ἐπὶ τῇ θυγατρὶ Λειμώνῃ μοιχόν, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἀνεῖλεν ὑποζεύξας [μετὰ τῆς θυγατρὸς] τῷ ἅρματι, τὴν δὲ ἵππῳ συνέκλεισεν ἕως ἀπώλετο.

4. τοὺς μετὰ Κύλωνος διὰ τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν τῆς θεοῦ πεφευγότας οἱ περὶ Μεγακλέα ἀπέκτειναν. καὶ τοὺς δρά- cavtas ὡς ἐναγεῖς ἤλαυνον (AQP. πολ. ς. I).

/ a 3 / \ a > \ 3 /

5. Σόλων νομοθετῶν ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς ἐποίησε, τὴν σεισάχθειαν καλουμένην (6 §1). ὡς δ᾽ ἐνώχλουν αὐτῷ τινες ᾿ περὶ τῶν νόμων, ἀπεδήμησεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον (11 1). ᾿ς 6, Πεισίστρατος τριάκοντα καὶ τρία ἔτη τυραννήσας γηράσας ἀπέθανε (17 81). Ἵππαρχος υἱὸς Πεισιστράτου παιδιώδης ἦν

Ν > \ \ / \ \ 7 \ 4 καὶ ἐρωτικὸς Kal φιλόμουσος, Θεσσαλὸς δὲ νεώτερος Kai θρασύς (18 ὅ8 1, 2). τοῦτον τυραννοῦντα μὴ δυνηθέντες ἀνελεῖν ἽἽππ- αρχον ἀπέκτειναν τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ (18 3). ‘Imias δὲ

> / πικρότατα ἐτυράννει (19 § 1). \ ἈΝ \ > ἴω , 7 oe \

7. καὶ τὸν περὶ ὀστρακισμοῦ νόμον εἰσηγήσατο, ὃς ἐτέθη διὰ

\ a \ 3 / θ \ = θ τοὺς τυραννιῶντας. καὶ ἄλλοι τε ὡστρακίσθησαν καὶ Ἐάνθυπηπος καὶ ᾿Αριστείδης (22 ὅδ 1, 3, 5, 6).

8 (10). Θεμιστοκλῆς καὶ ᾿Αριστείδης (23 § 2). καὶ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴ πολλὰ ἐδύνατο (23 § 1).

Ediderunt C. Peruscus (1545), Schneidewin (Heraclidis politiarum quae extant, 1847), Carolus Mueller (FHG ii 208, 1848), Valentinus Rose (Ar. Frag. 611, ed. 1866, Ρ. 370); item ’A@. πολ. in appendice K-w, B, K*, Th. 2 αὐτοῖς retinet Th, coll. ‘AO. πολ. 3 § 2. αὐτοὺς K-w (K4), coll. 41 2. 3 Cf. Strab. 392, schol. Arist. Lys. 58, 59. 4c. 41 § 2. 5 An ovvexnpvée? Th, coll. Plut. Zhes. 25 znzt. μοίρᾳ sive τιμῇ in codd. additum delevit Schneidewin. 8 μετὰ K-W (edd.) coll. frag. 4: περὶ codd. 9, 10 Cf. c. 2 § 2. 10 Cf. schol. Aeschin. i § 182. 12, 13 wera τ. θ. del. Koeler. 13 ἕως ἀπώλετο B, Th; ἕως ἀπόληται codd.; ἕως <av> ἀπόληται Kt; ὅπως ἀπόληται K-W. 18 δὲ διώχλουν codd.; δ᾽ ἐνώχλουν Κ- (B, K*) coll. c. rr § 13 ἠνώχλουν Th. 23 τοῦτον : an Ἱππίαν τὸν Th. 29 f. <Kiuwy> inseruit et ordinem §§ 8, 9, Io restituit καὶ

st

25

30

266 AOHNAIQN TIOAITEIA

9. Κλέων παραλαβὼν διέφθειρε TO πολίτευμα (28 3), καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον οἱ pet αὐτόν (28 ὃδ 4,5; 35 3), of πάντα ἀνομίας ἐνέπλησαν, καὶ ἀνεῖλον οὐκ ἐλάσσους χιλίων φ' (35 4). τούτων δὲ καταλυθέντων Θρασύβουλος καὶ Ῥίνων προειστήκεσαν, ὃς ἦν

35 ἀνὴρ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθός (37 8 1; 38 4. ᾿Εφιάλτης (25)***.

10 (8). (Κίμων) τοὺς ἰδίους ἀγροὺς ὀπωρίζειν παρεῖχε τοῖς βουλομένοις, ἐξ ὧν πολλοὺς ἐδείπενιζε (27 § 3).

Il. καὶ τῶν ὁδῶν ἐπιμελοῦνται, ὅπως μή τινες κατοικοδο- μῶσιν αὐτὰς δρυφάκτους ὑπερτείνωσιν (50 2). ὁμοίως δὲ

40 καθιστᾶσι καὶ τοὺς ἕνδεκα τοὺς ἐπιμελησομένους τῶν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ (52 1). εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, θεσμοθέται, ς΄, οἱ δοκιμασθέντες ὀμνύουσι δικαίως ἄρξειν καὶ δῶρα μὴ λήψεσθαι ἀνδριάντα χρυσοῦν ἀναθήσειν (55 ὃδ8 1, 2,4). δὲ βασιλεὺς τὰ κατὰ τὰς θυσίας διοικεῖ (57 1)ὴ. καὶ (ὁ πολέμαρχος) τὰ

45 πολέμια (58 § 1).

FRAGMENTA ex prima libri parte 1 (Rose, Frag. 381°)

τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα κοινῶς πατρῷον τιμῶσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀπὸ Ἴωνος" τούτου γὰρ (συν)γοικήσαντος τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, ὡς ᾿Αριστοτέλης φησι, τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους Ἴωνας κληθῆναι καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνα πατρῷον αὐτοῖς ὀνομασθῆναι. Harp. ᾿Απ. πατρ.

5 πατρῷον τιμῶσιν ᾿Απόλλωνα ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐπεὶ Ἴων πολέ- μαρχος ᾿Αθηναίων ἐξ ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Κρεούσης τῆς ἘΞούθου (γυναικὸς) ἐγένετο. schol. Aristoph. Av. 1527; ‘cf. Bekk. Ax. 291 =schol. Plat. Euthydem. p. 369 Bk. Heracl. epzz. 1.

2 (384°)

ἔτει δὲ μᾶλλον αὐξῆσαι τὴν πόλιν βουλόμενος (Theseus)

> A / > \ a » \ A a 3? ΄ Γ᾿ 10 ἐκάλει πάντας ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις, καὶ τὸ “δεῦρ᾽ ite, πάντες New

κήρυγμα Θησέως γενέσθαι φασὶ πανδημίαν τινὰ καθιστάντος. οὐ μὴν ἄτακτον οὐδὲ μεμυγμένην περιεῖδεν ὑπὸ πλήθους ἐπιχυ- θέντος ἀκρίτου γενομένην τὴν δημοκρατίαν, ἀλλὰ πρῶτος ἀποκρί- vas χωρὶς εὐπατρίδας καὶ γεωμόρους καὶ δημιουργούς, εὐπατρίδαις.

82 οἱ πάντας (πάντα B, Κ-νγ8, κ΄, ΤῊ) ἀνομίας ἐνέπλησαν codd.; om. Κ- 12. 38 ἀνοικ. codd.; em. K-W (Β, K*, Th). 40 ἕνδεκα {τοὺς} K-w, K*; ἕνδεκα -«- κληρω Σ- τοὺς, Papageorg., B. 41 θεσμοθέται ς΄, ot Coraes (K-wW, B, K*, Th); θεσμοθέται καὶ οἱ, θεσμοθετικοὶ καὶ οἱ et similia, codd.

2 -«συν:-οικήσαντος Κ΄ coll. Heracl. 6222. 1, εἰ ᾽ΑΘ. πολ. 41 2: οἰκήσαντος οοὐά., 7 γυναικὸς add. Rose (B). 10 ἐπὶ τοῖς tcous—xnpvypa] Cf. Heracl. efit. 2 ἐκήρυξε... ἐπ᾽ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ.

FRAGMENTA 267

δὲ (τὸ) γινώσκειν τὰ θεῖα Kai παρέχειν (τοὺς) ἄρχοντας ἀποδοὺς 15 καὶ νόμων διδασκάλους εἶναι καὶ ὁσίων καὶ ἱερῶν ἐξηγητάς, τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις ὥσπερ εἰς ἴσον κατέστησε, δόξη μὲν εὐπατριδῶν, χρείᾳ δὲ γεωμόρων, πλήθει δὲ δημιουργῶν ὑπερέχειν δοκούντων. ὅτι δὲπρῶτος ἀπέκλινε πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον, ὡς ᾿Αριστοτέλης φησί, καὶ ἀφῆκε τὸ μοναρχεῖν, ἔοικε μαρτυρεῖν καὶ “Ὅμηρος ἐν 20 νεῶν καταλόγῳ (547), μόνους ᾿Αθηναίους δῆμον προσαγορεύσας. Plutarch. 7.365. 23. Cf. Heracl. epzt. 2; ᾿᾽ΑΘθ. πολ. 41, 10.

3 (385°)

γεννῆται. πάλαι τὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων πλῆθος, πρὶν Κλεισθένη διοικήσασθαι τὰ περὶ τὰς φυλάς, διήρητο εἰς γεωργοὺς καὶ δη- μιουργούς. καὶ φυλαὶ τούτων ἦσαν δ΄, τῶν δὲ φυλῶν ἑκάστη 25 μοίρας εἶχε γ΄, ἃς φατρίας καὶ τριττύας ἐκάλουν. τούτων δὲ ἑκάστη συνειστήκει ἐκ τριάκοντα γενῶν, καὶ γένος ἕκαστον ἄνδρας εἶχε τριάκοντα τοὺς εἰς τὰ γένη τεταγμένους, οἵτινες γεννῆται ἐκαλοῦντο, (ἐξὴ ὧν αἱ ἱερωσύναι (ai) ἑκάστοις προσήκουσαι ἐκληροῦντο, οἷον Εὐμολπίδαι καὶ Κήρυκες καὶ ᾿᾿τεοβουτάδαι, ὡς 30 ἱστορεῖ ἐν τῇ ᾿ΑΘ. πολ. “Ap. λέγων οὕτως: φυλὰς δὲ αὐτῶν συννενεμῆσθαι δ΄ ἀπομιμησαμένων Tas ἐν τοῖς ἐνιαυτοῖς ὥρας, ἑκάστην δὲ διῃρῆσθαι εἰς τρία μέρη τῶν φυλῶν, ὅπως γένηται τὰ πάντα δώδεκα μέρη, καθάπερ οἱ μῆνες εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτόν, καλεῖσθαι δὲ αὐτὰ τριττῦς καὶ φατρίας. 35 εἰς δὲ τὴν φατρίαν τριάκοντα γένη διακεκοσμῆσθαι, κα- θάπερ αἱ ἡμέραι εἰς τὸν μῆνα, τὸ δὲ γένος εἶναι τριάκοντα ἀνδρῶν. Lexicon Dem. Patm. p. 152 Sakkelion (Bull. de Corr. Hellén. i 1887). Cf. schol. Plat. Axioch. 3714: ᾽Αριστο- τέλης φησὶ τοῦ ὅλου πλήθους διῃρημένου ᾿Αθήνησιν εἴς τε τοὺς 40 γεωργοὺς καὶ τοὺς δημιουργούς, φυλὰς αὐτῶν εἶναι τέσσαρας, τῶν δὲ φυλῶν ἑκάστης μοίρας εἶναι τρεῖς, ἃς τριττύας τε καλοῦσι καὶ φρατρίας, ἑκάστης δὲ τούτων τριάκοντα εἶναι γένη, τὸ δὲ γένος ἐκ τριάκοντα ἕκαστον ἀνδρῶν συνεστάναι. τούτους δὴ | τοὺς εἰς τὰ γένη τεταγμένους γεννήτας Kadodot.—Harp. τρυττύς : 45 πριττύς ἐστι τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς φυλῆς" αὕτη yap διήρηται εἰς τρία μέρη, τριττῦς καὶ ἔθνη καὶ φατρίας, ὥς φησιν “Ap. ἐν τῇ AO. πολ. Bekk. Anecd. 306, 24: τριττύς" τρίτον μέρος τῆς

16 -«τὸ-:- γινώσκειν εἰ <Tois> ἄρχοντας K-W. 16 τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις : τοὺς ᾿ πολίτας K-W. 24 διήρητο ex ceteris testibus em. K-W et B: διῃρεῖτο cod. εἰς --εὐπατρίδας kal> yewpy. e frag. 2, 14, ΚΟΥ, sed εὐπατρίδας et in schol. Plat. et in Moeride omissos esse monet B, cum de plebe tantum sermo sit. 29 <éi> et <ai> ex Harp. K-w, 8. 32 ἀπὸ τῶν μισθωσαμένων cod., ex Suida correctus.

268 AOQHNAIQN TIOAITEIA

φυλῆς: τριττύαρχοι' οἱ τῶν τριττύων ἄρχοντες. Photius? : τριττύς: φυλῆς μέρος τρίτον, καὶ τριττύαρχος ἄρχων. Schol. Plat. Rep. 175*: ᾿Αθήνησι δέκα μὲν ἦσαν φυλαί, διήρητο δ᾽ ἑκάστη. τούτων εἰς τρία, εἰς τριττύας, εἰς ἔθνη, εἰς φρατρίαν. οἱ οὖν ἑκάστης τριττύος ἄρχοντες τριττύαρχοί τε καλοῦνται καὶ τριτ- τυαρχοῦσιν. Cf. schol. Plat. Phzled. 30%, Pollux viii 108, 111; 55 Moeris, Suid. Harp., 5. v. γεννῆται; Bekk. Anecd. 227, a Eustath. p. 239, 37. :

4 (frag. Rosio ignotum) ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἱστορεῖ, ὅτι ἐλθὼν Θησεὺς εἰς Σκῦρον ἐπὶ κατα- σκοπὴν εἰκότως διὰ τὴν Αἰγέως συγγένειαν ἐτελεύτησεν ὠσθεὶς κατὰ πετρών, φοβηθέντος τοῦ Λυκομήδους τοῦ βασιλεύοντος (μὴ 60 σφετερίσηται τὴν νῆσον). ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ κατὰ μαντείαν ἀνελόντες Ta ὀστὰἃ αὐτοῦ ἔθαψαν. Schol. Vatic. ad Eur. Hipp. 11 Schwartz. Cf. Apollod. bibl. iii 15, 5, @veoe Aiyéa Σκυρίου εἶναι λέγουσιν. Plutarch. Thes. 35, Cim. 8; schol. Lycophr. 1326. Frag. attulerunt K-w, B.

dubia

5 (447°) 65 Lex. rhet. Cantab., s. v. λογισταί, ad c. 54 2 laudatum.

6 (456) τὸ δὲ παρακαταβαλλόμενον ἐπὶ τῶν ἐφέσεων, ὅπερ οἱ νῦν παραβόλιον καλοῦσι, παράβολον ᾿Αριστοτέλης λέγειν (Pollux viii 62). Res prope finem libri fortasse commemorata erat; sed παράβολον nusquam alibi inventum et iure suspectum; mapa- 70 βόλιον condemnat Phrynichus.

7 (3895 Photius, 5. v. πελάται 2, of μισθῷ δουλεύοντες, ἐπεὶ TO πέλας ἐγγύς, οἷον ἔγγιστα διὰ πενίαν προσιόντες" ᾿Αριστοτέλης (οἴ. Testimonia ad c. 2, 5). Quamquam πελάται in libro scriptum est, ᾿Αριστοτέλης tamen K-W ex ᾿Αριστοφάνης corruptum putant, 75 cuius inter glossas politicas haec inventa sit (61 Fresen., Miller, Meal. de litt. Gr. 433).

Fragmenta aliena, Aristotelis reipublicae Atheniensium olim attributa, et editionis prioris in paginis 253-5 allata, denuo exscribere supervacaneum. Vid. frag. 382, 386, 392, 394, 399) 401, 415, ed. Rose 1886, et frag. 436 ed. Heitz.

F 59, 60 suppletum ex Heraclidis epitoma, v. 7. ͵ j

B°r Sex

FRAGMENTA

INVENTORUM INDEX.

269

FRAGMENTORUM IN PAPYRO LONDINENSI

Fragmentorum numeri e Rosii editione Teubneriana (1886) repetiti, editionis Berolinensis (1870) numeris in parenthesi praepositis.

1870 1886 > AO. πολ. 1870 1886 "AO. πολ. 1870 1886 *AO. πολ. || (345) 383. 60§2 (378) 417 59 (404) 444 5486 | (349) 387 8 § 3 (379) 418 = 59 $3 (405) 445 4884 (350) 388 783 (380) 419 5986 (406) 446 48, 54 | (351) 389 282 (381) 420 56 88 5-7 (407) 447 5482 (?) || (352) 390 7§1 (382) 421 56 § 6 (408) 448 50 2 P} (353) 391 885 (383) 422 556. $ 6 (409) 449-51 § 1 (355) 393. 1583 (384) 423 5687 (410) 450 51 $4 (356) 304 1983 (385) 421 57 (411) 45:1. 8183 Π (357) 395 19 §§ 4, 5 (386) 425 5781 (412) 452 51 82 (358) 396 = 19 § 6 (387) 426 58 (413) 4.52. 538: P| (359) 337) 2185 (388) 427 5883 (414) 454 5382 /| (360) 398 4238: (389) 428 = 56. § 1 (415) 455 53 $2 (362) 400 3082 (deest) 429 5281 (417) 45); 5783 (363) 4752 “783 (390) 430 61 § 1 (418) 458 5788 1 (365) 403 2784 (391) 431 6184 (419) 4.9 5783 (366) 404 5583 (392) 432 61 § 5 (420) 460 6582 (367) 405 25 8 4 (393) 433 4382 (421) 461 28 § 3; 6282 | (368) 406 4883 (394) 434 43 S$ 3-6 (422) 462 5883 (369) 407) 2885 (395) 4235 43 883.4 (423) 463 6783 |} (370) 408 =. 34. § (396) 436 43 $$ 4. 5 (424) 464 68§2 P| (371) 409 2788 (397) 437 448: (425) 465 69 §1 | (372) 410 3381 (398) 438 4482 (426) 466 6883 | (373) 411 3483 (399) 439 6854 $8 3-5 (427) 467 4282 (374) 412ὦ 55 88 3, 5 (400) 40 48 881,2 (428) 468 4585 | | (deest) 413 385 (401) 441 4788, 3 (429) 469 5387 (375) 414 55 882, 3 (402) 42 478: (430) 4.0 6-49 § 4 | (377) 416 781; 5585] (403) 443 6187 (431) 471 5683

GREEK INDEX)

The numbers refer to the chapter and the line. ** The double asterisk denotes words not found elsewhere ; * the single asterisk,

words (* sponding fragments of the ’A@. πολ.

= χίλιοι 68, 2, 4

*&Bak 69, 2, 6

ἀγαθός: ἀγαθοῦ πολίτου 28, 38; τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν 20, 23 (scol.); ἄνδρας καλοὺς κἀγαθούς 28, 31 (scol.); πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν 5, 16 (Solon); μάχεσθαι ἀγα- θούς το, 17 (scol.); βίαν ἀμείνονες 12, 60 (Solon); v. ἀμείνων, ἄριστος, βεὰ- τίων, βέλτιστος, εὖ

ἄγαλμα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 47, 5

ἀγανακτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς γιγνομένοις 36, 1

ἀγαπῶντας τὸ αὐτόματον 8, 28

᾿Αγγελῆθεν 34, 3

ἀγηλατῶ" ἠγηλάτει 20, 9

ἀγητοί 12, 6 (Solon)

ἀγνοοῦσι 14, το; ἀγνοῶν τό, 23; ἀγνοήσας 57, 20

Ἅγνων 28, 19

ἀγορά" ἐν ἀγορᾷ 51, το; 52, 143 εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν 38, 4: 57, 28; ταῖς ἀγοραῖς (τῶν φυλετῶν) 48, 1

ἀγοράζει 42, 27

ἀγορανόμοι 51, I

ἄγος 1, 2; ἐλαύνειν τὸ ἄγος 20, 7

Ἰἀγραφίου (γραφὴ) 59, το

ἄγροικοι 13, 9

ἀγρός" 21. 2, 6; 24,3

ἀγροτέρα 58, 2

Αγύρριος 41, 33 f

᾿Αγχίμολος 19, 26

ἄγω: (1) ἀγαγὼν ---οὗ διέτριβεν 25, τό; ἀγαγούσης ὡς τὸν δήμιον 45, 2. (2) νῆες φρουροὺς (?) ἄγουσαι 24, το; τῷ τρια- κοντορίῳ τῷ τοὺς ἠθέους ἄγοντι 56, 21. (3) of weight 10, 4, 8; 51, 13. (4) ἄγουσιν τὸν ἐνιαυτόν 43, το; τὴν πολι- τείαν---ἄγειν εἰς αὑτούς 27, 6; εἰρήνην ἄγειν 34,9; ἐπὶ πέρας ἤγαγε τὴν εἰρήνην 38, 24

* phrases) not found in the /zdex Aristotelicus, or only in the corre-

ἀγώγιμοι 2, 7 (in different sense in Meteor. 359 @ 8 τὸ τῶν ἀγωγίμων Bdpos)

ἀγών: (1) 57, 5; τῆς μουσικῆς 60, 4; ἀγῶνα γυμνικόν 60, 5, 22; τῶν Διονυ- σίων διοικεῖ 56, 28; διατίθησιν 57, 7: 58, 2; λαμπάδων ἀγῶνας τίθησι 57, 7. (2) *dyavas ἐπιφέρων 25, 7; εἰσκα- λοῦσι τοὺς ἀγῶνας 67, τ; τοὺς ἰδίους 67, 2; τοὺς δημοσίους 67, 4; ἀγών, 67, 135 ἀγώνων 67, 24

ἀγωνιζόμενος, ἐν ἄθλῳ 57, 20; τοῖς ἀγωνι- - ἑομένοις 68, 25

ἀγωνιστής 60, 20

ἀδελφή 18, 11

ἀδελφός 18, 36; 19, 2

ἀδίκημα 48, 21

* ἀδικίου τιμῶσιν 54, το :

ἀδικῶ: ἀδικεῖν δόξῃ 46, 9; δοκῇ 48, 12; καταγνῷ 45, 8; καταγνῶσιν 54, 10; ἀδικοῦντα περὶ τὸν μερισμόν 48, 11; τοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν 56, 42; παρ᾽ ὃν ἀδικεῖται νόμον 4,233 τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ 4, 21; τῶν ἀδικου- μένων 9, 4; ἀδικηθῇ ὑπὸ τοῦ διαιτητοῦ

53» 33

ἀδίκως 12, 9 (Solon)

ἀδόκιμος (ἵππος:) 49, 4 (omitted in “ηχαάδα Ar.; found in [Ar.] Oec. ii 1347 α 8 τὸ νόμισμα---ἀδόκιμον ἐποίησε)

ἀδύνατοι 40, 25

ἄδω-" ἦδον ἐν τοῖς σκολίοις 19, 145 20, 21

* ἀδωροδόκητος 25, 5

dei 19, 7; 28, 43 41, 24; 64, 10; det μᾶλλον 27, 23 ; τῶν ἀεὶ βουλευόντων 30, 11 (decree); αἰεὶ (in papyrus), 5, 19; 13. τ τον 255-20, YO, 14, 225 aa fe)

ἀεικής 12, 7, 40 (Solon)

* ἀειφυγίαν, ἔφυγεν 1, 3

ἀζήμιος 56, 31 (Rhet. 1372 a 12)

πα IG SEB aut rated SRE. Peer ee ee ee

σα. -

GREEK

"AOnva: τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 14, 24; ταμίαι 47, 23 ἄγαλμα 47, 5

᾿Αθῆναι 12, 35 (Solon); 19, 22; ᾿Αθήνησι 28, 29

᾿Αθηναῖοι τό, 393 19, 32, 373 20, 9; 21; 18; 22, 17, 333 23, 9- τῶν ᾿Αθ, καὶ τῶν μετοίκων 43, 25. ᾿Αθηναίων, οἱ ἐθέλοντες 29, 24 (decree); τοὺς βου- λομένους 39, 2 (decree); τοὺς ἄλλους ᾿Αθηναίους 39, 9; ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ᾿ΑΘθ. 42, 193 τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις 29, 34. ἐξ ἁπάντων "AO. 56, 8; ἐξ ᾿᾽Αθ. ἁπάντων

57> 3

ἀθλητής" Pl. 60, 7

ἀθλοθέται 60, 2, 19 f; 62, 12

GOdov- 21. 49, 22; 60, 20

*GOdos: ἐν ἄθλῳ ἀγωνιζόμενος 57, 20

aOpoifw: τοὺς ἀθροιζομένους 25, 17 ; χρη- μάτων ἠθροισμένων πολλῶν 24, 2

ἀθυμεῖν 15, 24

aiat 19, 15 (scol.)

Αὐγεύς frag. 4

Αἰγὸς ποταμοί 34, 15

Αἴγυπτος 11, 5

"αἴδεσις 57, 21

αἰκείας (δίκη) 52, 15

αἰκισθείς, πολὺν χρόνον 18, 23

αἰνοῖεν ἄν 12, 61 (Solon)

αἵρεσις τῶν ἀρχόντων 3, 37; 26, 143 (τῶν στρατηγῶν ΚΤᾺ) 31, 10 and 15 (decree). els δατητῶν αἵρεσιν 56, 36

aiperol, οἱ πρότεροι πάντες ἦσαν 22, 23

αἱρῶ- Νάξον ἑλών 15, τ5. mtd. αἱροῦμαι

_ (Select’): αἱροῦνται---αὐτοκράτορας 38, 5; κατηγόρους 42, 9; τρεῖς 42, 153 αἱρῶνται τὸ ἄριστον 29, 15 (decree) ; αἱρεῖσθαι πάντας τούτους 30, II (decree); αἱρουμένων τὰς ἀρχάς 3, 20; ἡροῦντο τοὺς ἄρχοντας 4, 5; τοὺς στρατηγούς 22, ὃ; εἵλετο--ἀπεχ- θέσθαι τι, 14; εἵλοντο---Σόλωνα 5, 43 τοὺς ἀναγράψοντας τὴν πολιτείαν 30, 2 ; δέκα 38, 18; ἕλωνται, ἐκ προκρίτων 31, 4 (decree); ἑλέσθαι, ἄρχοντας 13, 8; and (in decrees) προβούλους 29, το; καταλογεῖς 29, 37; δέκα dvdpas— αὐτοκράτορας 31, 11; ἵππαρχον κτὰ 31, 14; τιμητάς 39, τι; ἑλομένη τριη-

ροποιούς 46, 8. pass. στρατηγὸ---- ἠρέθη Ῥίνων 38, 32; ὕἤἢρέθησαν, θεσμοθέται 3, 19; οἱ πεντακισχίλιοι

λόγῳ μόνον ἡρέθησαν 32, 12; ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠρέθησαν (οἱ δέκα) 38, 7; αἱρεθεὶς ἄρχων 13,6; τοὺς αἱρεθέντας τῆς βουλῆς 25, 16; οἱ αἱρεθέντες (πρόβουλοι) 29, 17, 21; 30, 1; οἱ αἱρεθέντες ἀνέγραψαν τὴν πολιτείαν 32, τ: τοὺς δέκα τοὺς πρώ- Tous αἱρεθέντας 38, 18; and (in decrees) τοὺς αἱρεθέντας, προβούλους 29, 17; δέκα ἄνδρας---αὐτοκράτορας 31, 12. τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικὸν ἡρημένων 47, 10

αἰτία" (1) ‘cause’, διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν 13, δὴ -τοιάνδ᾽ αἰτίαν 19, 8:;---ταύτην τὴν

INDEX 271

αἰτίαν 23, 8;—ravras ras αἰτίας 13, I; 21, 1; τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς στάσεως ἀνάπτει τοῖς πλουσίοις 5, 20. (2) ‘charge’, ψευδῆ τὴν αἰτίαν εἶναι 6, 213; αἰτίαν ἔχῃ 57, 22;-πἔχων 57, 27; τὰς περὶ τῶν προτέρων αἰτίας ἐξήλειψαν 40, 19

αἴτιος" ναυμαχίας αἰτία 23, 5; αἰτίων μά- λιστα γενομένων 32, 9. αἰτιώτατοι te ἐκβολῆς τῶν τυράννων) 20, 18; (τῆς καταλύσεως) 33, 9

αἰτιῶμαι" c. inf. αἰτιᾶται 56, 353; αἰτιῶνται 27, 22

αἰτοῦντος, Πεισιστράτου τὴν φυλακὴν 14, 9

"Akaoros 3, τὸ f.

* ἀκίβδηλος 51, 3 (Rhet. 1375 66 κίβδηλον δίκαιον)

᾿ ἀκληρωτί 30, 30 (decree)

ἀκολουθεῖν, Tots μὴ δυναμένοις 49, 3

ἀκοντίζειν 42, 23

ἢ“ ἀκοσμοῦντας, ζημιοῦσα τοὺς 3, 36 (Pol. 1272 8 ἀκοσμία τῶν δυνατῶν)

ἀκούσιος 57, 17

ἀκούω" ἀκούσαντες c. gen. 37,18; and (in decree) 29, 19

ἄκριτον ἀποκτεῖναι 40, 12 (Meteor. 361 31 ἄκριτος καὶ χαλεπὸς Ὥρίων)

ἀκρόπολις" (1) with article, κατέσχε τὴν ἀ. 14, 6; τὸ πρόπυλον τῆς ἀ. 15, το; παρέδωκαν τὴν ἀ. το, 36; κατέφυγον εἰς τὴν ἀ, 20, 143 τὴν ad. ἐφρούρουν 37, 19. (2) without article, ἐν d. 7, 20; 18, 143; 60, 18; els d. 55, 333 60, 16. See πόλις

"AKT? 42, 22; στρατηγὸς εἰς τὴν A. 61, 7

ἄκυρος βουλή 45, 21; ἀμφορεύς 68, 17; ψῆφον ἄκυρον 68, 26

ἄκων 27,10; ἀκόντων 23, 12 ; ἄκοντας 40,6

ἄλγεα 5, 7 (Solon)

᾿Αλεξίας ἄρχων (405/4) 34, 14

ἀληθής 18, 28

ἁλίσκομαι: ἁλῶναι 19, 34; ἁλῷ ὅτ, 133 63, 14

ἀλκή 12, 53 (Solon)

᾿Αλκμέων: Μεγακλῆς ᾿Αλκμέωνος 13, 17

᾿Αλκμεωνίδαι" τὸ γένος ἔφυγεν 1, 3 ; (τῶν φυγάδων) προειστήκεσαν 19, 9; Κλει- σθένης τοῦ γένους τῶν ᾽Α. 20, 3; 28, 8; τῶν ἐναγῶν 20, 7; αἰτιώτατοι τῆς ἐκβο- λῆς τῶν τυράννων 20, 19; πρότερον τῶν "A. Κήδων ἐπέθετο τοῖς τυράννοις 20, 20

ἀλλὰ occurs about 37 times with negative preceding ; one exception 40, 16. ἀλλὰ 53, 173 also 26, 143 54, 23 (Blass); μήτε---ἀλλά τό, 8; cf. μήν

ἀλλήλων 3, 23; 21, 16; ἀλλήλοις 5, 43 39, 11; 66, 23; πρὸς ἀλλήλους 13, 16; 20, 1; 23, 18

ἄλλος Adj. sing. ἄλλη (στάσις) 13,193 τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον 47, 6; λόγον 15, 233 χρόνον 31, 18 (decree); 57,273; 60, 18; τῆς ἄλλης πολιτείας 9, 14; τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν 29, 33; fl. οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες 55, 8; τῶν ἄλλων ἀρχῶν 31, τό; 44;

272 GREEK

17; 62, 33 ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρχαῖς 47, τὶ; 49, 30; τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχάς 4; 7) 151 ἢ: 10; 30, 12; 35, 4; Τοὺς ἄλλους ᾽Αθη- γαίων 39. 9; τῶν ἄλλων ᾽ΑΘ. 42, το; ἄλλαι νῆες 24, 19; τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων 57,31; τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς 30, 8; τοῖς ἀλλοῖς (δικα- στηρίοις) 66, 9; σταθμοῖς 10, 9; ταῖς ἄλλαις dex Rnotau 62, 6; ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν 40, 23; νόμους ἄλλους 7, 1; ἄλλους (νόμους) 22, 3; τοὺς ἄλλους ποιητάς 18, 5; φυγάδας 20, τό; τὰς ἄλλας δίκας 53, 2 Subst. sing. ἄλλος ὡς ἐγώ 12, 47

(Solon); εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλος 12, 62 (Solon); ἄλλον ἐκδίκως.. ἄλλον δικαίως 12, 36 (Solon); μήτε ἄλλῳ μηδενί 31, 17; pl. masc. οἱ ἄλλοι 6, 20; 12, 1; τῶν ἄλλων 18, 19; 22, 26; 28, 18; 29, 145 30, 30; 31, 205 37) 43 42; 373 47, 143; ἄλλους 18, 343 τοὺς ἄλλους 7> 275 14,153 30,16, 18; 38, 10; 40, 143 61, 10. οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ δὴ καί τό, 40; πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων, μάλιστα δὲ Θηβαίων 15, το; τῶν ἄλλων τῷ βου- λομένῳ 29, 14 (decree); meut. ἄλλα δ᾽ οὐ μάτην éepdov 12, 23 (Solon); τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ---εἶπεν 29, τό (for- mula of amendment) ; τὰ μὲν ἄλλα 35, ΤῊΣ τὰ μὲν..-τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα 52, 18 f; τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα πάντα 26, 12; τά τ᾽ ἄλλα 8, 21; 44, 12; 47, 343 τἄλλ᾽ ὅσα---ταῦτα 58, το; τἄλλα πάντα 54, 15; τῶν ἄλλων πάντων 42, 28; ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων 5,13; ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων 35, 17; περὶ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων 30, 21; 31, 73 43, 28; ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις 6, 13; τό, 4, 25, 31; 18, 10; 19, TI; 20, 253 22, II, 19; 37, 153 ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις 2, 12; τοῖς Te ἄλλοις πᾶσι καὶ δὴ καί 2, 3. numerts contunctum, πιρὸς δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν ἄλλον ὀβολόν 28, 22; ἄλλους εἴκοσι 20, 11; ἄλλους---δέκα 38, 18; τέτταρας ἄλλους 66, 1"

* ἄλλοσε δαπανῆσαι 29, 30 (decree)

ἀλλότριος: ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας νεώς 34, 6

ἄλλως 34, 21

ἄλφιτα 51, 12

᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν 22, 243 455 4

ἅμα: Adv., de loco, ἦσαν οὐχ ἅμα πάντες οἱ ἄρχοντες 3, 23. de modo, κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν ἅμα καὶ. θεωρίαν 11, 4. de tempore, ἅμα.---συνέβαινεν εἰν 93: 36, 115 ἀσεβήσαιεν ἅμα. καὶ γένοιντο ἀσθε- νεῖς 18, 315 λαβὼν ἅμα 68, 23. Praep. προῆλθεν πόλις dua TH δημοκρατίᾳ. - αὐξανομένη 23, I

ἁμαρτάνειν. abs. τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας ηὔθυνεν 8, 22; τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι συγ- γνωμονικός 16, 5; συνέβη τὴν πόλιν διὰ τοὺς δημαγωγοὺς ἁμαρτάνειν 41, 19

ἁμαρτίαν, ἔγνωσαν τὴν 34, 14

ἀμείνονες, τὴν βίαν 12, 60 (Solon)

ἀμειψάμενος 7. 23 (epigr. anon. )

INDEX

* ἅμιπποι 49, 7

ἀμίσθους ἄρχειν, τὰς ἀρχὰς 29, 30 (decree)

“Aupwvos, 61, 28

᾿Αμπρακιώτης 17, 14

ἀμφιβαλών 12, 8 (Solon)

ἀμφικτύονες εἰς Δῆλον 62, 14

ἀμφισβήτησις τῆς κρίσεως 28, 34; pl. 9, 9; ὑπὲρ τῶν ἱερῶν 57, 11

ἀμφισβητῶ" -τῇ (ἱερωσύνης πρός τινα) 57, 10; -τῶσιν 52, 43 -τούντων 3, 21

ἀμφορεῖς 60, 6; (in the lawcourts), 68, 14, 26; 69, 2

ἀμφότερος" 21. ἀμφοτέρων 12,553 28, 23; 39, 53 τοις 3, 153 11,13; 53, 8; πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθέσθαι 11,14; --- ἐπεφύ- κει καλῶς 16, 38 ; ἀμφοτέρας τὰς στάσεις II, 9; 15, 4;--- τὰς ψήφους 68, 9. ἀμφοτέροισι 12, 8 (Solon); ὧν ἀμφο- τέρων 36, 11; οἱ ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων γεγονότες ἀστῶν .42,) 2

ἄμφω" ἀμφοῖν ἀστοῖν “γεγονώς, ἐξ 26, 23

dv: ς, opt. παραλλάττοι, 3, 143 εἴποι 7, 30; ἕποιτο (12, 11), συμμαρτυροίη (12, 30), αἰνοῖεν (12, 61) Solon. c.znd. imp. συνέπιπτεν <dv> ἀναμίσγεσθαι 21,

11; ¢. ind. aor. κατέσχε (12, 49, 63), .

ἐχηρώθη (12, 52), εἶδον (12, 59) Solon. c. cong. ds ἄν et sim. in locis ven quinque, e.g. in legibus (7, 16; 8, 2 26, 22) et decretis (29, 13, 32, 3 er, ὅστις ἄν: καθ᾽ τι ἂν Adxwow 43, 8; --δῶσιν 59, 3; cf. 39, 12; 63, 15, 173 ὁπότερος dv: 46, 3; 69, 9; ὅσος ἄν" 47,173 51,143 56,41; 64, 13; ὅσαπερ dv: 63, 10; 64, 23; οἷον ἄν 64, 21; 66, το; ὅπου ἄν 64, 20; ὅπως ἄν 20, 243 30, 20; ὡς ἂν δύνωνται ἄριστα 30, 21 (decree); ἕως ἂν 29, 31, 35 (decree); 56, 44; 63, 16; πρὶν ἄν 39, 18 (decree) ; 60, 17. ¢. part. ὡς ἄν 7, 19; 12, 39 (Solon). Cf. ἐάν.

ἀνὰ δισχιλίους τρισχιλίους | 26, το

ἀναβαίνω" ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τοῦτον (τὸν λίθον) 55, 30; ἀναβῆναι---εἰς “Aperov πάγον 60, 17

ἀναβαλλομένων τὴν ἀπογραφήν 40, 3

ἀναγιγνώσκειν 43, 20; 67, 12; ἀνα- γνωσόμενον 54, 22; ἀναγνῶναι 54, 23. Probl. and (omitted in ἤηαδα Ar.) Poet. 1462 12

ἀναγκάζειν 51, 18; ἠναγκάσθησαν---κατα-

στῆσαι τὴν---πολιτείαν 29, 4; δῆμος.

ἠναγκάσθη χειροτονεῖν τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν 34. 26

ἀναγκαῖον c. inf. 44, 5; 48, τό; 53, 28; 65, 43 cf. ἐπάναγκες. χρείους 12, 37 (Solon)

ἀνάγκη c.inf.9,93 47,245 48, 5; 54) 43 55, 25; ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις (‘under tor- ture’) 18, 24

"ἀναγορεύει, κῆρυξ 68, το; 69, 7; dva- γορεύεται i ὑπὸ τοῦ κήρυκος 66, 8; ἀναγο- ρεύωσι, τῶν δήμων 21, 18

ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ

ι

᾿ς ἀνάδαστα ποιήσειν, πάντ᾽

' ἀνάγω" ἀνήγαγον 12, 36 (Solon) ;

GREEK

eel ( 1) act. τὰ θέσμια 3,320; νόμους 41, 12; τοὺς νόμους εἰς τοὺς κύρβεις ip 2; πολιτείαν 30, 2, 3; 31, 13 32, 23 τὰς μισθώσεις---ἐν γραμματείοις λελευ- κωμένοις 47, 26; τὰ χωρία καὶ τὰς οἰκίας 47, 21; τὰ δημόσια τοῖς θεσ- μοθέταις 48, 25. «. ace. pers. 475 18, and eis λελευκωμένα γραμματεῖα 47, τό. (2) pass. τὸ ὄνομα ἀναγράφεται 54, 37; ἐν ταῖς στήλαις ἀναγράφεται 54, 10; εἰς στήλην χαλκῆν ἀναγράφονται 53, 253 ἀναγεγραμμένα 47, 31

({πποις)

ἀνάγουσι (?) 49, 3 (Blass)

*avdywyos: (ἵπποις) dvaywyots)(?) οὖσι

40; 3 2

Li σὴν

χώραν avddacrov ποιοῦσιν 40, 25

τῇ" ἀναθήματα 7, 19 ο΄ ἀναιρῶ:

(1) ἀνελόντες τὰ ὅπλα 15, 20: (2) τοὺς---ἀπογιγνομένους ἀναιροῦσιν 50, 14; (3) τὰς τῶν παρανόμων γραφὰς καὶ τὰς εἰσαγγελίας καὶ τὰς προσκλήσεις ἀνεῖλον 29, 24; ὅρους ἀνεῖλον 12, 33 (Solon); (4) τοὺς συκοφάντας ἀνήρουν 35, 20; ἀνεῖλεν πολλούς 25, 6; dve-, λόντες τοὺς ἀναιτίους 18, 313 ἀνέλωσιν 40, 15; πολλοὺς ἀνῃρηκέναι 19, 3: ἀνῃρήκεσαν (χιλίους πεντακοσίου5) 355 26; pass. ἀνῃρέθη 25, 233 ἀναιρεθέντος 37,14; (5) ἀνεῖλεν 7 Πυθία 25, 26

_ ἀναιτίους, ἀνελόντες τοὺς 18, 31

ἀνακαλεσαμένη 8,9

ΘΙ ἀνάκειται, εἰκὼν 7, 203 οὗ, ἀνατίθημι

᾿ς ἀνακηρύττει 68, 22

ἀνακράζω" πρῶτος ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἀνέ- κραγε (Cleon) 28, 17

( ᾿Ανακρέων 18, 5

ἀνακρίνοντες (= ἐρωτῶντες) τ1, 3; ἀνακρίνας

(forensic term) 48, 233 56, 30 ἀναλαμβάνω" (τὴν ἀρχήν) es 35

| ἀναλίσκειν ἐκ τοῦ ναυκραρικοῦ ἀργυρίου 8,

| ἀναλογίζηται τὸν

17 (decree); παρ᾽ αὑτῶν ἀνήλισκον 56, 25; εἰς τὸ δέον ἀναλίσκηται 30, 20 (decree). met. ὥστε ἀναλίσκεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιεικεῖς 26, 11

ἑκατέρου βίον, ἐάν τις 17᾽

is ἀνάλογον τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ τιμήματος 7, 13 ΙΕ ἀνάλωμα 22, 341 pl. 56, 24 ἀναμίσγεσθαι 21,11; ἀναμεῖξαι 21, 4 (ava-

μιγνύναι Rhet., ἀναμιχθῶσι Pol. ) ἀναμφισβήτητον τὴν πολιτείαν, ποιοῦντες

95; 13

Ε ἀναπληρῶ" μνᾶ ---ἀνεπληρώθη 10, 6

dvanre, τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς στάσεως 5, 20 (not

thus used in Ar.)

| # ἀναρχίαν ἐποίησαν 13, 5

4 ἀνασῴσασθαι--τὴν ἀρχήν 15, 9 ἀνατίθημι:

ἀναθήσειν ἀνδριάντα 7, 53 58» 32; ἀνέθηκε 7, 22 (epigr. anon.

"ἢ ἀναφέρω τὰς ἐκτίσεις εἰς πόλιν 8, 23 ᾿ ᾿Αναφλύστιος 29, 7

S. A.

INDEX 273

ἁνδάνει 12, 24 (Solon); ἥνδανεν 12, 50 (Solon) menace p- 15606 35

ἀνδραπόδων (Bixar) 52, 16

ἀνδρειότερος 14. 10, 12

ἀνδριάντα χρυσοῦν ἀναθήσειν 7553 55, 32

* ἀνερωτήσας 55, 1

ἄνευ μισθοφορᾶς 30, 5 (decree); προχειρο- μμά 43, 31; δικαστηρίου γνώσεως

Bl. 52, 33 Frag. 504”,

dvips 9) vel ἄνω ἔχων 64, 18 ἀνήρ, φιλοκτήμων 12, 48 (Solon); πολλῶν ἀνδρῶν 12, 52 (Solon) ; ; ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν 20, 24 (scol. ); οἵους ἄνδρας ἀπώλεσας 19, 16 (scol.); ἀνδρὸς ᾿Αργείου EY, 13% ἀνδρῶν γεγενημένων εὖ 32, το; ἄνδρας π-καλοὺς κἀγαθούς 28, 31; ἄνδρας, πέντε 42, 93 52, 11; Sena 29, 37; 46, 73 49, 93 50, 2; 60, 2; ἑκατόν 30, 3, ERS ST Τῶν 41} ἀχτοκοσίδοε 24, 16 f; δισχιλίους 24, 20; δισμυρίους 24, 12. τελευτήσαντος τοῦ ἀνδρός, 56, 413 χορηγοὺς---ἀνδράσιν καὶ παισὶν 56, 11 f ᾿Ανθεμίων, Διφίλου 7 4, 22 *dvOlornus: ἀντέστη τοῖς γνωρίμοις δῆμος 5, 2; τῆς βουλῆς ἀντιστάσης 20, 12 ἄνθρωπος 16, 22; pi. ἀνθρώποισιν 12, 14 (Solon) ; τῶν eats τῶν ἐπιεικῶν ἀνθρώπων 27, 24 ἀνίεσθαι---τὴν πολιτείαν 26, 12, 12 (Solon) ἀνοίγειν, τὰς θυρίδας εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν 50, 133 τὸν πίνακ᾽ ἀνοίξαντες 49; 12 *dvouxodounors, τειχῶν 23, 17 ρΑμομήν τ: ἀνῳκοδόμησε (τὸ Ἐπιλύκειον)

2; ἀνεθείς

3:2

ΓΑ 12, 64 (Solon)

*avreyypagw: ἀντενέγραφον 36, 15

ἀντὶ 3, 13?3 7, 23 (anon.); τῶν τεττάρων 21, 4; τετρακοσίων 21, 73 τῶν ναυ- κραριῶν 21, 21; ἀνθ᾽ ὧν 68, τι “ἀντιγράφεται 54, (τἄλλα πάντα) (πάνταΞ) 20 ἢ“ ἀντιδημαγωγῶν 27, 12

ee 53> 93 pl. 67, 3; 68, 8, 20%

» 5 Pa πα pl. 56, 14; 61,9

155

᾿Αντίδοτος ἄρχων (451/0) 26, 21

* ἀντικαθημένων ἀλλήλοις 5, 3 ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς ἡγεμονίας 24, 2 ἀντιλέξαι 14, 9

*dvricracwTns 28, 8; 21. 14, 3 ᾿Αντιφῶν 32, 10

"Avuros 27, 253 34, 23

ἀνύτω: ἤνυσα 12, 22 (Solon); οὐδὲν ἤνυσεν 14, τό (ἀνύειν Rhet. 1409 4)

ἄξιος εἶναι παθεῖν 63, 15

Res C. ACC. C. nf. 14,153 ¢. inf. ἠξίουν

7, 18

ἀξίωμα 23, 33: fl. 8:}:1. 355 24

ἀπαγωγὼν"-ἀπὶ τὴν βουλήν 40, τι; τοὺς ἀπαγομένους κλέπτας 52; 2

.18

274

ἀπαγωγήν, ἔνδειξιν---καὶ 29, 26 (decree) ; not used thus in Ar.

* ἀπαλείφω (of debts) 47, 34; 48, 2

ἀπαλλάξῃ τοὺς κατηγόρους 55, 26

ἀπαντῶ᾽ ἀπήντησεν ὡς ἀπολογησόμενος

16, 33

ἅπαξ ἄρξαι 31,18 (decree); ἐπιστατῆσαι... προεδρεύειν 44, 14 bis

ἀπαρκεῖ, ὅσσον 12, 4 (Solon)

ἅπας: ἅπαντος τοῦ δήμου 38, 173 THs δ(ὲ) ἁπάσης στρατιᾶς 22, 9; ἅπασαν τὴν πολιτείαν 27,6; ἅπαντα τὰ ἐπίθετα 25, 8;---τὰ λεγόμενα 29, 22; ἐξ ἁπάντων ᾿Αθηναίων 56, 8; ἐξ AO. ἁπάντων 57, 2; ἐξ ἁπάντων τῶν--31, το; τῶν ἄλλων---χρημάτων ἁπάντων 30, 9; ἅπασι τούτοις 24, 21; ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς ἄλλοις 19, 19; πρὸς οὗς ἅπαντας 54, 4; τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἅπαντας 57, 8; τὰς ἀμφισ- βητήσεις---ὡπάσας 57,12; τὰς apxas— ἁπάσας 29, 313 30, 123 43, I, 53 61,

1; τὰς δοκιμασίας ἁπάσας 59, I1;—

πεντετηρίδας --- 54, 28 ;— προβολὰ ---

59. 8

Sing. subst. neut. ἅπαν παραδῷ 60, 17; pl. subst. masc. ἅπαντες 3, 31} 21, 22; 40, 4; ἁπάντων 40, 17; ἅπασι 40, 15; ἐξ ἁπάντων 61, 3, 19; meut. 20, 15; ἁπάντων---κύριον 41, 25; ἅπαντα--- ἔπραττον 33, 11. Here (as in Isocr.) ἅπας is only preferred to πᾶς after consonants ; hence we should read τῆς δ᾽ ἁπάσης 22, 9, and πολιτικώταθ᾽ ἁπάντων 40, 17 (Berlin Index, p. 95 4)

ἄπειμι (absum)> ἀπῇ 30, 34 (decree)

ἅπειμι (abibo)- ἀπιέναι 34, 8; 42, 353 ἀπιόντων 39, 10

ἀπείρων τοῦ πολεμεῖν, στρατηγῶν 26, 9

ἀπέρχομαι" ἀπελθόντας 52, 25; πάλιν els παῖδας ἀπέρχονται 42, 6

ἀπεχθάνεσθαι τι, 3; ἀπεχθανόμενος 28, 39; ἀπεχθέσθαι 6, 15; II, 14

ἀπέχω: οὐδενὸς ἀπείχοντο 35, 22

ἄπιστος, πᾶσιν ἦν 19, 3

ἁπλοῦν, ἀποτίνεται 54, 11

ἁπλῶς 3, 17; ἀρχαίως καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς 14, 23; μὴ a. μηδὲ σαφῶς Q, 7

ἀπὸ" (τ) of place, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑνδεκάτου τοῦ X 63, 9; τῶν ἐπιστυλίων 47, 33; τῶν μοριῶν 60, 8; τῶν ὅπλων 18, 27 ; τοῦ στελέχους 60, 9; τῶν στελεχῶν 60, 14; τῆς συμμαχίας 23, 19; τοῦ τυπάνου 45, 7; Φυλῆς 38, 1, 15; 41, 233 φυλῆς 43,63; 61, 2; 65,14. (2) of time, ἀπὸ Κλεοφῶντος 28, 2 53 ἀπὸ Tivos ἄρχοντος, ΚΤᾺ. 53, 36; ἀφ᾽ οὗ 17, 23 ἀφ᾽ 7s (ἡμέρας) 39, 12; 48, το; (μεταβολῆς) 4Ἐ} 28 18 ) of cause or origin, ἀφ᾽ ov 18, 7; ἀφ᾽ ὧν 27, 223 ἀπὸ τῶν γιγνο- μένων τό, 12; τῶν κοινῶν 24, 21; τῶν προσιόντων 30,8 (decree) ; τῶν συμβόλων 59, 17; τῶν φορῶν καὶ τῶν τελῶν 24, Il; τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου 24, 20; ἀπὸ

᾿Απόλλων πατρῷος 58,

GREEK INDEX

τοῦ πράγματος 7, 19; τῶν κτισάντων 41, 22; τῶν τόπων 13, 25; 21, 24

ἀποβαλεῖν Πύλον 27, 26

ἀπογιγνομένους, ἐκ ταῖς ὁδοῖς 50, 14 (not in Ar. in this sense)

ἀπογιγνώσκω" ᾿ἀπέγνωσαν ποιεῖν 41, 30 * ἀπογραφή: () ἀπογραφὴν εἶναι 39, 13 (decree) ; ; ἀναβαλλομένων τὴν a. 40, 33 τὰς ὑπολοίπους ἡμέρας τῆς ad 40, 6; 6) τὰς ἀπογραφὰς τῶν δημευομένων 43,

lana mid. πρὶν ἂν ἀπογράψηται πάλιν 30, 18; pass. τἀπογραφέντα καὶ πραθέντα 47, 22; τὰ ἀπογραφόμενα χωρία 52, 6

ἀποδειξάμενοι 42, 30

ἀποδέκται" esp. 48, I—12; also 47, 32; 80, 3; 52,1 *amodnula* 11, 43 13, I

ἀποδημῶν 53, 32; τοῖς ἀποδημοῦσιν 39, 16 (decree); Σόλωνος ἀποδημήσαντος

13, 2

ἀποδίδωμι: ἑκάστοις ἀποδιδοὺς τὴν ἀρχήν

7, 143 ἀποδιδόασι τὰ γραμματεῖα τῷ δημοσίῳ 48, 4; (τὰς δίκας) τοῖς διαιτη- ᾿

ταῖς ἀποδοῦναι 58, 8; τὸ ἔλαιον τοῖς

ἀθληταῖς ἀποδιδόασι 60, ; τὰς ἐπιστολὰς

ἀποδιδόασι 43, 533; ἀποδίδωσι μισθόν 65, 18; τὰς μισθώσεις ἀποδιδοῖεν a; 3% iri, ἀποδιδόασι 65; 13 5—

τὸν

ἀποδοῦναι 65, 17; ἀποδιδοὺς τῷ πλήθει τὴν πολιτείαν 20, 4; σύμβολον ἀποδιδούς 68, 2 ;--αποδιδόντες 69, τι; τὴν αὐτὴν

τάξιν ἀποδώσειν I1, 12; ἀποδοῦναι 47, 243 χρήματα ἀποδοῦναι 39, 26;--απέδοσαν 40, 20.

τὴν τίμην

τὰ μὲν

τοῖς πεντακοσίοις τὰ δὲ τῷ δήμῳ καὶ

τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἀπέδωκεν 25, 10;

τούτους εἰς τοὺς δήμους ἀποδιδόασι 62,

53 ἐάν τις ὀφείλων μὴ ἀποδῷ 52, 13:

pass. ἀπεδέδοτο πολιτεία 4, 4

ἀποδοκιμάσαι 45: 19; 55, 27; ἀποδοκι-

μάσειεν 55, II

ἀποθνήσκειν 45, 3, 5; ἀπέθανε 17, τ, 8;

ἀποθανεῖν 18, 33; ἀποθανόντος 40, I ἀπόκειται χωρίς 47, 34

ἀποκοπή, χρεῶν 6, 11; 10, 2; 12,263 13, 13; pl. 6, 33 11, 9 (ἀποκοπαὶ---ὀὀνομάτων

Poet. 1458 6 1) ἀποκρίνομαι" ἀπεκρίνατο 16, 22 ἀποκτείνω" ἀπέκτεινον 35, 23; ἀπέκτειναν.

18, 20; 38, 12; ἀποκτείνῃ 57, 15, 16, 173 ἀποκτεῖναι 37,73 45, 23 57, 183 >

(ἄκριτον) 40, 12

ἀπολαγχάνουσι, τοῖς 65, 12; of ἀπολα-

χόντες 66, τ

ἀπολαμβάνω᾽" τὸ πρόγραμμα 66, 20; τὰς :

βακτηρίας 68, το; τὸν μισθόν 69, 14 ἀπολαύειν, τῆς ὀπώρας 27, 18

ἀπολλύναι, τὰ [ὑπάρχοντα] 56, 36; ἀπώ- λεσας 19, 16 (scol.); med. ἀπόλλυσθαι

26, II

16; frag. 1

~ilodl EP ΤΥ

ci

GREEK INDEX

ἀπολογεῖται 57, 23, 29; ἀπολογησόμενος 16, 33; τῷ ἀπολογουμένῳ 67, 15 (only

- in Rhet. ad Alex.)

ἀπολογία 55, 21

* ἀπομετροῦσι (τὸ ἔλαιον) 60, 19

* ἀπομιμησάμενος, τὴν θεὸν 14, 27

ἀπονέμω" Tas—apxas ἀπένειμεν ἄρχειν ἢ, το (τὰς ἀρχὰς---τούτοις ἀπονέμειν Pol. 1309 @ 21)

ἀπορία 13, 22

ἄπορος" τοῖς ἀπόροις τό, 6

ἀποσεισάμενοι τὸ βάρος 6, 5

" ἀποστασίου, δίκας τοῦ 58, 9

ἀπόστασις (trans.) τῶν ᾿Ιώνων 23, 18

ἀποστέλλων τὴν πομπήν 18, τό; ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ

| στῶν ἀρχῶν---ἀπέστελλεν 8, 113 ἀπέστει- λαν, ᾿Αγχίμολον 19, 26; Καλλίβιον 37, 18; pass. ἀποστέλλονται ἀρχαὶ εἰς Σάμον

᾿ κτλό2, τό

ἀποστερῇ, δανεισάμενος 52, 14; ἀπεστερήθη τῆς ἐπιμελείας 26, 2

ἀποτιμήματα 56, 45

ἀποτίνει τὸ ἔλαιον ὅο, 13 ; τρεῖς δραχμὰς ἀπέτινον 4, 18; παθεῖν ἀποτεῖσαι 61, 13; 63, 153 67, 26; ἀποτίνεται δεκα- πλοῦν 54, 8, 9; --- ἁπλοῦν 54, Io

ἀποτυγχάνοντες, ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς ἄλλοις

Ε΄ τὸ) 19

ἀποφαίνω" οὐσίαν 4, 8; νόμον 4, 22; τῷ δήμῳ 46, 9; mid. ἀποφαινόμενος 12, 10; 28, 235; ἀποφαίνονται τὰς διαίτας 35,29. Cf. οὐκ ἀποφαίνοντος τὴν οὐσίαν Pol. 1303 35

* ἀποφέρω᾽ λόγον ἀπενεγκεῖν 54, 4

pass.

ἀποφεύγω " of acquittal, ἀπέφυγεν 27, 27;

45,6; ἀποφύγη 59,9; 61, 143 ἀποφύ- ywou 52,5. Opp. ἀμύνεσθαι de Part. An. 663 @ 13

*amoxeiporov®’ 49, 6, 7; 61, 12

ἀποχωρήσαντες, κακῶς 37, 3

ἀποψηφίσωνται μὴ εἶναι ἐλεύθερον 42, 8; ἀπεψηφισμένους ὑπὸ τῶν δημοτῶν 50, 12

ἀπροβούλευτον, οὐδὲν 45, 22

*dmpooraciou, δίκας τοῦ 58, 9

ἄπωθεν τῆς τυραννίδος 22, 27

᾿Αργεῖος ἀνήρ 17, 133 pl. c. art. 17, 15; 19, 25. ᾿Αργείας (γυναικός) 17, 113 τὴν ᾿Αργείαν 17, 17

᾿Αργινούσσαις, ἐν 34, 3

[Ἄργος 17, 13

ἀργός, otros 51, 11

ἀργύριον 22, 31; 43, 113 62, 173 ναυκρα- ρικόν 8, 18 (Solon); ἐὰν ἀργυρίου τιμηθῇ 63, 15; “ἀργύρια 60, 21

| “Apelov πάγου, βουλὴ ἐξ 4, 203 ἐξ

᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλή 41, τό; 60, τι; ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ, βουλὴ ἐν 8, 9; 23, 33 ἐξ Αρείου πάγου 35, I1; 47, 133 59, 18; ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ 57, 15, 24; εἰς "Apevov πάγον 16, 33; 60, 17

: ᾿Αρεοπαγῖται 3. 38; 8, 195 25, 3; ἢν. 12,

14, 21; 27; 43 35, 10; τῶν Apeora- γιτῶν βουλή 3, 343 4, 22; 26, 1

275

* Apeorayirw βουλήν, τὴν 41, 8 ἀρέσκῃ, ἐὰν 22, 34; 53, 8 ἀρετή 36, το ἀριθμός 41, 6; 64, 17; 65, 18; 67, 2; 97 ᾿Αρίσταιχμος ἄρχων (621/0) 4, 2 ᾿Αριστείδης 22, 393 23, 13, 193 24, 10; 28, 11 41, 17 ἀριστίνδην 1,1; καὶ πλουτίνδην 3, 2, 37 ᾿Αριστίων 14, 4 ᾿Αριστογείτων 18, 13, 223 58, 3 ᾿Αριστόδικος 25, 24 ᾿Αριστοκράτης 33, Τὸ ᾿Αριστόμαχος 32, 3 ἄριστον, ἵν᾿ ἐξ ἁπάντων αἱρῶνται τὸ 20, 155 βουλεύσωνται τὸ 29, 19; ἂν δοκῇ αὐτοῖς ἄριστα ἕξειν 30, 20; ὡς ἂν δύνων- ται ἄριστα 30, 21 (all in decrees) ; ἄριστα £2, 11, 32 (Solon) ᾿Αρίφρονος, Ξάνθιππος 22, 28 : ἅρματος, ἐφ᾽ 14, 29 (de Mundo 400 6, de Xenoph. 980 a 12) ‘Apuddios 18, 8, 12, 13, 21; 58, 3 ἁρμόσας 12, 46 (Solon) ἁρμοστής 37, 19 ἁρπαγαῖσιν 12, 17 (Solon) ‘Apraxrléns ἄρχων (511/0) 19, 37 "Apreus ἀγροτέρα 58, 1 ἄρτιος 5, 19; 12, 14 (Solon) ἄρτος, ἀρτοπῶλαι 51, 12, 13 ἀρχαῖος χαρακτήρ 10,6; τῆς ἀρχαίας πο- λιτείας 3, 1; τὸ ἀρχαῖον 8, g; τῶν ἀρ- χαίων 7, 20; μετὰ τοὺς ἀρχαίους 28, 29 ἀρχαίως καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς 14, 23 ἀρχαιρεσίας στρατηγῶν κτλ 44, 16 ᾿Αρχέστρατος 35, 10 ἀρχή (1) ‘beginning’, 5, 6; 41, 13; ἐξ ἀρχῆς τό, τ΄; 28, 53 41, 63 55, 3; ἐν ἀρχῇ 5, 213 ἀρχὴν (‘motive’) καὶ πρόφασιν 13, 13: ἀρχὴν---κακῶν 18, 8; κατ᾽ ἀρχάς 35, 18 (2) ‘rule’, ‘office’, official’; the last two combined in 3, 4 πρῶται τῶν dp- χῶν ἦσαν βασιλεὺς KTr* τούτων δὲ πρώτη μὲν τοῦ βασίλεως. sing., of the rule of Peisistratus, 14, 17 ἔ; 15, 9; 16, 25, 29, 35; 17, 1, 4, 18; of his sons, 17, 93 18, 4. τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς θαλάττης 32, τό; 41, 20. λαβόντες τὴν ἀρχὴν (-Ξ ἡγεμονίαν) 24, 6; φύλακας τῆς ἀρχῆς 24, 8. Of the Thirty, βίαιον τὴν ἀρχήν 36, 11; of the Ten, 38, 6, 13; gener- ally, of office held at Athens, sing. ἀρχὴ ἐφεστηκυῖα (‘the official’) 66, 12; ἀποδιδοὺς τὴν ἀρχήν 7, 14; ovdeulas μετέχοντας ἀρχῆς 7, 28; κληροῦσθαί rw’ ἀρχήν 7, 29; μὴ ἐξεῖναι--- πλέον ἅπαξ ἀρχὴν τὴν αὐτὴν ἄρξαι 31, 18; μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν εἷναι μισθοφόρον 33,0; μὴ ἐξεῖναι ἄρχειν μηδεμίαν ἀρχήν 30, 17; ἀρχὴν ἄρ- χων τινα 53,315 τοῦ εἰληχότος ταύτην τὴν a. 65, 10; esp, of the office of archon, νεωστὶ γέγονεν ἀρχὴ μεγάλη 3, 18;

18—2

276

μόνη τῶν ἀ. οὐκ ἐγένετο πλείων ἐνιαυσίας 3, 21; ἐξηλάθη---τῆς a. 13, 7; τῆς a. ἕνεκα 55, 32; εἰς τὴν ἀ. wr ewer eee 58, 343 εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν. ἀ.---μέ

ἀρχῆς τέλους 56, 6f. pl. τὰς ἄλλας (ris)

ἐλάττους 4573 ταύτην καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀ. 4: 15; τὰς ἀ. τὰς περὶ τὴν ἐγκύκλιον διοίκησιν 43, 1; ἀρχαὶ ἔνδημοι, ἀρχαὶ ὑπερόριοι, 24, 16; ἀποστέλλονται ἀρχαὶ εἰς Σάμον κτὰ 62, 16; ἀρχαὶ κληρωταί 8, 1, 53 30, 12; 43, 23 55, 1; 62, 1; αἱ κατὰ πόλεμον ἀρχαί 62, 18; αἱ πρὸς τὸν “πόλεμον apxal 43, 53 44, 173 61, 1; τῶν ἀρχῶν 3, 4, 38; 8, 103 31, 163 45, 153 66, 4, 73 Tats dpxats 47, 1; 48, 8, 145 49, 30; 59, 3, 12, 153 τὰς ἀρχάς 3, 2, 20, 33; 4, 21; 7, 103 9, £5 29, 30; 30,125; 31,53 35,45 43: 173 45, 125 54, 1, 4

ἀρχηγέται, ἑκατὸν 21, 25

ἀρχιθέωρος, εἰς Δῆλον 56, 20 (οὐ τὸ αὐτὸ δαπάνημα τριηράρχῳ καὶ ἀρχιθεώρῳ Eth. 1122 24).

᾿Αρχῖνος 34, 23; 40, 4

᾿Αρχῖνος ᾿Αμπρακιώτης 17, 14

ἀρχιτέκτονε----ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς 46, 4

ἄρχω" (1) ‘begin’, ἡγούμενοι τοῦτο πρῶτον ἄρχειν τῆς ὁμονοίας 40, 23. mid. ἤρξατο τὸ δεκάζειν 27, 24;;---μνησικακεῖν 40, 11; ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τῆς τετράδος ἱσταμέ- νου 62, 13. (2) ‘rule’, abs. ἦρξεν το, 30: ‘rule over’, ἦρχον τῆς πόλεως 32, 143 τοὺς τοῦ Πειραιέως ἄρξαντας 30, 22; ἄρχειν ων ἔτυχον ἄρχοντες 24, 9; Pass. τὴν ἀρχὴν--τῶν ἀρχομένων. ἥττω 36, τι. ()΄ hold office’, ἄρχει 47, 43 61, 145 ἄρχουσι 43, 43 50,53 55,93 60, 3; ἄρ- χωσι 45 215 ἄρχειν 4,16; 7,113 62, 18; Tas ἀρχὰς ἀμίσθους ἄρχειν ἁπάσας 29, 305 ἄρχειν----αὐτοκράτορας 31.131 καλῶς ἄρχειν 43, τ8; 61, 125 ἀρχὴν μηδεμίαν ἄρχειν 39,175 ἀρχὴν ἄρχων TWO 53, 313 ἦρχεν 55, 115 ἦρχον 3, 33 Tas ἐγκυκλίους (dpxas) ἦρχον 26, 18; ἦρξε 13, 73 26, 163; ἦρξαν 13, το; ἄρξαι τὴν αὐτὴν ἀρχήν 31, 18; τοὺς τὰς ᾿ἀρχὰς ἄρξαντας 54, 4; τοὺς ἐν ἸΤειραιεῖ ἄρξαντας 39, 233 δικαίως ἄρξειν 55, 31

ἄρχων" esp. 56, 5---46; ἄρχων 3, 5; Δα- μασίας αἱρεθεὶς re I 3, 6; ἄρχων 3, 275 135 ae 56, I, 3. 57: T; 58, 10; 60, 9, 155 ἄρχων eg ov—53, 23 (2. ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων 53, 20); τῷ ἄρχοντι 3, 13; ἄρχοντα 55, 5; ἄρχοντα Σόλωνα, εἵλοντο 5, 4: οὐ κατέστησαν ἄρχοντα 13) 43 Tov ἄρχοντα 3, 16; ἄρχοντα 8s, 13 τοῦ ἄρχοντος. 3993 dd τίνος ἄρχον- τος 53, 36; ἐφ᾽ οὗ ἀπέθανεν ἄρχοντος 17, 8; Νικοδήμου ἄρχοντος 22, 29; ἄρ- χοντος ψΨιχίδου 22, 40; ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αλεξίου ἄρχοντος 34, 145— "Apioralxwou-—4, 4: --Αρπακτίδου---το, 37 ;— ‘Eppoxpéovros —22, 6;---εΕὐκλείδου---30, 1 ;— Hynolov

GREEK INDEX

—I4,; 20;—Oecordurov—33, 2;—Ica- γόρου.--21, 3; --Καλλίου---32, 8;---[Κ αλ- Nov τοῦ ᾿Αγγελήθεν---54, 3 ;--Κηφισο- φῶντος----54, 333—Kévwrvos—25, 8 ;-- ιν πόνανν 14, 81--λυσικράτους-- 56, 19} sienna age 2 27: ;--- Πυθοδώρου ---- (432- I B.C.) 27, 8; (404-3 B.C.) 35, es PRS Ls sth 213;—Timoo- Gévous—23, 22 ;—Pawimrmov—22, 11 ;— Pirovéw—17, 2; (ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντιδότου, sé. ἄρχοντος, 26, 21; ἦρξεν Μνησιθείδης 26, 16; Μνησίλοχος 33,2). ἄρχων (=els τῶν ἀρχόντων) 64, 12, 19, 23; τῷ ἄρχοντι τῷ ἐφεστηκότι 64, 193 οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες 88» 8. ἄρχοντα ἰδιώτην 48, 12; ἄρχων εἰς Σαλαμῖνα 54; 345 363 62, τι. (Πεισίστρατος) Νάξον ἑλὼν dp- χοντα κατέστησε Λύγδαμιν 15, 15. pl. ol ἐννέα ἄρχοντες 3, 11, 243 75 43 47, 153 55s 2,95 59, 193 63, τ; ἐννέ᾽ ἄρχοντες 62, το; τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων 8, Si) 36, 25 > 29, 31; ἐννέα ἀρχόντων 62, 2; αἵρεσις τῶν ἀρχόντων 3, 37:

τὴν τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων αἵρεσιν 26, 13: τοὺς ἐννέα ἀρχόντας 4, 53 7, 123 8, 235 ἄρ. . χοντας ἑλέσθαι δέκα 13, 8; τοῦ Πει-

22, 213 30,6, 253 45, 18; 60, 1

ραιέως ἄρχοντας δέκα 35, 5; χων εἰς τὰ φρούρια 30, 27 (decree) ἀσαφεῖς ποιῆσαι τοὺς νόμους 9, II ἀσεβείας, γραφὴ 57, 10 ἀσεβήσαιεν 18, 30 ἀσελγεία----παύσασθαι 36, 2 ἀσθενεῖς 18, 31

᾿Ασκληπίῳ, πομπὴ 56, 21 . ἀσκῶν, τὰ πολέμια 23, 14 (71. c.); τὰ els

τὸν πόλεμον ἀσκῆσαι 23, 10 ἀσπίς 42, 31; 21. 60, 22 ἀστός"

31, 19 (7. ¢.)

ἐξ ἀμφοῖν acroiv—yeyovws 26, 233 ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων .-- ἀστῶν 42, 3; τοῖς ἀστοῖς

ἄστυ" οἱ ἐν τῷ ἄστει 14, 30; τὰ ἐν τῷ a. 19, 53 els TO ἄστυ 6, 153 39, 7 (decree) ; 51, 18; τῶν περὶ τὸ ἄστυ 21, 133 τῶν

ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως 19.13; τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως

39. 7; οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως (opp. οἱ ἐκ ΠΠ|εἰ- | pacéws) 38, 3: 39, 73 40, 22; ἐν τῷ

ἄστει 16, 8 (opp. κατὰ τὴν χώραν) ;

241

3 (opp. ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν); 27, 93 39, 183 τῶν ἐν ἄστει μεινάντων 38, 30; 39, 2 (de-

cree) ; τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἀ. 30, 24 (decree). —év ἄστει

τῶν ἐν τῷ d. 39, 17 (decree); _

(opp. ἐν Πειραιεῖ) 50, 5; els ἄστυ (opp.

εἰς Πειραιέα) 51, 2, 5, 9, d¢s ἀστυνόμοι 50, 4 * ἀτακτοῦντα, δῆσαι τὸν 61, 15 ἅτε---ἔχων 27, 13 ἀτέλεια 56, 17

ἀτελής 56, 16; πάντων τό, 441 Ads 2411

ἀτελεῖς 53, 32. ἀτιμία 67, 25 ἄτιμος 8, 30; 16, 44; 22, 42; 53, 30

63, 12

χωρίον ἀτελὲς 16, 18

ει

a:

=

θὺν σνοῖν εϑα, ον -- ~ his .

ΤῊ ΣΝ, χε wee τ iE οι ποτ τς τὰ

δ 1 9}

- 5 τλρ σαν Ver) ree . aLietie ," amaerns erat Sia esol ΡΥ ir Av - SVU WETS se ar τσ AW bade Tint Ta λννγενν, «1 τὰ ἐπ. ὟΝ CNY) far woos ree eo) Ws we PE αι στιν,

GREEK

*dripotcbat (τὸν διαιτητὴν) 53, 34

*Arrixny, els τὴν 19, 313 ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς 33, 6; γλῶσσαν---Αττικήν 12, 38 (So- lon)

ἀτυχῶ: ἠτύχησαν---ναυμαχίαν 34, 15

αὖθις 12, 51 (Solon)

αὐλητής 62, τι αὐλητρίδες 50, 6

αὐλίσκον ἔχουσαι, ψῆφοι 68, 5; πιέζων τὸν αὐλίσκον τῆς ψήφου 68, 24

αὐλ[οὺς] ἔχουσαι, κλέψυδραι 67, 5; ἐπι- λαμβάνει τὸν α[ὐλὸν] 67, II

αὐξανομένη, κατὰ μικρὸν 23, 2; τοῦ τοῦ πλήθους 25, 3; (ἀρχὴ) τοῖς ἐπιθέτοις αὐξηθεῖσα 3,1

αὔξησις, τῶν μέτρων κτλ το, 4

αὐτοκράτορας, ἄρχειν 31, 13 (decree); τῶν δέκα τῶν a, (411) 32,13; α.---τοὺς τριά- κοντα---ἀποκτεῖναι 37, 6; δέκα---αὐτο- κράτορας 38, 5; a. ἑαυτῶν 30, 4 (decree)

αὐτόματον, τὸ 8, 28

airés ipse, 5, 14; 6, 20; 12, 23 14, 133 15, 255. 16, 14,,333 27; 113 58,83 65, I; αὐτῷ 54, 225 αὐτὸν 6, 93 αὐτοὶ 30, 13; καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ γένος 16, 44 (law); αὐτοὶ μὲν...τὸ δὲ γένος αὐτῶν τ, 2; αὐτοὶ καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες 2, 4; αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ παῖδες 2, 7; αὐτὸς αὑτὸν πεποίη- κεν δῆμος κύριον 41, 253 αὐτοὶ δι᾿ αὑτῶν 19, 9; αὐτὰ ταῦτα 45, 23; 47, 32; σφῶν αὐτῶν 30, 2; σφίσιν αὐτοῖς 35, 5; σφᾶς αὐτούς 21,10; 30, 17. solus, αὐτὴν μόνην χωρεῖν τὴν ψῆφον 68,18. αὐτοῦ cet. ezus, passim, μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ pro μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ 14, 28; initial, αὐτῶν (Ξτε τούτων δ᾽ αὐτῶν) μὲν ‘Apuddios...6 δ᾽ ᾿Αριστογείτων 18, 21; final, παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς 24, 9; αὐτοῖς 25, 18; πρὸς αὐτοὺς 38, 17. On the collo- cation of αὐτοῦ, see N eustadt’s Indices to Berlin ed. 1903. αὐτός zdem, 64, 10; 68, 18; τὸ αὐτὸ 64, 5, 8, 203 65, 8; ᾿ εἰς ταὐτὸ 66, 23}: ταὐτὸ τοῦτο 14, 15; τοῦ αὐτοῦ 45 12; τῆς αὐτῆς 30, 233 ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ 54, 31; τὸν αὐτὸν 4, 16; 23, oe 4: + τρόπον 17, 103 25,22; 64, 15; 69, το; τὴν αὐτὴν τι, 115. 13, 53 21, 19; 31, 18; 50, 8; ταὐτὰ 39, 16; 55, 343 τῶν αὐτῶν 13, 6; 61, 21

αὐτοτελεῖς κρίνειν 3, 32; δικάζειν 53,5

αὐτόχειρ 39, 19 (decree). Frag. 1553 32

ἀφαιρῶ᾽" ἀφελών 12, 5 (Solon); τὰς προσ-

ούσας δυσκολίας----ἀφεῖλον 35, 16; pass.

οἱ ἀφῃρημένοι τὰ χρέα 13, 22; τοὺς

ἀφαιρεθέντας (9) 25, τό; md. ἀφείλετο,

‘deprived of’? 34, 13 45, 7; ‘rescued’

45) 4

Βανί ὅδι τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους 22, 3 ἀφέσιμος (ἡμέρα) 43, 13

ἄφεσιν, εὑρισκόμενος 30, 33 (decree)

Ee treks 34, 27

ἀφίημι" (1) καταπαλτὴν ἀφιέναι 42, 243

(ἐκκλησίαν) ἀφεῖναι 44, 13; (2) ‘release’, ἀφεῖσαν ὑποσπόνδους 20, τό; τοῦτον

INDEX 277

ἀφιᾶσιν 40, τό, 19; ἀφέντας τοῦτον 40, 143 ἀφήσοντας 52, 5; (3) ‘cede’, τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἀφήσουσι 32, 17; ἀφιῶσι τὰς πόλεις 34, 12

ἀφικέσθαι 38, 23; (agixduevos) 20, 8; ἀφικομένου 38, 243 -ων 38, 26

ἀφίστημι" ἀποστήσας ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων τοὺς πομπεύοντας 18, 26; οὕτως ἀπέστησαν 32, 17; ἀποστάντος---τοῦ δήμου πρὸς αὐτούς 38, 26; Εὐβοίας ἀποστάσης 33,

4 ᾿ ἀφνεάν, ἐλπίδ᾽ 12, 17 (Solon) ἀφορμήν, δανείζηται 52, 15 * dppaxra, xwpla 27, 17 ᾿Αχερδούσιος 38, 22 ἀψύχων, δίκαι τῶν 57, 31

βαδίζει εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον 65, 7; βαδίζουσι πρὸς τὸν λίθον 55, 28; εἰς ἀκρόπολιν 55, 33

βακτηρία 63, 6, 8; 65, 2, 6, 7, 8, 11; 69, IT

βάλανοι, sortes, 63, 8, 9; 64, 17, 213 65, 3, 11 (not found elsewhere in this sense)

βάρβαροι" πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους 22, 38

βάρος, ἀποσεισάμενοι τὸ 6, 5

βασιλεία 3, 12; Heracl. epit. 1, 1 ᾿᾽Αθη- ναῖοι τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐχρῶντο βασιλείᾳ

* βασίλειος στοά, ἢ, 4

βασιλεύς: early Attic kings, 24, τῶν βασι- λέων 3, 73 ἀπὸ Κοδριδῶν οὐκέτι βασιλεῖς ἡροῦντο Heracl. epit. 1 § 2. Spartan kings, Cleomenes 19, 7, 30 and Pau- sanias 38, 253. βασιλεύς, the king of Persia, 29, 4, 8; an early Attic magi- strate 3, 4; βασιλεύς 3, 5, 17, 24, 26; the king-archon, esp. 57, I—31; also 47, 26; 55, 53 56, 1 (cf. Ath. 1160 7 κληρωτὸ----βασιλεύς). “Hpaxdeldns β. ἐπικαλούμενος 41, 34

βασιλικῆς (πολιτείας) 41, 11

βεβαίως κατεῖχεν 15, 143 εἶχον 38, 12

βελτίω, opp. χείρω 28, 1. τὸ βέλτιστον 9. 13; 35,193; τοῦ βελτίστου χάριν 35, 21; βέλτιστοι γεγονέναι 28, 28; μετα- δοῦναι τῶν πραγμάτων τοῖς βελτίστοις 36, 3; βελτίστους 38, 19; 42, τό; τὰ βέλτιστα νομοθετήσας 11, 15; βέλτιστα -᾿ἰτῇ πόλει 29, 13 (decree)

* βῆμα 28, 17

βίᾳ 13, 7; 15, 93 12, 24 (Solon); βίαν 12, 43, 60 (zd.)

βιαζόμενος 12, 12 (Solon)

βίαιον τὴν ἀρχήν 36, τι

βίος, ἐπὶ Κρόνου τό, 27; διὰ βίου 3, 3, 39; τῷ βίῳ θρασύς 18, 7; τὸν ἑκατέρου βίον τῇ,

βιώσας 17, 3

βλασφημεῖν 6, 9; cf. Ar. Deal, frag..1481 35 (κατὰ τῶν τετελευτηκότων) βλασ- φημεῖν οὐχ ὅσιον

βλέποντες, πρὸς τὰ παραυτίκα 28, 28

27ὃ

βοήθειαν. 19; 213; 38, 8: ταῖς εἰς τὰ ἴδια βοηθείαις 16, 38

βοηθῶ" abs. 19, 28; τῇ πατρίδι 14, 3; αὑτοῖς 37, 173 μετὰ τῶν τριάκοντα 38, 2

* Βουκολεῖον 3, 25

βουλεύσεως 57, 17; γραφή 59, 10

βουλευτήριον 30, 323 32, 14: 48, 3, το; 53> 26 (only in corresponding frag. and in Rhet. ad Alex.)

βουλευτής" 21. 4, 17; 35) 43 45, 17; 48, 13; 49. 17; 62, 4

βουλεύω" inf. 4.13; 45,18; (ἔξεστι) βου- λεῦσαι δίς 62,19. (In decrees) 30, 4, 16, 19; 31, 2,20; and ἐκ τῶν ἀεὶ βουλευόν- των 30, 12; τῶν βουλευόντων 30, 32; also mid. βουλεύεσθαι (4 conj.) 30, 193 βουλεύσασθαι μετὰ πλειόνων 30, 22; βουλεύσωνται. τὸ ἄριστον 29, 10

βουλή" (1) τῶν ᾿Αρεοπογιτῶν ἄγ 3434, 22; 26, τ; ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου 4, 20; 41, 16; 60, 11; ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ β. 8, 9; 23, 3; τὴν ᾿Αρεοπαγῖτιν βουλήν 41, 18; βουλή 25,143 57, 16; τῆς βουλῆς 25, 8; τὴν βουλήν 25, 13

(2) (a) οἱ τετρακόσιοι 8, 18; 20, 10 ἔ;

(ὁ) οἱ πεντακόσιοι, esp. 43, 6 ff; and 45—495 21,.75 22, 7; 24, 145 συνα- θροισθείσης τῆς. β. τῶν πεντακοσίων 25, 20; αἱ τῆς β. κρίσεις εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐλη- λύσασιν 41, 273 τὰς καταγνώσεις τὰς ἐκ τῆς β. 59, 13; β. mpdrepov—xupla— ζημιῶσαι, δῆσαι, ἀποκτεῖναι 45, 13 β.

' 325 33 48» 11, 16, 21; 48, 3; 49,1, 20, 253 55, 11; (μισθοφορεῖ πέντε ὀβολούς 62, 8; τῆς B. 30, 13, 26, 343 31, 14, 163.45, 73 50, 13,60, 6; &dpa βουλῆς 41, 7; ἕδρας 30, 24; ἐναντίον τῆς β. 30, 29; 47, 6, 10, 14; 48, 33 τῆς ὕστερον B. 46,6; τῇ β. 47, 173 48, 10; 54, 223 55, 6, 10, 22; τῇ νέᾳ β. 46, ΓΕ παρακάθηται τῇ β. 54, 16, 20; τὴν B. 30, 253. 31, 103 37, 53 40, tists 43, 12, 13, 153 47, 305 49, 11, 28; τὴν εἰληχυῖαν τῷ κυάμῳ βουλήν 32, 6. Bov- has τέτταρας 30, 14 (decree 411)

βούλησις 9, 14

βούλομαι" c. inf. βουλόμενος 11, 33 21, 53 22,173 25,123 40,53 52,14; 8. kata- λυθῆναι τὴν βουλήν 25, 13; βουλομένῳ 56, 31; βουλόμενοι 18,.18:; 28, 27; 35, 243; 36, 8; 38, το; οἱ β. βλασφημεῖν 6, 9; βουλομένων 12, 16; 34, 7; βουλομέ- vows 39, 143 ᾿βουλομένους 21, 6; βούλεται 55, 20; βούλονται 40, 13; βούληται 48, 17; 55, 23; βούλεσθαι 15, 43 ἐβούλετο 16, 31. lliptical, μεθ᾽ ὁποτέρων ἐβούλετο τι, 13; ods ἂν βούληται 56, 2; ὑπὲρ av ἂν B. 43, 273 ἣν av βούλωνται 45, 15; ods ἂν B. 39, 13. Ads. ἐβού- Aovro yap—oi πολλοί 16, 36. βουλό- μενος GUutVtS, 43, 27; τῷ B. 9, 43 27, 15, 17; 29, 14; τοὺς B. 39, 2; 43, 19

GREEK

INDEX

βραβεύειν, πάντα 9, 9 (βραβευτής Rhet. 1376 20)

Βραυρωνία, wevrernpis 54, 30

βραχέος, χρόνου 35, 25

βωμόν, καθίζει---ἐπὶ τὸν 25, 19; Heracl. epit. § 4

7 68, 12

γαῖαν 5, 8 (Solon)

γάλα 12, 64 (Solon)

γαμετῆς γυναικός 4, 9; ἐκ τῆς γαμετῆς 17, 10 (Frag. 1722, 1443)

γάμος 3, 27 A

γαμῶ" ἔγημεν 17, 12; γῆμαι τῇ, 17

γάρ passim. After σημεῖον his 75 15°35 7. Kal γὰρ 21, 20; 22, 23 41, 273 82] 8; 54,173 Kal γὰρ- καὶ 19, Poe pire In third place, μὲν yyap—éé 3, 9; II, 10; 14, 103 16, 373.24, 123 28, 53 40, 145 405, OF 475 25-7 γὰρ---καὶ 16, 4, 31: 10, 103 κατὰ ταύτην γὰρ 2, 253 ἐπ᾿ ἐκείνου yap το, 43 ἐπὶ πέρας γὰρ 38, 24. In fourth place, ἔτι kal viv yap 3, 25; Kad’ τι γὰρ 59, 3

γεγωνῶ" ἵνα γεγωνῇ μᾶλλον 15, 19 * γεννῆται frag. 3

γένος 1, 3; καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ γένος τό, 443 τοῦ γένους. 20, 3; 28, 8; κατὰ τὸ γένος 42, 30; τῷ γένει μὴ καθαροί 13,22; τῷ γένει---προέχοντες 355233 “δὰ γένη 21, 6, 23; τοῖς γένεσι 57, τι. The nine- tieth part of an ancient Attic tribe, frag. 3, τὸ δὲ γένος εἶναι τριάκοντα ἀν- δρῶν

Γεραιστός 22, 42

γέρας 12, 4 (Solon)

*vewmopot frag. 2, 14

γεωργοὺς καὶ δημιουργούς, frag. 3, 24

γεωργῶ" éyewpyouw 13, 26; γεωργοῦντα 16, 173; -τας τό, 7

γῆ 2, 6; 12, 15. κατὰ γῆν 19, 30. μέλαινα 12, 32 (Solon)

γήρως <évexa> 35, 16 (law of Solon)

γίγνομαι (often spelt γιν- in papyrus), (1) of birth, ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ἀστοῖν γεγονώς 26, 323 ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἔτη γεγονότες 42, 33 γεγονότων 20, 12; 31, 53 42, 16; γε- γονόσιν 63, 11; γεγονότας 4, 10, 15; 29, 38; 30, 43 γέγονε 42, 73 γεγονέναι

Ty

42, 53 56, 18 f; ἀνδρῶν γεγενημένων

εὖ 32, τὸ

(2) of produce, τί γίγνεται ἐκ γοῦν

χωρίου 16, 20; ἀπὸ τῶν γιγνομένων 16, 12; (τὸ. ἔλαιον) τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ γιγνόμενον 60, 15 f; met. τὰς δαπάνας τὰς γιγνο- μένας 8, 15; ἀμφισβητήσεις γίγνεσθαι

9; 9

(3) of happening, taking place, be- coming etc., ἐπιχειροτονία γίγνεται 61, 22; σύμμειξις ἐνταῦθα γίγνεται 3, 263 ὅταν--- γίγνηται---βουλεύειν 31, το; μηδὲ ylyvnrau—b66, 18; ἔξω γίγνεσθαι τῆς πο- λιτείας 37, 12; wiyvonlyns; ἐξόδου 16,

GREEK INDEX

17; στρατείας, 26, 73— πομπῆς 56, 213 δίκαι----αἱ---τοῖς μετοίκοις κτλ. γιγνόμεναι 58, δ᾽ τὰ ψηφίσματα τὰ γιγνομένα 54, 14; τῶν γιγνομένων 9, 133 16,12; 57: 258; χρησμῶν γιγνομένων 19, 7; τοῖς γιγνομένοις 33, 10; 35, 21; 36, 2: ἐγένετο, ἀρχὴ δημοκρατίας 41, 133— μετάστασις 41,6; ἐγένοντο αἱ διαλύσεις 39, 1; γένηται ἱερωσύνη 42, 36; πλείων γένηται ἀριθμός 69, 9; ἐπὶ τοῖς δικασ- τοῖς γένηται 55, 26; τῷ γενομένῳ IQ, 20; τούτων γενομένων 22, 1; γενομένης, χρεῶν ἀποκοπῆς 6, 11; ναυμαχίας 34, 33 ἐκκλησίας 42, 30; πολιτείας 32, 11; κρίσεως 45, 53 “γενομένην συμφοράν 20, 3; γενέσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν 3, το; 18, 7 f; προβούλευμα 44, το; τοὺς.--παλαιοπλού- Tous 6, 12; ἐκώλυσε 34, το; συνέβη 38, 20; 41, 1; γεγόνασι 53, 51 γεγονέναι μεταβολήν 13, 15; τὸ γεγονός 15, 243 25, 19

(4) with adj. or with predicative subst., of becoming, Jassim, e.g., ἀγώ- γιμοι---ἐγίγνοντο 2, 7; γενέσθαι---μαλα- κούς 3, 73 πρῶτος éyévero προστάτης 2,

9

γιγνώσκω (often spelt γιν- in papyrus) 5,

7 (Solon). γιγνώσκουσι (‘decide’) 53,

ἔγνωσαν c. inf. 26, 15, 22; 375 3+ C. ace. 34, 143; 8 τι ἂν γνῶσιν οἱ δι- κασταί 48, 27, τὸ γνωσθέν 54, 7; τὰ γνωσθέντα 53, 8; τοὺς ἐγνωσμένους 36, 14

γλῶσσαν--᾿ Αττικὴν 12, 38 (Solon)

γνάθος (trov) 49, 4

γνησίους, παῖδας 4, 9

γνώμῃ---διαφέρειν 32, 11: γνώμην, γρά- ψαντος 14, 53 29, 73 γνώμας ἐπιψη- φίζουσιν 48, 12

γνώριμοι (" friends 6, 73 opp. to τὸ πλῆθος 2, τ; δῆμος 5, 2; 11, 8, 113 16, 36; 28, 7, 103 34, 19

γνώσεως, δικαστηρίου 45, 53 γνῶσιν διαι- τητοῦ 53, 12 (not used thus in Ar.)

γονέων κακώσεως 56, 30; γονέας εἰ εὖ ποιεῖ 55: 17

Τοργίλος ᾿Αργεῖος 17, 13

γράμμα 63, IQ, 21, 22, 243 64, 4, 957 18; 65, 3, 9; τὰ γράμματα 44, 4; τῶν γραμμάτων κύριος 54, 14

γραμματεῖον 47, 16, 19, 20, 27, 30; 48, 2, 45 53,13, 22

"γραμματεὺς 67, 12; κατὰ πρυτανείαν

54, 13. ἐπὶ τοὺς νόμους 54, 19. (τοῦ δήμου) 54, 21. θεσμοθετῶν 55, 4, 73 59, 203 63, 2. (στρατηγῶν in 411) 31,

12 (decree)

γραφαί: ἀγραφίου 59, το; ἀδικίου 54, 10; ἀσεβείας 57, το; βουλεύσεως 59, το; δωροξενίας 50, 8; δώρων 54,93 59, 93 ἐπιστατική 59,6; κακώσεως 56, 30—343 κλοπῆς (δημοσίων χρημάτων) 54, 6--8; μοιχείας 59, 11; ξενίας 59, 8; παρα-

279

νόμων 29, 233 45, 243 59,6; νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι 59, 6; προεδρική 59, 6;

> πυρκαϊᾶς 57, τό; τρϑύματο: (δίκαι) 57,

“143 συκοφαντίας 50, 9; φαρμάκων (δίκη) 57, 151 φόνου (δίκη) τό, 321 (δίκαι) 39, 18; 57, 12, 143 ψευδεγγραφῆς 59, 10; ψευδοκλητείας 59, 1ο.---γραφαὶ λαγχά- νονται πρὸς αὐτόν 57, 9; 56, 29; τὰς μεγίστας γραφάς 68, 2

γράφω" γράφειν 29, 15 (decree); θεσμοὺς ἔγραψα 12, 47 (Solon); ἔγραψεν 29, 17 (decree); 34, 27; ἔγραψαν 29, 213 γράψαι 31, 6 (decree); γράψας εἰς πινά- κιον 48, 20; -avTos γνώμην 14, 5; 20, 71 -αντες ἐν σανίδι 48, 9; ἐν τοῖς νόμοις τοῖς Σόλωνος γέγραπται 8, 17; μὴ γε- γράφθαι τοὺς νόμους ἁπλῶς καὶ σαφῶς Q, 73 γεγραμμένην ἐν γραμματείῳ 53, 133 τὰ γεγραμμένα ποιεῖν τι, 7; κατὰ τὰ γεγραμμένα 31, 16. γραψάμενος τὸ ψή- φισμα----παρανόμων 40, 8

γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα, τὸν 60, 5, 22

γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλήν 14, 253 ἔσ- χεν γυναῖκα 17, 143 τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως γυναικὸς 4, 26; γυναικός, γαμετῆς 4.0; παραιβατούσης τῆς Ὕ. 14, 29; γυναικὶ πιθόμενος 35, 16; αἱ γυναῖκες 2, 43 γυναικῶν ἐπιμελεῖται 56, 41

δαιμόνων ᾿Ολυμπίων 12, 31 (Solon)

Δαμασίας ἄρχων (582/0) 13, 6, το

Δαμωνίδης Οἴηθεν 27, τ

δανείζειν 6, 2; 9, 3; δανεῖσαι 22, 33; δα- νειζόμενοι 38, 8; ἐδανείσαντο 30, 253 δανείσηται 52,143; δανεισάμενος 52, 13; τοι 6, 9; -ων 22, 35

δανεισμοί 2, 8; 4, 23

δαπανή" 22, 351 pl. 8, 15

δαπανῶ" δαπανῆσαι 29, 30 (decree)

* δατητῶν αἵρεσιν, εἰς 56, 36

δὲ passim. διὰ τοῦτο δὲ 21, 8 f; μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα 2, 1 εἴς. ; πρὸς δὲ τούτοις 26, 6 etc.; καὶ---δὲ 12, 15; 41, 21; δὲ apo- dotic, τούτῳ δὲ 57, 22; ὅταν δὲ,..τότε δέ 67, 1851

* δεδοικέναι 5, 21 (δεδιότες Ar.)

def 12, 10; 16, 223 53, 373 56, 18; 58, 6; 63, τό etc.; ἔδει 7, τό; 32, 6; δεῖν 40, 23; δέῃ 54, 26; (ἔτη) ἑνὸς δέοντα εἴκοσι 17, 4; ἑνὸς δεῖν (δεῖ MS) IQ, 30; 27. 71 εἰς τὸ δέον 30, 20 (decree); ὅταν δέῃ 30, 30 (decree)

δείκνυμι" τὸ γράμμα δείκνυσι 64, 18; δεί- fas 65, 13 δείξει---συνισταμένους 25, 155 δείξουσιν εἰ βούλονται 40, 12; ἔδειξαν 19, 18 (scol. ); δείξῃ rods ἀθροιζομένους 25,173 οὐ δεικνύων (τὴν ψῆφον) 68, 25; ἔδειξαν 19, 18 (scol. )

δεινός, τὰ πολέμια, τὰ πολιτικά 23, 15

δειπνοῦσι, ἐν τῷ πρυτανείῳ 62, 12

δέκα passim, e.g. 8, 3 £; ἄρχοντας 13, 8; ἐτῶν 11,53 εἰς δ. φυλάς 21, 41 δ. (μέρη)

αν. 18

280 GREEK

οἱ δέκα " (1) under the Four Hundred,

in 411, δ. αὐτοκράτορες 31, 1O—12; 32, 13; (2) after the Thirty, in 404, avro- Kpdropes ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν 38, 5; τῶν δέκα τυραννίς 41, 22 (39, 21); superseded by (3) another Board of Ten, τοὺς βελτίστους εἶναι δοκοῦντας, ἐφ᾽ ὧν συνέβη καὶ τὰς διαλύσεις γεν- ἐσθαι καὶ κατελθεῖν τὸν δῆμον 38, το ἴ. Other bodies of Ten (in 411), πρό- βουλοι 29, τι; (Katadoyels) 29, 37; ταμίαι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων, ἱεροποιοί, and ἐπιμεληταί 30, 8---το (decree): (in 404) τοῦ Πειραιέως ἄρχοντες ὃ. 35, 6; 6. διαλλακτῶν 38, 26. For official

* bodies of Ten under the normal consti- tution see ἀγορανόμοι, ἀθλοθέται, ἀπο- δέκται, ἀστυνόμοι, Διονυσίων ἐπιμεληταί, ἐμπορίου ἐπιμεληταί, εὔθυνοι, ἱεροποιοί, ἱερῶν ἐπισκευασταί, ἱππέων καταλογεῖς, λογισταί (ὀ15), λογιστῶν συνήγοροι, μετρο- νόμοι, πωληταί, (σιτοφύλακες,) στρατη- γοί, σωφρονισταί, ταμίαι τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς, ταξίαρχοι, τριηροποιοί, φύλαρχοι

* δεκαετίαν, ἦρχον 3, 4

δεκάζειν 27, 25; dexdoas τὸ δικαστήριον 27: 27

* δεκαπλοῦν, τὸ γνωσθὲν ἀποτίνεται 54, 8 ἴ; τὸ δ. 54, 12

δεκάτη, decuma, 16, 13, 22

δέκατος γραμματεύς 59, 19; (πολιτεία) δεκάτη 41, 21; τῆς δεκάτης φυλῆς 63, 2

δεκάχους 67, 7

Δεκέλεια 34, 8

Δελφινίῳ, ἐπὶ 57, 21

Δελφοί" ἐν A, νεώς 19, 20

δεξιά: δοῦναι τὴν ὃ. πίστεως χάριν 18, 35; τὴν 6. δέδωκε 18, 36

δέομαι: ἐὰν μὴ δέωνται πλειόνων 30, 24 (decree) ; κἄν τι δέωνται 31, 13 (decree); κἄν τι δέωνται ἐπισκευάζουσι τὰ μάλιστα δεόμενα τῶν ἱερῶν 50, 4

δεσμός 67, 24

δεσμωτηρίου φύλακες 35, 6; ἐν τῷ ὃ. 52, 2

δεσμωτῶν φύλακες 24, 20

δεσποτικωτέρως 24, 7

δεσποτῶν ἤθη 12, 41 (Solon)

δεύτερος 28, 6; δευτέρα 3, 6; 41, 9; 54: 30; δευτέρα, τῷ δευτέρῳ 66, 9; δεύτε- pov 30, 20; 42, 7; δευτέρῳ 14, 17; τῷ δευτέρῳ λόγῳ 67, 8; διαψη[φισμῷ τῷ δευτέρ]ῳ 67, 23. οὐδενὸς ὄντα δεύτερον 38, 11. Adv, τὸ δεύτερον 15, 2

δέχομαι: δέχονται τὰς καταβολὰς 48, 8; δεχόμενος--τὴν πομπήν 18, 15; (ἐγγνυη- τὰς) δεχομένους 4, 13: ἐδέχοντο 14: 30

δέω: θανατοῦν καὶ δεῖν καὶ χρήμασιν ζη- μιοῦν 45, 8; (ἡ βουλὴ) κυρία--- δῆσαι 45, 4 (πρότερον); 48, 7; (στρατηγοὶ) κύριοι δῆσαι 61, 14; ἀνάγκη τὸ ἐλλειφθὲν καταβάλλειν δεδέσθαι 48, 6; δεδέσθαι 63, τό; cf. δεῖ

δημόσιος, 47, 31; 48, 4.

INDEX

δή" διὰ ταύτην δὴ τὴν αἰτίαν 23, 8; Thos

δὴ ταύτην τὴν χορηγίαν 27, 18. *Kdd- λιστα δὴ“ καὶ πολιτικώτατα ἁπάντων 40, 17. καὶ δὴ καὶ 2, 3; 16, 5, 40

δήϊον 12, 21 (Solon) δῆλον 13, 10; 53, 20; δῆλα 69, 5 Δῆλον, ἀμφικτύονες εἰς ό,τ4; πεντετηρὶς

εἰς 54, 209; χορηγοὶ and ἀρχιθέωρος 56, 20; ἐκ Δήλου 62, 15

δημαγωγίαν, διεδέχοντο---τὴν 28, 26- δημαγωγός 22, 143 41, 19 OnuayeyS> πρὸς τὸ δημαγωγεῖν ἐλθόντος

Περικλέους 27, τ; διετέλουν οἱ ἐπιεικεῖς δημαγωγοῦντες 28, 5; τοὺς προθύμως δημαγωγοῦντας 26, 3

Δημάρετος 38, 11 * δήμαρχοι 21, 19; δήμαρχος, εἰς Πειραιέα

54: 34

δημευομένων, τὰς ἀπογραφὰς τῶν 43, 20 δήμέυσις χρημάτων 67, 25

δημηγορῶν 15, 20; ἐδημηγόρησε 28, 18 δήμιος 45,3

δημιουργοί 13, 9; frag. 2 and 3 δημοκρατία 23, 2; 29, 2, 5, 18; 38, 30;

40, 133 41, 13, 21

δῆμος" (r) pagus, τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ δήμου 63,

19; ἐκ τοῦ δ. τῶν Ilaaviéwy 14, 26; ἐπώλουν οἱ δῆμοι 62, 4; δήμων 21, 16, 21; τῶν δ. ἀναγορεύωσιν 21, 18; καλοῦ- σιν τῶν δ. 21, 19; πόθεν τῶν 3. 55, 13, 153; τῶν δήμων τοὺς μὲν KTA 21, 21; δήμους ἀντὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν 21, 2ο; κατὰ δήμους 21, 12; οἱ κατὰ ὃ. δικασταί τό, 13; 326,21; 48, 243 cf. 53, 3; διῃροῦντο εἰς τοὺς ὃ. 62, 3; (βουλευτὰς καὶ φρου- povs) εἰς τοὺς δήμους ἀποδιδόασι 62, 5 (2) popzlus, 12, 4, II, 29, 49, 57, 63 (Solon). -ετὸ πλῆθος 9, 6; 20, 4, (4, 17 ἔν 21, 1; Opp. οἱ γνώριμοι; 11, το; 28, 6, το; οἱ ἐπιφανεῖς 28, 15; οἱ εὔπο- po 26, 11; 28, 12; οἱ ὀλιγαρχικοί 34,.ῦ 26; οἱ ἕτεροι 28, 13, 19; βουλή (οἱ πεν- τακόσιοι) 25, 10, 22; 41) 27; 43.12.4 44, 83 45,22; 46, 3,9. (-Ξ ἐκκλησία) 42, 18, 31; 43, 28; 54, 21; 56, 23; 57, 33 59, 4- Cf. 6, 13 8,25; 9, 12; 14, 3,6; 15, 14, 161 18, 29; 22, 31; 25, 1; 27,9; 28, 33 29, 10; 34, I, 7; 193 35. 193 38, 17) 20, 285 41,. 25 @ 5, 25—7 etc. δήμου προστάτης 2, 9; 23,133 25,43 28, 6; 36, 6. θαρροῦντος τοῦ 6.22, 12; τῇ εἰωθυίᾳ τοῦ δ. πρᾳότητι 44. 10: Περικχῆς προειστήκει τοῦ δ. 28, {; τοῦ 5. προειστήκει Ξάνθιππος 28, το. ἐπαναστὰς τῷ δήμῳ 14, 6; τῷ ὃ. διανεί- μασθαι 22, 31; ἐν τῷ δ. 25, 22. συνέ- πεισε τὸν δῆμον 14, 3. pl. οἱ δῆμοι τς κρατήσαντες 40, 24

ἴδιος and δη-

μόσιος 6, 4: 43, 27; 48, 21, 24 f; 50. 16. δημοσία σφραγίς 44, 5; τὸ δημόσιον 63, 12; δημόσιοι ἐργάται 54, 2; ὑπηρέ- ται 50, 143 65, 14; τὰ δόξαντα δημόσια

90"

pred |

τοι ΚΠ TG,

4 hl 4 Saar ayt ee, MCT a ν δ' δ MAP

ROAM oc Tiber te rake NEARER pr emg OP Ge

λέ \—y T

GREEK

εἶναι 52, 7. τὰ δημόσια 67, 43 τὰ olKo- δομήματα τὰ nu. 46, 8; Adv. δημόσιᾳ 49, 28; 65, το

Onuorns* “al. 21, 16; 22, 223 27, 143 42, 3: 52 11, 13; 50, 12

"δημοτικός" τῷ ἤθει τό, 30; δημοτικὴν --- πολιτείαν 29, 19; δημοτικά το, 13 δη- μοτικώτερα 22, I; 27, 31 31, 14; δη- μοτικώτατος 13, 20; 14, 1; τρία---δημο- τικώτατα 9, 2. οἱ δημοτικοί (democrati- cal historians) 6, 8, 13; 18, 30; (opp. οἱ γνώριμοι) 16, 36; 34, I

διά" c. gem. (1) duration of time, διὰ Blov 39. (2) interval of time, διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν χρόνων 13, 6; adverbial "διὰ τάχους" 34, 1 (διὰ ταχέων in Rhet. 1386 τ etc.). (3) agent, δι᾽ ᾿Αριστοδίκου 25, 24; τῶν φίλων 6, 8; δι᾿ αὑτῶν 19, 9; 33, 12; ἑαυτῶν 35, 7; αὑτοῦ 41, 5. (4) means, διὰ τούτων 25, τ; δι᾿ ὧν 25, 9. (5) distributed pos-

. session, γῆ δι᾿ ὀλίγων ἦν 2, 6; 4, 243 ἐὰν δι᾽ ὀλίγων ποιήσωνται τὴν πολι- τείαν 29, 9

c. acc. (1) personae, &’ ὃν 22, 16;

. διὰ Παυσανίαν 23, 20; τοὺς δημαγω- "οῦντας 26, 3; τοὺς δημαγωγούς 41, 9; τοὺς παροργίσαντας 34, 7: (2) ret, διὰ τοῦτο 21, 8; ταῦτα 5, 22; 38, 313 τοιάνδ᾽ αἰτίαν 19, 8; ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν 23, 8; τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν 13, 5; ταύτας tas airlas 13, I; 21, 13 τὰ ἀξιώματα 18, 1; τὴν ἀπορίαν 13, 22. τὰς τῶν χρεῶν ἀποκοπάς τι, 8; τὴν τῆς θαλά- TTS ἀρχήν 41, 19; τὸς πατρικὰς δόξας 26, 9; τὴν εὔνοιαν 38, 28; τὰς ἡλικίας 18, 2; τὴν παρρησίαν Ἰό, 231) τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολιτῶν 26, 21; τὴν ῥᾳθυμίαν 8, 28; τὴν σεισάχθειαν 12, 273 τὴν στάσιν 13, 4; τὴν συμμαχίαν 29, 4: τὴν Ξέρξου στρατείαν 22,40; τὴν ὑποψίαν 22,133 τὴν φιλεργίαν 16, 24: τὴν φι- λονικίαν 13, 16; τὸν φόβον 13, 23. ¢. inf. διὰ τὸ ἀνῃρηκέναι 19, 2; ἀπο- βαλεῖν ἸΤύλον 27, 26; βοηθῆσαι 19, 28; γενέσθαι 3, 7; 11, 93 23, 43 δοκεῖν 20, 7; τι, 9; ἐκβεβληκέναι 19, 3; θαυμά- σαι 16, 19; μεγάλην γεγονέναι μετα- βολήν 13, 15; μὴ βούλεσθαι 15, 33 μὴ γεγράφθαι 9, 7; μὴ δύνασθαι 9, 123 μὴ χρῆσθαι 22, 3; νομίζειν 29, 8; ποιήσασ- θαι 41, 43 στασιάζειν 13, ὃ; συμβῆναι 28, 33; τιμωρεῖν 10, 2

διαβάλλειν 6, 5; διαβάλλουσι 28, 36; διαβεβλημένους 23, 20

* διαβουλεῦσαι, (κατελύθη) βουλὴ πρίν

~ 32,4

διαγίγνομαι " διωγεγένηται (ἡ πολιτεία) μέχρι τῆς νῦν c. part. 41, 23

διάγω᾽ διῆγον ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ 13, 3; οὕτως διάγουσι 42, 29

διαδέχομαι" διαδεξαμένων τῶν υἱέων τό, 28 (cf. Pol. 1293 a 29 τῶν τελευτώντων

INDEX

281

διαδέχεσθαι τοὺς υἱεῖς); διεδέχοντο συν- εχῶς τὴν δημαγωγίαν 28, 26

διαδίδωμι" πορίσασα δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ ὀκτὼ διέδωκε 23, 7; (διωβελία) διεδίδοτο (Ὁ) 28, 21

διαδικάζει τοῖς γένεσι---τὰς ἀμφισβητήσεις 57, 10 (only in corresp. frag. and Oec. 1347 28)

διαδικασία" ἐπιτροπῆς 56, 38; pl. ταῖς διαδικασίαις 67, το; (τριηραρχῶν) 61,

9

διαιρετοί, ἀμφορεῖς 68, 15

διαιρῶ" ‘divide’, διαιρεῖται ἡμέρα 67, 233 τιμήματι διεῖλεν εἰς τέτταρα τέλη 7, 8; διΐρητο 7, 9; διῃροῦντο εἰς τοὺς δήμους 62, 3; διελόμενοι τὰς φυλάς, πέντε ἑκάτερος 61, 20; distinguish τοῖς μέτροις διῃρῆσθαι 7, 25

διαίτας ἀποφαίνονται 55, 29; διανέμουσι 53, 28; ἐκδιαιτᾶν. 53, 20

διαιτητής᾽ 53, 30; Pl. 53, 63 55, 29) 33; 58, 8; ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος 53, 10; διαιτητοῦ γνῶσις 53, 12; παρὰ τοῦ 6. 53, 18; εἰσαγγέλλειν εἰς τοὺς διαιτητάς 53,

33

διαιτῶ" διαιτήσει 53, 28; ἐπώνυμος --δεδιαιτηκώς 53, 24

* διακληροῦσι 50, 8; διακληρῶσαι 30, 18 (decree)

διάκονε 20, 23 (scolium)

διακόσιοι 24, 14; ἕνα καὶ διακοσίους (δικαστάς) 53, 16; διακόσια (μέτρα) 7, 26

διακοσμοῦντα τὴν πομπήν 18, 20

* διακρίων (στάσις) 13, 20

διαλέγομαι " διελέγετο μετὰ σπουδῆς αὐτοῖς 25, 17; διαλέξεται πρὸς τὸν δῆμον 43, 28

διαλείπω᾽" διαλιπόντες ἔτη δύο 22, 11

"διαλλακτὴν Σόλωνα, εἵλοντο 5, 4; τῶν (ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος) δέκα διαλλακτῶν 38,

2

διαλύσεις (ἐπ᾽ Ἐϊκλείδου) 38, 20, 253 39, I; 40, 1

διαλύων τοὺς διαφερομένους τό, 143 δια- λῦσαι 53, 73 διελύθησαν---πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι 40, 25

διαμαρτάνων τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίας τ8, 9

διαμένει ταῖς φυλαῖς τὸ δέκα κληροῦν ἑκάστην 8, 43 ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ διέμεινεν 17, 4; διέμεινεν πολιτεία 25, 2; 33, 1

διαμετρεῖται (τὸ ὕδωρ) 67, 15; πρὸς δια- μεμετρημένην τὴν ἡμέραν 67, 13

διαμφισβητεῖ, ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρων μάχεται καὶ 5, 10

διαμφισβητήσεις εἶχον, τῶν Σόλωνος θεσμῶν ὅσοι 35, II

διανέμω" διανέμουσιν---τὰς διαίτας 53, 27; διανειμάντων 31, 20 (decree); διένειμε τὴν χώραν τριάκοντα μέρη 21, 123; δια- νεῖμαι σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τέτταρα μέρη 30, τῇ (decree); διανεί- μαντα (τὰς dias) δέκα μέρη 58, 6.

282

διανείμασθαι τὴν γῆν 12, 15; τὸ ἀργύ- ριον 22, 31

διαπέμπω" διεπέμποντο πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ile- ραιεῖ 38, 23

διαπεσόντος βραχέος, χρόνου 35, 25

διαπραξάμενος, ταῦτα 20, 10

δια[ριθμοῦσιν] (τὰς ψήφου) 6g, 5

διαρπάζειν, τὰς οὐσίας 35, 25

ἘΣ διαρρινῶ" ἐπίθημα διερρινημένον 68, 17

διασημαίνω" διεσήμηναν 15, 22

διασπείρω" διεσπαρμένοι κατὰ τὴν χώραν 16, 8; διεσπάρησαν οἱ λόγοι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος 536, 4

* διασφάλλομαι᾽" ἐν----οἷς ἔπραττον διεσφάλ- AovTo 1g, II

διασῴζειν ἐπειρῶντο Tov δῆμον 34, 18

διαταττουσι (τοὺς στρατηγούς) 61, 3; διέ- Take τὴν πολιτείαν 7, 7; τὴν πολιτείαν διέταξαν 29, 28 ; διατάξας τὴν πολιτείαν 11,1; διατάξασα 8, 11

διατελοῦσιν, χρώμενοι 8, 6; διετέλουν νοσοῦντες 13, 12; διετέλουν---δημαγω- γοῦντες 28, 4; στασιάζοντες διετέλεσαν 20, 20

διατηρεῖν τοὺς νόμους 3, 34; διετήρει τὰς ἀρχάς 4, 20; τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν πολιτικῶν 8, 22

διατίθησιν, ἀγῶνα 57, 7; 58, 2

διατρέφεσθαι γεωργοῦντας 16, 7

διατρίβω" c. part. διέτριβε δημηγορῶν 15, 20. οὗ διέτριβεν 25, τό; ἐν τῷ ἄστει διατρίβωσιν τό, 8; διατρίβουσιν ἐν τοῖς φυλακτηρίοις 42, 33

διαφάδην ὀνειδίσαι 12, 57 (Solon)

διαφέρειν, δικαιοσύνῃ τῶν καθ ἑαυτόν 23, 15; συνέσει καὶ γνώμῃ διαφέρειν 32, ΤΙ. διαφερόμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους 23, 173 τοὺς διαφερομένους 16, τῇ

διαφθεῖραι (1) ¢ corrupt’, τὸν δῆμον 28, 1 16. (2) ‘kill’, Θηραμένην διαφθεῖραι 37, 43

᾿ διέφθειρέν αὐτόν 18, 38

διάφορος c. dat. 11, 8

διαφυλάττω" διεφύλαττον τὴν δημοκρατίαν 20: 2

δα ΜῈ anaes 30, 14 (decree) ; διαχειριοῦσιν 30, 10 (2d.), cf. 45, 13, and Pol, 1322 6 28

* διαχειροτονοῦσιν 49, 17

* διαψηφίζεσθαι 55, 25; 68, 19, 21; δια- ψηφίζονται 42, 4; ὦσι διαψηφισμένοι, 69, 1

* διαψηφισμός 13, 24; 67, 23

διδάξουσιν 42, 24

διδάσκαλοι (ἐφήβων) 42, 23

* δίδραχμον 10, 7 (Oec. 1353 a 17)

δίδωμι" διδόναι τοῖς πολλοῖς τὰ αὑτῶν 27, 21; διδόναι δημοσίᾳ τροφήν 49, 28; δίδωσι---εἰς τροφήν 42, 243;—els τὴν κατασκευήν 56, χ6;--τῷ εὐθύνῳ (πινά- κιονὴ 48,22;--- ψῆφον 55, 23 ;---βακτηρίαν 65, 2; δίκην (42, 34), ἐπιχειροτονίαν (43, 243 55, 22), εὐθύνας (39, 23; 48, 18 f; 56, 3f) διδόασιν. διδῶσι σῖτον

GREEK INDEX

56, 46; οὐδεμίαν ἑαυτῷ πλεονεξίαν διδούς 16, 32; ἔδωκα τόσον γέρας 12, 4 (Solon) ; καθ᾽ τι dv—dGow 59, 3; φυλακὴν ἑαυτῷ δοῦναι 14, 43 δοῦναι τὴν δεξιάν and τὴν δεξιὰν δέδωκε 18, 35 f; δοῦναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ 35, 143 δοῦναι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς (τὰ δικαστήρια) 59,2; (φάρμακον) δούς 57, τό; δῶρα δούς 59, 9; δοὺς κατηγορίαν καὶ ἀπολογίαν 55, 21. Pass. δίδοται (κλεψύδρα) 67, 7; ὕδωρ 67, 14; δοθεισῶν---δωρεῶν 3, 13

* διεγγνᾶν 4, 10

διέρχομαι" διῆλθον 12, 44 (Solon); χρόνου' διελθόντος 4, 2; διελθόντων ---ἐτῶν 42,

δικάζω᾽ of the officials presiding at a trial, abs. δικάζουσιν 57, 25; δικάζῃ 57, 26; 63, 133 “δικάζει 59, 2; 63, 115 δικάσωσιν 66, 22; ἐδίκαζον 53, 3. Dat. of person accused, τούτῳ---δικάζουσιν' 57, 21, 233 Acc. τοὺς τὴν φυλὴν δικά- ζοντας 58, 7 (cf. 53, 14). ταῦτα---δικά- ζει 57, 1; δικάζουσι---ταῦτα 57, 243 δικάζει (τὰς dixas) 57, 20; ταύτας (τὰς δίκας) δικάζουσιν 52, 17; τὰ ἴδια δικά- ζωσι 67, 4; τὰ μέχρι δέκα δραχμῶν αὐ- τοτελεῖς εἰσι δικάζειν 53, 5f; ass. ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς δεδικασμένα τὰ ἐκ. τῶν: νόμων 69, 13

δικαιοσύνῃ---διαφέρειν 23, 15

δίκαιος πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν 25, 51 οὐ---δί- καιον 9, 13; 11, 63 δικαίοις (μέτροις: καὶ σταθμοῖς) 51, 7. Adv. δικαίως" 12, 37 (Solon) ; λαβεῖν τὴν ἐξουσίαν 4,43 ἐγγράφεσθαι 42, το; ὦνιος ἔσται 51, 11; ἄρξειν 55. 31

δικαστήριον" (1) in the age of Solon, τοῖς τὸ θητικὸν τελοῦσιν ἐκκλησίας καὶ. δικαστηρίων μετέδωκε μόνον 7, 15; 7 εἰς δικαστήριον ἔφεσις 9. 5; ἀνάγκη---πάντα. βραβεύειν----τὸ ὃ. 9, 9.

(2) in later times, szmg. 6 τι ἂν προσ- τιμήσῃ τὸ δ. 63, 17; δεκάσας τὸ δικ. (Anytus) 27, 7; ἄνευ δικαστηρίου γνώ- σεως 45, 4; κρίσεως ἐν δικαστηρίῳ γενομένης 45. 5: (ἡ βουλὴ) καταγνοῦσα. παραδίδωσι δικαστηρίῳ 46, 10; τἀπο- γραφέντα καὶ πραθέντα ἐν τῷ δ. 47, 225 τῶν τὰς εὐθύνας ἐν τῷ ὃ. δεδωκότων 48, 18; κρίνει (τὰ παραδείγματα κτλ) τὸ δικαστήριον τὸ λαχόν 49, 213 (ὁ γραμ- ματεὺς τῶν θεσμοθετῶν) δοκιμάζεται ἐν δικαστηρίῳ 55, 7; οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες δοκιμάζονται ἔν τε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ πάλιν ἐν δικαστηρίῳ 55, 10; (οἱ πάρεδροι) δοκιμάζονται ἐν τῷ 5. 56, 2 f; κρίνουσιν ἐν τῷ ὃ. 61, 12; εἰς δικαστήριον, συνα- γαγεῖν 64, 22;—elodyyn 29, 26; εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, εἰσάγει 56, 30 ;--εἰσάγειν 45, 9f; 56, 42;—elodyouow 48, 26 f; 53, 151-, εἰσάγοντες 52, 19; 54, 6;— εἰσάξοντες 52, 4, 6. εἰς τὸ δικαστήῤιονη ἐφίησιν 42, 8;—, ἐφῇ 53. 95—» ἔφεσις

A nk eth ate

TS ceo ted ou ἜΝ

chisawn ,}7 | rake meses PLY λον VA Wh TA es a ἐν ἐν aes fad Piper

GREEK INDEX 283

48» 15 f3 55, 11 f;—, ἐφέσιμος 45, 13 f. τὸ τοῦ δ. ἑκάστου (στοιχεῖον) 64, 253 εἰσελθεῖν εἰς--δικαστήριον 65, 4; βαδίζει εἰς τὸ δ. 65, 8; (κιβώτιον) ἕν ἐπὶ τὸ ὃ. ἕκαστον 65, 153 βακτηρίαν ὁμόχρων τῷ ὃ. 65, 21: ἐν τῷ δὶ 55, 23; 65, 12; 66, τ2:---, ἀμφορεῖς δύο κείμεναι 68, 14; ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ὃ. 66, 21; ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῷ 5. 65, 17; χρήσεται τῷ πρώτῳ λαχόντι ὃ. 66, 9

pl. δικαστηρίων μετέδωκε (Solon) 7, 15; τὰ δὲ τῴ δήμῳ καὶ τοῖς ὃ. ἀπέδωκεν (Ephialtes) 25, 103; ἐποίησε---μισθοφόρα

_ τὰ ὃ. Περικλῆς 27, τι f;. (μισθοφορεῖ)

τρεῖς ὀβολούς 62, 73 πάντα διοικεῖται (passive) ψηφίσμασιν καὶ δικαστηρίοις 41, 251 οἱ θεσμοθέται---τοῦ προγράψαι τὰ δικαστήριά εἰσι κύριοι κτὰ 50. 13 ἐπικληροῦσι τοῖς ἀρχαῖς οἱ θεσμοθέται τὰ 6. τὰ ἴδια καὶ τὰ δημόσια 59, 15; τὰ ὃ. κληροῦσιν οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες κατὰ φυλάς 63, τ; τὰ γράμματα δεῖ προσπαρατί- θεσθαι τοῖς 5. 63, 22; ὅσαπερ ἂν μέλλῃ τὰ ὃ. πληρωθήσεσθαι 63, τι; 64, 243 ἐπειδὰν πάντα πληρη τὰ ὃ. 66, τ; [τὰ πολλ]ὰ τῶν 6. ἐστὶ 68, τ; B δικαστή- ρια 68, 3; τρία δ. 68, 4: ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν ὃ. 65, 16; ἀποδιδόναι τοῖς 6. (τὰ πινάκια) 65, 173 ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν ὃ. 66, 2; εἴσοδοι eis τὰ δ. 63, 3; ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν τῆς εἰσόδου 64, ι f; τοῖς ὃ. χρῶμα ἐπιγέγραπται ἑκάστῳ ᾿ἐπὶ τῷ σφηκίσκῳ τῆς εἰσόδου 65, 6 ἴ; τὰ χρώ- ματα τῶν 6. 66, 3. (δικαστήρια) ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ 57, 15, 24; ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ 57, 18; ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ 57, 21; ἐν Φρεά- του 57, 22; ἐπὶ IIpuraveiw 57, 30 ἢ.

δικαστής δικασταὶ---ἑξακισχίλιοι 24, 12.

ἔχει δ᾽ ἕκαστος δικαστὴς τὸ πινάκιον πύξινον 63, 18; παραδιδόασιν ἑκάστῳ τῶν δ. δύο ψήφους 68, 7 ; ψηφίζονται οἱ 6. 68, 16; διαψηφίζεσθαι μέλλωσιν οἱ ὃ. 68, 19; καταγιγνώσκουσιν 54, 73 νενέμηνται κατὰ φυλὰς οἱ δ. 63, 20; νενεμημένοι---οἱ ὃ. 66, τι; ἐμβάλωσιν οἱ ὃ. τὰ πινάκια 64, 3:1 οἱ δικασταί 67, 18; ὅσοιπερ οἱ δ. 63, 7; ὅσους ἂν δέῃ λαχεῖν ὃ. 64, 13; τῶν λαχόντων ὃ. 63, 6; κατεσκεύασε μισθοφορὰν τοῖς δ. (Pericles) 27. 22. τι ἂν γνῶσιν οἱ δ. 48, 27 3—ol ὃ. ψηφίσωνται 45, 11; ἂν καταγνῶσιν οἱ δ. 54, 9. προστιμῶσιν αὐτῷ οἱ 6. 63, 14. «τὸ κῦρος ἦν ἐν τοῖς δ. κατέλυσαν 35, 12; ἐπὶ τοῖς δ. 55, 26; τοὺς 5. κληροῦσι πάντες οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, δέκατος δ᾽ γραμματεὺς τῶν θεσμοθετῶν 50, 18. τοὺς κατὰ δήμους δικαστὰς τό, 13; cf. 26, 20; 48, 24; 53,3

dixn* Solon in c. 12, ἐν δίκῃ χρόνου 1. 30;

βίαν re καὶ δίκην 1. 43; εὐθεῖαν δίκην 1. - 46 '

_ δίκην οὔτε διδόασιν οὔτε λαγχάνουσιν 43, 341) ἐξ ἑκάστων τῶν δικῶν τῶν ἐκ

τοῦ νόμου 67, 3; εἰσάγει δίκας (ὁ ἄρ- χωνὴ 56, 29; (τοῖς μετοίκοις πολέ- μαρχοςὺ) 58, 8; δίκας κρίνειν 3, 323 δίκας λαγχάνουσιν 53, 2; δίκαι λαγχά- νονται πρὸς αὐτὸν (archon) 56, 293 (polemarch) 58, 4; τὸ ὕδωρ πρὸς δεῖ λέγειν τὰς δίκας 67, 6; ἔχει τέλος δίκη 53,9 δίκαι" αἰκείας 52,15; ἀνδραπόδων 52, ι6; ἀποστασίου, ἀπροστασίου, 58, 93 εἰς δατητῶν αἵρεσιν 56, 36; els ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν 56, 38; εἰς ἐπιτροπῆς διαδι- κασίαν 56, 58; εἰς ἐπιτροπῆς κατάστασιν 56, 37; δούλων ἄν τις τὸν ἐλεύθερον κακῶς λέγῃ 59, 143 ἔμμηνοι 52, 11---20 ; ἐμπορικαί 59, 14; ἐπίτροπον αὑτὸν ἐγγράψαι 56, 39; ἐρανικαί 52, 15; ζῴων 57, 31; ἴδιαι 58, 53 59, 133 κλήρων Kal ἐπικλήρων 43, 21; 56, 393 58, 9; Kowwvixal 52, 153 μεταλλικαί 59, 143 παρανοίας 56, 353; προικός 52, _ 12; ἀπὸ τῶν συμβόλων 59, 17; τραπε- ζιτικαί 52, τό; τριηραρχίας 52, 16; ὑποζυγίων 52, τό; (ψευδομαρτυρίων) cf. 68, 20f; τὰ ψευδομαρτύρια τὰ ἐξ "Apelov πάγον 59, 17. For δίκαι ἀδικίου, κακώσεως, κλοπῆς (δημοσίων χρημάτων), πυρκαϊᾶς, τραύματος, φόνου, 566 γραφαί : δίμηνον ἦρξεν 33, 2 dd. kal 3, 17, 21, 383; .5, 20; 8, 16; 465.09; θυ 345. E7943. 80, 354) 23, 15, 20; 27, 203; 47, 283 διὸ καὶ viv 7, 28 διοικεῖν, μηδὲν τῶν πατρίων τὸν ἄρχοντα, 3, 163; mwdvra 16, 313 44, 123 τὴν xohiraen 27, 11. διοικεῖ---ἀγῶνα 56, 27; Tas πατρίους θυσίας 57, 9. διοι- κοῦσι, πεντετηρίδας 54, 28; πομπήν 60, 4. διῴκει τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὰ μέγιστα 3,5 258; Τὰ κοινὰ 14, 173 τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν τό, 2; τὴν πόλιν 23, 3. τὰ ἄλλα πάντα διῴκουν 26,42. διῴκησαν, τειχῶν ἀνοικοδόμησιν 23, 17. πάντα διοικεῖται ψηφίσμασι καὶ δικαστηρίοις 41, 25; τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς διοικούμενα 50, 1; περὶ τῶν διῳκημένων 25, 7 διοίκησις, ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν 24, 21; ἐγκύκλιον διοίκησιν 43, I διομνύουσιν 67, 3 Διονύσια 56, 11, 12, 28; A. τῶν μεγάλων 56, 22; τῶν ἐπὶ Anvalw 57, 4; in Sa- lamis and Peiraeus 54, 35 Διόνυσος 3, 2 διπλάσιον---καταβάλλειν 48, 5 διπλοῦται 54, 12 des dis τὸν αὐτὸν μὴ ἄρχειν 4,15; οὐκ ἔστιν (ἐπιστάτην) δὶς τὸν αὐτὸν γενέσθαι 44, 33 (ἔξεστι) βουλεῦσαι δίς 62, 19 * δισμύριοι 24, 12 * δισχίλιοι 24,183 ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου 24, 20; δισχιλίους 26, 10 Δίφιλος 7, 20, 22

284

δίχα 61, 27

*dixous 67, 9 dis

διωβελία 28, 20 (διωβολία Pol. 1267 ὁ. 2)

*§.wBorov 41, 34

διώκειν, ‘prosecute’, 56, 313 Tod διώκον- τος, ‘the plaintiff’, 53, 11; 69, 8; τοῖς διώκουσιν 67, 21. διώκειν τὴν μέσην πολιτείαν 13, 18; τὴν πάτριον πολι- τείαν 35, 9

δόγμα" οὐδενὶ δόγματι λαβοῦσα τὴν ἡἣγε- μονίαν 23, 4

δοκιμάζει (7 βουλὴ) τοὺς ἐγγραφέντας 42, 12; -- βουλευτάς 45, 17; ---θ' ἄρχοντας 45, 173 ---:ππους, προδρόμους, ἁμίππους, 49, 1, 5, 7; --ἀδυνάτους 49, 25, 27. δο- κιμάζωσιν (τοὺς ἄρχοντα) 55, 133 pass. δοκιμάζονται (οἱ apxovres) 55, 6; (oi πάρεδροι) 56, 3. πάντες---δοκιμασθέντες ἄρχουσιν 58, δοκιμασθέντες (οἱ ἄρχοντες) 55, 273 (οἱ ἀθλοθέται) 60, 2; δοκιμασθῶσιν οἱ ἔφηβοι 42, 14

δοκιμασία" (τὸ δικαστήριον) κύριόν ἐστι τῆς δοκιμασίας 55, 12; pass. δοκιμασίας ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἁπάσαις, εἰσάγουσιν (οἱ θεσμοθέται) 59, 11

δοκῶ (1) ‘seem’; c. Ζ77, praes. εἶναι 6, 135 Q)) 29 1. OT λυ 1598, 543 28; 5327, 20; 38, 193 49, 5; 52, 73; ἀδικεῖν 46, 9; 48, 2; καλῶς ἄρχειν 43,17; 61, 11. Also τὸν 13 13, 185-28, 353 325 Il} 34, 223 41, 283. 49, 213 ellipse of inf. εἴ τις δοκοίη μείζων 22, 27. Sut. ἐδόκουν ---εὑρήσειν 12, 18 (Solon); ἂν δοκῇ αὐτοῖς ἄριστα ἕξειν 30, τῷ ; c. emf. aor. 28, 16; 33, 123 40, 7, 173 41, 33 42, 53 c. wf. perf. γεγονέναι 28, 28; 42, 5 (ellipse of zzf κἂν μὴ δόξωσι 42, 6)

(2) ‘seem good’, ‘think fit’, 6 τι ἂν δοκῇ 48, 22; 63, 15; καθ᾽ τι ἂν--- δοκῇ 44, 17 f; ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς---ἄρχοντας ἑλέσθαι δέκα 13, 8; ὅτε--- δόξειεν----ἐκφέ- pew 36, 143 εἰ δοκεῖ ποιεῖν μή 43, 243 τὰ δόξαντα περὶ τῆς πολιτείας 35, 3

δολοφονηθείς 25, 24. δολοφονηθέντος Διο- μήδους, de Admir. 836 a 16; δολοφονία Eth. 1131 a7

δόξα " τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ δόξῃ 5, 12; διὰ τὰς πατρικὰς δόξας 26, 9

δόρυ 42, 31

δορυφόροι (of Hippias) 18, 22

δουλεύειν 2, τι; ἐδούλευον οἱ πένητες τοῖς πλουσίοις 2, 3; τῶν πολλῶν δουλευόν- των τοῖς ὀλίγοις 5, 2; τῶν δουλευόντων 12, 26. Γῆ---δουλεύουσα 12, 34 (Solon)

δουλίην ἀεικέα 12, 40 (Solon)

δούλων δίκαι 59, 143 φανερῶς δοῦλοι 40, το

Δρακοντίδης 34; 27

Δράκων 3, 13 4, 33 75 23 41, 11

*Opaxun* 30, 333 42, 253 62, 7, 12, 143 ἐπὶ δραχμῇ δανεισάμενος 52, 13; μέχρι

᾿ δέκα δραχμῶν 52, 10; 53, 5; ἡἣ μνᾶ πρότερον ἔχουσα σταθμὸν ἑβδομήκοντα

GREEK INDEX

δραχμάς 10,6. Omitted ἐντὸς χιλίων--- ὑπὲρ χιλίας 53, 15 f. (συναλλάγματα) δραχμιαῖα καὶ πεντάδραχμα Pol. 1300

33

* Opvpaxros* Al. 50, If

δρῶ" τοῦτ᾽ ἔδρων καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων 35, 17; βουλόμενοί τι δρᾶσαι πρὸ τῆς συλ- λήψεως 18, 18; τῷ δράσαντι λαγχάνει 57, 30

δύναμιν, εἶχον 12, 6 (Solon); μεγίστην εἶχεν δ. 13, 11; τὴν ναυτικὴν δ. 27, 5; περιείλοντο τὴν δ. 25, 22; ἐπιλειπόμενος τῇ δυνάμει 19, 5; τῶν ἐν ταῖς δυνάμεσιν 22, 13 (cf. τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐξουσίαις Eth. 1095 21)

δύνασθαι, μὴ 9, 12; μὴ δ. τῷ σώματι ἱπ- πεύειν τῇ οὐσίᾳ 49, 16; ἐργάζεσθαι 49,27; particip. 7, 18; 49, 3; ἐδύνατο 18, 333 ἐδύναντο 18, 25; 19, 93 ὡς ἂν δύνωνται ἄριστα 30, 21 (decree); δύ- νωνται διαλῦσαι 53, 7 :

δυναστείαν, καταλύσῃ τὴν (of the Thirty) 36, 6

δυνατός, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἦν (4, 143 μὴ δυνατοὺς εἶναι τοῖς σώμασιν ἱππεύειν 49, 14; τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν καὶ τοῖς ᾿ χρήμασιν λῃτουργεῖν 29, 34 (decree)

δύο τὰ ἐναντιώτατα 36, το; ἔτη δύο (22, II; 42, 33), καὶ δύο μῆνας 13, 7; ἡμέρας 20, 14; παρέδρους 48, 16; 56, 2; ἱππάρχους 61, 19; τῶν θεσμοθετῶν 66, 5; κληρωτήρια 63, 4; 66, 2; δικα- στήρια 68, 8; ὑδρίαι 63, 6; ψήφους 68, 8, 18; ἀμφορεῖς 68, 14; ὀβολούς 49, 28; μέρη 51,17. Also 4, 193 13,95 20,143 37) 53 42, 223 43, 283 53, 43 57> 3᾽ 61, 6; gen. τῶν δυεῖν ἐτῶν 42, 37; δυεῖν δραχμαῖν 50, 7; δυοῖν χάριν 16, 7. dat, δυοῖν φυλαῖν 52, 12; 56, 13; πρὸς τοῖν δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν 28, 32. Cf. Kiihner, ed. Blass, i p. 633

δυσκολίας, Tas παρούσας 35, 15

δυσχεραίνοντες, τῇ πολιτείᾳ 13, 15 (οἱ ἐν

. τῇ πολιτείᾳ δυσχεράναντες Pol. 1306 41; ὑπομένουσι τὴν δεσποτικὴν ἀρχὴν οὐδὲν δυσχεραίνοντες 1285 a 22); ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐδυσχέραινον 2, 12

δώδεκα 8, 13; 21,9, II

δωδεκάτῳ, ἔτει 14, 203 22, 10

δωρεὰν οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτοῖς λαβεῖν 46, 6; δω- ρεῶν 3,13

δῶρον * δῶρα δούς 59, 9; λαβόντα 54. 8; μὴ λήψεσθαι 55, 31. δώρων γραφή 59, 9; δώρων τιμῶσιν 54, 9

* δωροξενίας γραφή 59, 8

ἐάν" c. cont. praes. 16, 42 (law); 17, 73 22, 34 etc.; δ. cont. aor. 7, 6; 29, 9 etc.; dv 42, 7; 45, 8 etc.; ἄν τε.. ἂν TE 48, 20; κἄν ef st, c. cont. praes. κἄν τις βούληται 48, 17 etc.; ¢. cont. aor. κἂν ἐξαπατηθῇ 28, 24 etc. elliptical in ἐὰν μὴ μανιῶν κτλ 35, 15 (law); and ἂν δὲ

a

sos WONG BART 5 te μος,

0 me a0 we. Ph

eye ἐδ -αὶ

GREEK INDEX

ἴσαι 69, 10. κἄν etiamst, C. Cont. praes. κἂν πάνυ πένης 41:4 ἑαυτοῦ " τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ γιγνόμενον 60, 153 ἑαυτῷ δοῦναι 14, 4; ---δίδους 16, 32; ἑαυτῷ ξένον 20, 6; ἑαυτόν, καταρρῥυπαί- νειν 6, 18; —, κατατραυματίσας 14, 3; —, οὐ κατέσχεν 18, 37; σῴζειν —, 23, 6; τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν 23, 153 δι᾿ ἑαυτῶν 37. 73 ἑαυτῶν, αὐτοκράτορες 39, 4: ἑαυτοῖς συμπολεμήσειν 20, 9; νοσοῦντες τὰ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς (-- ἀλλήλους) 13, 12 αὑτοῦ" δι᾿ αὑτοῦ 41, 4; ἐξ αὑτῆς 46, 7; παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ 56, 243 αὑτῷ δοῦναι 18, 35; διέφθειρεν αὑτόν 18, 38; ἁπάντων αὐτὸς αὑτὸν πεποίηκεν δῆμος κύριον 41, 25; κρίνασα καθ᾽ αὑτήν 8, το; δι᾽ αὑτῶν 19, 9; 33, 12; ἐξ αὑτῶν 42, 9; 48, 133; παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς 36, 13; βοηθεῖν αὑτοῖς 37, 17; ἄγειν εἰς αὑτοὺς τὴν πολιτείαν 27, 7. μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ (for μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ) 14, 28 possessive. τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ἑαυτοῦ 63, 19; τὰ ἑαυτοῦ 35, 14; τὰ ἑαυτῶν 10, 35; τοὔνομα τὸ [θ᾽ αὑτο]ῦ 48, 21; τὰ αὑτῶν 27, 22; 39, 4; τῶν φυλετῶν τῶν αὑτοῦ 42, 26; τοὺς τῆς αὑτοῦ φυλῆς 59, 20 ἑβδομήκοντα το, 6 ἕβδομος 15, 2; 41, 16 ἐγγίγνεται 54, 32 ἐγγραφὴ τῶν πολιτῶν.42, 38 ἐγγράφονται---εἰς τοὺς δημότας 42, 3, 41 ἐγγράφειν 42, 11; ἔγγράψαντας 42, 13; δικαίως ἐγγράφεσθαι 42, το; τοὺς éyypa- φέντας 42, 12; οἱ δ᾽ ἔφηβοι οἱ ἐγγραφό- μενοι --- εἰς λελευκωμένα γραμματεῖα ἐνεγράφοντο, --- ἐνεγράφησαν 53, 22 ἴ. ἐγγέγραπται ἐν ταῖς βαλάνοις 63, 9 (ἱππέας) ἔγγράφουσιν εἰς τὸν πίνακα 48, 18; (ἱππέων) τῶν πρότερον ἐγγε- γραμμένων 49,13. τῶν ἐγγεγραμμένων (εἰς τὸν τῶν τρισχιλίων κατάλογον) 36, 15 ἐπίτροπον αὑτὸν ἐγγράψαι 56, 39. κἄν τις ἐλλίπῃ καταβολήν, ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἐγ- γέγραπται 48, 5; (cf. πράξεις τῶν προτιθεμένων κατὰ τὰς ἐγγραφάς Pol. 1322 @) ἐγγυηταί 4, 12 ἐγκαλῇ;, τι ἂν 48, 22; οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἐνε- κάλεσεν αὐτοῖς 38, 30 ἐγκατεγήρασε τῇ ἀρχῇ 17,1 ἐγκρατέστερον ἔσχον, τὴν πόλιν 35, 22 (cf. ἐγκρατῶς ἔσχον τὴν ἀρχήν Fol. 1284 α 40) ἐγκύκλιοι (ἀρχαὶ 26, 18; τὰς ἀρχὰς τὰς περὶ τὴν ἐγκύκλιον διοίκησιν 43, I ἔγχει 22, 23 (scolium): τὸ ὕδωρ ἐγχέουσι 67, 6

7: * ἐγχειρίδια 18, 27 Solon 12, 28, 32, 47, 65; moe 12, 20, 233 me 12, 19, 61 ἕδρα βουλῆς ἐκκλησίας 4, 173

τὰς ἕδρας - τῆς βουλῆς 30, 24 (decree)

285

éepdov 12, 23 (Solon)

ἐθέλω" post. cons. πρὸς ods ἂν ἐθέλωσιν (συντίθεσθαι) 29, 37 (decree); ὃν ἂν ἐθέλῃ (ἐπεισκαλεῖν) 30, 23 (decree); ἂν ἐθέλῃ (δοῦναι) 35, 14 (law); τοὺς ἐθέλοντας 30, 28; 39, 25 (decrees). post. voc. οἱ ἐθέλοι τες 20, 24 (decree). trans. εἰ yap ἤθελον τοῖς ἐναντίοισιν ἥνδανεν τότε 12, 40 (Solon)

θέλω post. voc. ἐὰν (δέ) τι θέλωσιν

βουλεύσασθαι 30, 22 (decree); τοῖς μὴ θέλουσι μένειν 49, 3; ἐάν τις μὴ θέλῃ κοινὰ τὰ ὄντα νέμεσθαι 56, 37

ἔθνος " pl. (ἡ φυλὴ) διήρηται εἰς τρία μέρη, τριττῦς καὶ ἔθνη καὶ φατρίας frag. 3 ad fin.

el c. ind. praes. εἰ χρή 12, 57 (Solon) and 20, 24 (scol.); c. zwd. imperf. εἰ ἤθελον 12, 49 (Solon) ; εἰ μή τι παρεωρᾶτο 26, 18; c. ind. fut. εἰ μὴ---ἀφήσουσιν 32, 16; aor. ἔτυχεν 12, 62; ἔκτεινεν 39, 19; ¢. opt. tterativo, ἀποδιδοῖεν 2, 75 ἐκλείποι 4, 17; δοκοίη 22, 26; ἐξορύξειεν --ρκατάξειεν 60, το f; καταγνοίη 60, 12. εἰ δὲ μή, elliptical, 22, 351 49, 18; 52, 53 54, 11. tudirect interrog., δοκεῖ 43, 243 Soxodow 42, 5; 43, 173 61, 113 also (with other verbs) 40, 133 42, 73 48, 11; 55, 15, 17, 18

εἶδον 12, 59 (Solon) ; ἰδὼν ---τινὰ σκάπτοντα 16, 18; ἰδόντες τινὰ ἐντυγχάνοντα 18, 16

elxés 6, 133 0; 12

εἴκοσι 17, 43 24, 193 29, 113 30, 103 39, 153 51,93 63, 4

εἰκών, Διφίλου 7, 20

εἰμί" ἔστιν, ‘is’ or ‘exists’, ἔστι---ἐπιστά- τῆς els 44, 1; εἰσὶ---φόνου δίκαι 57, 143 εἰσίν---ἔστι 54, 293 μὲν νόμος ἔστιν δὲ κρίσις καταλέλυται 60, 13; τὴν νῦν οὖσαν πολιτείαν 41,3. copula, passim, 0.2. ἦν πολιτεία---ὀλιγαρχική 2,2; ἦν 2, 6, το; ἦσαν 2, 9; Κλεομένην, ὄντα ἑαυτῷ ξένον 20, 6. with participle or verbal subst., ¢.g. ᾿Αριστείδης ἦν προ- τρέψας“. . .τοὺς φόρους οὗτος ἦν τάξας 23, 19, 21: ; μὴ πρόφασις τοῦ ἀπιέναι 42, 351 ‘is permitted’, ἔφεσις τούτοις ἐστὶν 45, 15 (cf. 45, 193 53, 34). ἔστιν εἰσαγγέλλειν 53, 323 οὐκ ἔστιν 46, 2, 6; 60, 173 68, 13, 20f; ‘continues’, ἕως ἂν πόλεμος 29, 31, 38 (decree) ;

‘is held’, ὅταν τὰ Παναθήναια. ει

dat. possessionis, οἷς ἂν ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος 53, 14; ἔστιν αὐτῷ 55, 16; ἐστὶ τῇ πόλει 60, τ5; ἐστι--δῦλα-- ταῖς νικῶσιν 60, 20; ¢. gen. subiecti, τῆς πόλεως εἶναι τὴν δαπάνην 22, 34; ¢. gen. partit. ἦν---τῶν πρώτων--τῶν μέσων 5, 123 τῶν ἐπιφανῶν---ἦσαν 18, 24 f; τοῦ γέ- vous ὧν τῶν ᾿Αλκμεωνιδῶν 20, 3; 28, 8; ἣν τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν 25, 11 f; τούτων εἶναι 30, 5; ὧν ἦν ᾿Αρχῖνος κτλ 34, 23

286 GREEK INDEX

C. pracp. ἅπασι---ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν 7H διοίκησις ἣν 25, 213 γῆ Ov ὀλίγων ἦν 2, 63 4, 24; τῶν γνωρίμων οἱ ἐν ταῖς ἑταιρείαις ὄντες 34, 19 ἴ; τὸ κῦρος ἦν ἐν τοῖς δικασταῖς 35, 12; ἐξ ἱππέων κτὰ ἦσαν “6, 17; ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων εἶναι 15, 25;

. ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἦσαν 2, 8; 4,23; μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων εἰσὶν 42, 371 περὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἰσίν 43, 28 ἴ; πρὸς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὄντες 16, 9; εἰσὶ γραφαὶ πρὸς αὐτούς 69, 9

τὸ νῦν εἶναι 31, 9 (decree). κοινὰ τὰ ὄντα νέμεσθαι 56, 37

εἶμι" τὸν μὴ ἰόντα εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον 30, 21 (decree); μήτε---εἰς τὸ ἄστυ —, μήτε--- Ἐλευσῖν ἀδε ἰέναι 30, 7

εἰπεῖν 2, 121 14, 9; ὡς εἰπεῖν 2, 12; ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν 49, 31; 57, 8. ἂν --- εἴποι 7, 30; εἰπών 10, 5; 11, 1; Περικλέους εἰπόντος 26, 22; εἰπόντος τὸν πρὸ τοῦ ψηφίσματος λόγον Μηλοβίου 29, 6; τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ Πυθόδωρος εἶπεν 29, 16; εἶπα 12,22 (Solon). Cf. εἴρηται

εἴργεσθαι τῶν νομίμων 57, 13; εἴργεται τῶν ἱερῶν 57, 28

εἰρήνην ἄγειν 34, 9; παρεσκεύαζεν εἰρ. τό, 26; ἐπὶ πέρας ἤγαγε τὴν εἰρήνην 38, 25; ἐκώλυσε γενέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην 34, 103 τῆς elp. γενομένης αὐτοῖς 34, τῇ ; μετὰ τὴν εἰρ. 34. 20

εἴρηται. καθάπερ εἴρηται 4, 24; ὥσπερ εἴρηται τό, 3: ὅνπερ εἴρηται τρόπον 11, 1; ὃν τρόπον καθίσταντο εἴρηται 55, 33 τῆς ἡλικίας τῆς εἰρημένης 30, 15 (decree) ; τῶν εἰρημένων 16, 30; 55, 2; τοῖς εἰρημένοις 43, 23; εἰρημένοι ὦσιν οἱ λόγοι 68, 7. Cf. εἰπεῖν, and ἐρεῖν

εἰς (1) of place, es Αὔγυπτον τι; 5; Λακεδαίμονα 37, 17; 38, 7; Δῆλον 54, 29; 62, 14; Σαλαμῖνα 54, 34; 62, τι; Tas ναῦς 23, 7; τὸ ἐμπόριον 51, τό; Πει- ραιέα, ἄστυ 51, 1 f, 5 ἴ, 8 [ τὸ ἄστυ 16, 153 51, 18; πόλιν (Ξ-ΞΞ ἀκρόπολιν) 8, 24; τὴν ὁδόν 50, 12f; τὴν χώραν 16, 14; τοὺς -τόπους 15,73; τὴν ἀγοράν 38, 43 57, 28; ΓΑρειον πάγον τό, 33; τὸ Θεσμο- θετεῖον 3, 313; τὸ ἱερόν 57, 29; τὰ --- οἰκήματα 15, 21; τὸ δικαστήριον 45, 10, 13, 16, 19; 55, 11; 56, 30; 63, 37; 65, 43 γραμματεῖα 47, 17, 19; ἐχίνους 53, 10, 18; τὸ κιβώτιον 64, 4; τὴν κανονίδα 64, 8; (κλεψύδραι) εἰς as τὸ ὕδωρ ἐγχέουσι 67, 6; (ἀμφορεῖς) εἰς ods ψηφίζονται 68, τό

εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν 55, 34; 56, 7; τὴν βουλήν 37, 5; τὸν δῆμον 41, 273 45,5 21; τοὺς διαιτητάς 53, 33; τὸ συμ- μαχικόν 39, 8 (decree); αὑτούς 27, 7; τοὺς ἄρχοντας 8, 2; παῖδας 42, 6; τέτταρα τέλη 7, 8; THY φυλὴν ἑκάστην 21, 15; τὸν ἀριθμόν 64, 16

‘on’, ἧἦδον εἰς τοῦτον 20, 21; εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐρεῖν 67, 4; ‘for’, εἰς τὰ ἴδια τό, 373 εἰς δατητῶν αἵρεσιν 56,

36; εἰς τὸν πόλεμον 23, το; 29, 303 39, 25; εἰς τὸ δέον 30, 30 (decree); εἰς τροφήν 42, 24; εἰς Διονύσια 56, 11 f; els Θαργήλια 56, 12 f; els Παναθήναια 49: 23

of measure or limit’, εἰς ἑπτακοσίους ἄνδρας 24, τό f

(2) oftime, εἰς ἐνιαυτόν 30, 19; τρία ἔτη 47, 12; (δέκα) ἔτη 47,133 ἔτη δέκα 47, 28; ἑκατὸν ἔτη 7, 7; ἐκ ἸΙανα- θηναίων εἰς Παναθήναια 43, 4; εἰς τὰς ἐσχάτας ἡμέρας 40, 3; τὸ μέλλον 6, 2; and (in decrees) τὸν λοιπὸν xp. 30, 15; Tov μέλλοντα Xp. 31, 1; τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον 31, 18

68, τι; εἷς ἐνέβαλλε τὴν ψῆφον 55, 24; μὲν εἷς --- δ᾽ ἕτερος 37, 6 ἴ; τὸ ἕν --- τὸ ἕτερον 66, 5 f; γράμμα ἕν 63, 19; πινάκιον ἕν 64, 7; 66, 133 ἕν (κιβώτιον) 65, 14; ἑνὸς δεῖν 19, 39; 27, 27; ἑνὸς δέοντα 17, 4; (εἴσοδος) μία 63, 33 (στά- gets) μία μὲν--- ἄλλη δὲ---τρίτη δέ 13, 17 (cf. (wevrernpides) 54, 20 f); μιᾷ χειρο- τονίᾳ 34, 53 μίαν (δραχμήν) 4, 19

δ εἰσαγγελία: Σόλωνος θέντος νόμον εἰσ-

αγγελίας 8, 26; pl. 29, 23; 43, 195 τὰς εἰσαγγελίας εἰσαγγέλλουσιν εἰς τὸν δῆμον 59, 4

εἰσαγγέλλειν, πρὸς τὴν τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν

βουλήν 4, 22; εἰς τοὺς διαιτητάς 53, 323 (οἱ θεσμοθέται) τὰς εἰσαγγελίας εἰσαγ- γέλλουσιν εἰς τὸν δῆμον 50, 4; ἔξεστι καὶ τοῖς ἰδιώταις εἰσαγγέλλειν ἣν ἂν βού- λωνται τῶν ἀρχῶν μὴ χρῆσθαι τοῖς νόμοις 45, 14 (not found in Ar. in technical sense)

εἰσάγω" ἐὰν εἰσάγῃ els δικαστήριον 20,

26 (decree); τὰς καταγνώσεις καὶ τὰς ἐπιζημιώσεις εἰσάγειν τοὺς θεσμοθέτας 45, 10 (law); οἱ θεσμοθέται --- εἰσά- γουσιν ταύτην τὴν εὔθυναν εἰς τὸ δικαστή- ριον 48, 26; τὰς καταχειροτονίας καὶ τὰς προβολὰς ἁπάσας εἰσάγουσιν (οἱ θεσμο- θέται) ---- εἰσάγουσι δὲ καὶ τὰς δοκιμασίας, εἰσάγουσι δὲ καὶ δίκας ἰδίας, --- καὶ τὰς δίκας τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν συμβόλων εἰσά- γουσι ΚΤᾺ 50; 5711, 13, 173 (τοὺς ἕνδεκα) τοὺς --- κλέπτας KT εἰσάξοντας εἰς τὸ ὃ., --- καὶ τὰ ἀπογραφόμενα χωρία καὶ οἰκίας εἰσάξοντας, --- καὶ τὰς ἐνδείξεις εἰσάξοντας 52, 2, 3, 6; τοῖς δικασταῖς τοῖς τὴν φυλὴν ταύτην εἰσάγουσιν 48, 251 (οἱ τὴν φυλὴν τοῦ φεύγοντος δικά- fovres) εἰσάγουσιν εἰς τὸ δ. 53, 15; (οἱ λογισταὶ) τὰς εὐθύνας εἰς τὸ ὃ. εἰσάγοντες

εἷς" passim. οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἷς 7, 29; εἷς ἕκαστος

54, 6; (οἱ eloaywyeis) τὰς ἐμμήνους

εἰσάγουσι δίκας, --- ἐμμήνους εἰσάγοντες 52, 11 f, 173 (οἱ ἀποδέκται) εἰς τὸ ὃ. εἰσάγοντες Eupnva 52, 19; (ὁ ἄρχων γραφὰς καὶ δίκας) εἰς τὸ ὃ. εἰσάγει, ---- κύριός ἐστι (τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας) εἰσάγειν

εἰς τὸ δ. 56, 30, 42; (τοῖς χορηγοῖς) τὰς

ek Ae

ἀπ VOLE AIT eae BP ΟΝ Καὶ

GREEK INDEX

σκήψεις εἰσάγει 56, 15; (φόνου δίκας

τινὰς) εἰσάγει βασιλεύς 57, 253 (ὁ

πολέμαρχος) εἰσάγει δίκας---τοῖς μετοί-

κοις 58, 8; (ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τὰς

συμμορίας) τὰς διαδικασίας (τοῖς τριη-

pdpxos) εἰσάγει 61, 9; ὅταν δέῃ τὰς

μεγίστας (Ὁ) γραφὰς εἰς εἰσαγαγεῖν 68,

2; Pass. ἐὰν---τις δικάζῃ οἷς μὴ ἔξεστιν,

ἐνδείκνυται καὶ εἰς ὃ. εἰσάγεται 63,

14

εἰσαγωγεῖς" εἰσαγωγέας πέντε οἱ Tas ἐμ- μήνους εἰσάγουσι δίκας 52, 11

εἴσειμι" οἱ τετρακόσιοι εἰσήεσαν 32, 51 ἔδει τὴν---βουλὴν εἰσιέναι 32, 6; ἵν᾽ εἰς οἷον ἂν λάχῃ (δικαστήριον) εἰσίῃ 64, 21; τὸν εἰσιόντα ἐνιαυτόν 31, 13 (decree). v. εἰσέρχομαι

εἰσελαύνω" ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος εἰσήλαυνε 14, 29

εἰσέρχομαι" εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον 32, 13; εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον 65, 4; εἰσίῃ (εἰς δικαστήριον) 64, 21; εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν 57,29. 17774{. εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰσέρχονται 55, 353; εἰσελ- θεῖν εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν 56, 6; Abs. εὐθὺς εἰσελθών 56, 5. Ὁ. εἴσειμι

εἰσηγήσατο, ὥσπερ ᾿Αριστείδης 24, τὸ

* εἰσηγητής, τῶν πολλῶν 27, 20

εἰσκαλοῦσι τοὺς ἀγῶνας 67,1 A

εἴσοδος" εἴσοδοι εἰς τὰ ‘sae δέκα, μία τῇ φυλῇ ἑκάστῃ 63, 3; κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον ἑκάστην 63, 7; ἔμπροσθεν τῆς εἰσόδου 64, 2; ἐπὶ τῷ σφηκίσκῳ τῆς εἰσόδου 65, 7

*elompdtTw* τοὺς ναυκράρους εἰσπράττειν 8, 17 (law of Solon) ; ταῦτα εἰσπράττειν βουλὴ---κυρία 48, 6; τοὺς ἐπιτρόπους εἰσπράττει 56, 46; εἰσπράττει τοὺς τὰ χωρία κεκτημένους---τρί᾽ ἡμικοτύλια 60, 8

εἰσφέρει---τὰς μισθώσεις 47, 26. τὸν με- ρισμὸν εἰσφέρουσι γράψαντες ἐν σανίδι 48, 9; τὸν κατάλογον εἰς τὴν βουλήν 49, 11. νόμους εἰσήνεγκαν εἰς τὴν βουλήν 37, 5. εἰσφέρεται---εἰς τὴν βουλὴν τὰ γραμματεῖα 47, 30

εἰσφορά" pl. 8, 15

wira? ir’: 8, 43.13, 7.3 22,.34; 28) 12, 18. εἶθ᾽ 24, 53 39, 25; 62, 8; πρῶτον μὲν---μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα----εἶτα---ἔπειτα 55, 173 πρῶτον μὲν---ἔπειτα---εἶθ᾽.--ἔπειτα --ἔπειτα 62, 6—I1

εἴωθεν 28, 24; εἰώθασιν 40, 4; TH εἰω- θυίᾳ---πρᾳότητι 22, 19

ἐκ (before vowels ἐξ)" (1) place, (a) ‘from’, passim, e.g. τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως Kal τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ Πειραιέως 40, 22; ἐξ Αργους 17, 12; ᾿Αρείου πάγου 35, 11; ἐκ Δεκελείας 34, ὃ; Λακεδαίμονος 58, 275 τῆς Εὐβοίας 33" 6; Δήλου 62, 153 τῶν ἀγρῶν 24, 33 τῆς αὐλαίας 7, 16; τοῦ κτήματος 60, 14; τοῦ---ἀργυρίου 8, 18 (decree) ; ἐκ τούτων καλοῦντες (of calling names on tickets)

287

65, 18. (4) ‘out of’, ἐκ τούτων 8, 4; 44, 9; τῶν τάφων 1, 2; τῶν ὑπὲρ τετταράκοντα ἔτη γεγονότων 29, 11; τῶν ὅπλα παρεχομένων 4, 73 τῶν προκρίτων 8, τ; τῶν ἔργων 16, 16; τοῦ χωρίου 19, 53 ἐξ ἑκάστου τοῦ κιβωτίου 64, 6; ἑκάστης φυλῆς 55» 53 αὑτῶν 42, 93 πρῶτος ἦρξεν ἐξ αὐτῶν 26, τό; 33» 25 ἐξ ἁπάντων ᾿Αθηναίων 56, 8; ἐξ ἁπάντων τὸ ἄριστον 20, 15; ἐξ ἑκάστων τῶν δικῶν 67, 12; τοὺς λαχόντας ἐκ τῆς πολιτείας 4, 143 ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς 30, 26; be- longing to’, τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ἡλικίας 30, 23 (decree) ; ἐκ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ἸΠαιανιέων 14, 26. (ὦ) origin, ἐκ γἀμετῆς γυναικός 4, 93 17, το; τῆς ᾿Αργείας ἐν 415 ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ἀστοῖν “γεγονώς 26, 23; τὰς καταγνώσεις τὰς ἐκ THs βουλῆς 59, 133 ἐκ τεττάρων φυλῶν δώδεκα τριττύες 21, 11. (d) cause, *éx τῶν ἄλλων" ὁμολο- γεῖται 5, 133 τὴν ναυτικὴν δύναμιν ἐξ ns θαρρήσαντας 27, 51 ναυμαχίαν ἐξ ἧς συνέβη 34, 15; δῆλον ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων 53, 20; ἐκ προνοίας 57, 15; (6) ‘ac- cording to’, ἐκ τῶν τιμημάτων 8, 51 ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων 33, 8, 143 ἐκ τῶν νῦν γιγνο- μένων, ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης πολιτείας, θεωρεῖν 9, 133 τὴν ἡλικίαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου 42, 6

(2) time, ἐξ ἀρχῆς (Ξ: ἐν ἀρχῇ) 16, 13 28, 53 41, 73 55, 3; ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς, denuo, 4; 16 (Pol. 1293 @ 2, initio) ; ἐξ οὗ 60, 12; ἐκ Παναθηναίων eis II. 43, 4

ἕκαστος" Subst. sing. κἀδόκουν Sates

αὐτῶν 12,18 (Solon); εἰς ἕκαστον 12, 46 (Solon); εἷς ἕκαστος 68, 113 ἃς ἂν ἕκαστος λάχῃ 53, 293 οἱ εἰσάγουσι δυοῖν φυλαῖν ἕκαστος 52, 123 ἑκάστη 21, 151 ἕκαστον τὰ γεγραμμένα ποιεῖν τι, 6; σῴζειν ἕκαστον ἑαυτόν 23, 6; φέρειν τρεῖς ὀβολοὺς ἕκαστον 29, 33; ἑκάστου ναυ- πηγουμένου --- μίαν 22, 37; δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ ὀκτὼ διέδωκε 23, 7; δύο ὀβολοὺς ἑκάστῳ 40, 28 (law); τοῖς πλουσιωτάτοις ᾿Αθηναίων ἕκαστον ἑκάστῳ τάλαντον 22, 23. with partitive gen. ἑκάστη τῶν φυλῶν 8, 2; τῶν φυλῶν ἑκάστη 43, 73 ἑκάστῳ τῶν εὐθύνων 48, τό ; ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ τῶν ἀρχῶν 8, το; ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν δήμων 21, 16; τῶν κληρωτηρίων 64, τι; --- τῶν δικαστηρίων 65, 16. Subst. pl. ἑκάστοις ἀνάλογον 7, 13; εἶχον ἕκαστοι τὰς ἐπωνυμίας 13, 25; ἕκαστοι 67, 18; 69, 153 ἑκάστους 21, 24

Used as predicate, (a) prefixed to subst. with article, ἑκάστην τὴν ἡμέραν 27, 16; corr. 30, 27; 3 ἑκάστην τὴν φυλήν 64, 2; ἑκάστης τῆς φυλῆς 66, 143 ἑκάστῃ TH φυλῇ 58, 73 ἑκάστῃ τὴν φυλήν 64, 2; ἑκάστων τῶν δικῶν 67, 2; (ὁ) affixed to subst. with article, σωφρονιστὴς ἕκαστος 42, 27; THs φυλῆς ἑκάστης 8, 123 29, 373 42, 18; 44, 8;

288

48, 15) 173 53, 23 56, 253 60, 3; 61, 17; 65, 143 τῇ φυλῃ ἑκάστῃ 63, 3: 45 53 τὴν φυλὴν ἑκάστην 21, 153 τῆς ἧ- μέρας ἑκάστης 30, 33; 62, 15; τῆς πρυτανείας ἑκάστης 43,143 44. 151 τὴν mp. ἑκάστην 48, 14; 61, 11: τὴν εἴσοδον ἑκάστην 63, 7; τὸ δικαστήριον ἕκαστον 65, 153 τοῦ δ. ἑκάστου 64, 25; τῷ ὃ. ἑκά- oT 66, 123 τὴν καταβολὴν ἑκάστην 47, 20; τὴν λῆξιν ἑκάστην 30, 17; τοῦ στελέχους ἑκάστου 60, 9 (c) prefixed, without article, ἕκαστος δικαστής 63, 18; ἑκάστης φυλῆς 8, το; 41, 8; 22,85 31, 33 55, 5 (d) affixed, without article, φυλῆς

ἑκάστης 43, 6; στοιχεῖον ἕκαστον 64, 24; πρυτανείαν ἑκάστην 47, 18

ἑκάτερος" ἑκατέρου βίον 17, 8; τιμητὰς ἑλέσθαι τρεῖς ἑκάτερον 30, τι ἔ; διελό- μενοι τὰς φυλὰς πέντε ἑκάτερος 61, 20; thunols ἐστιν πρὸς ἡμίχουν ὕδατος ἑκατέρῳ 69, 13; ἑκατέρα τῶν φυλῶν 56, 14; pl. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑκάτεροι τυγχάνουσιν ἔχοντες 32, 153 ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι 34, 8; πρὸς ἑκατέρους ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρων μάχεται 5, το; ἑκατέρων 43, 25; 66, 53 ἑκατέρους 30, ΤΙ; 39, 83 40, 21

ἑκατέρωθι 54, 35

“ExarouBawv 62, 13

ἑκατὸν ἀρχηγετῶν 21, 25; ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς 8, 19 (cf. 21, 8); ἄνδρας, τοὺς ἀναγράψοντας τὴν πολιτείαν 30, 3, 17; 31, 21; 32,1. τοῖς πλουσιωτάτοις 22, 33. τριήρεις 22, 351. ἔτη 7,73 ἔτεσιν 32, 8. μνῶν 4, 9; μνᾶς 56, 26; τά- λαντα 22, 30; (δραχμαῖς) το, 6. κιβώτια

3:

ἐκβάλχω: ἐξέβαλον (Πεισίστρατον) 14, 19; πολλοὺς---ἐκβεβληκέναι το, 3; ἐκ τῶν τάφων ἐξεβλήθησαν 1, 2

ἐκβολή" τῶν τυράννων 20, 193 32, 9

ἐκδιαιτᾶν, διαίτας 53, 29

ἐκδικάζουσι 67, 5

ἐκδίκως 12, 36 (Solon)

ἐκεῖ 55, 343 pap. 19, 6

ἐκεῖθεν 15,

ἐκεῖνος, the person aforesaid, 9, 143 10, 43 15, 20; 22, 153 pl. 32, 16. Adj. xar’ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιρούς τό, 403 ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ 53, 31

ἐκεῖζσεν το, 6

* ἐκθύματα 54, 24.

*éxxnpdéat 61, 15

ἐκκλησία, under Dracon, 4, 18; under Solon, 7, 14- ἐκκλησίαι, esp. 43, τό f. é. κυρία 43, 173 62, 7. ἐλθὼν els τὴν ἐς. 34, TI. ἐ. ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ 42, 30. (ἀρχαιρεσίαι) ἐν τῇ ἐ. 44, 17. μισθο- φόρον ἐκκλησίαν--- ἀπέγνωσαν ποιεῖν, and οὐ συλλεγομένων εἰς τὴν ἐ. 41, 303 μισ- θοφοροῦσι---ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις 62, 6

ἐκκλησιάζειν... ἠκκλησίασεν (?) 15, 17

ἐκκομισάμενοι, τὰ ἑαυτῶν 12, 36

GREEK INDEX

ἐκλείποι τὴν σύνοδον, εἰ δέ τις τῶν βουλευ- TOV...4, τὸ

* ἐκμαρτυρῶν, παρέστηκεν ἵππος 7, 24

ἐκπέμπω" Κλεομένην ἐξέπεμψαν 19, 29; ὅταν ἡλικίαν ἐκπέμπωσι 53, 36; τοὺς. ἄλλους πρὸς τὰ παρόντα πράγματα ἐκ- πέμπουσιν 61, το

ἐκπίπτω (τῆς ἀρχῆς) ἐξέπεσε 15, 2; 10, 6; ὅτ᾽ ἐκπέσοι 16, 35: ἐκπεσόντα 17, 17. ὡς ἐξέπεσον (ἐκ τῆς πόλεωΞ) οἱ περὶ τὸν ᾿Ισαγόραν 28, 9

ἐκπολιορκῶ" ἐξεπολιορκήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν; τυράννων 19, 13

éxpouv ἔχοντας, ὀχετοὺς μετεώρους εἰς τὴν ΤῊ 50, 12 ; κλεψύδραι.. ἔχουσαι ἔκρους: 7.5

ἑκτήμοροι, πελάται καὶ 2, 5

ἐκτίνω" ἐὰν---ἐκτείσῃ Tis 54, 113 ἕως ἂν ἐκτείσῃ 63, 16; ἐκτίνεσθαι 8, 24 ([4τ.} Rhet. ad Alex. 1444 6 2)

ἐκτίσεις 8, 23

ἐκτός 22, 41 (ἐντός pap.)

ἕκτῳ ἔτει 14, 193 26, 143; ἕκτη (μεταβολήν 41, 15; τὴν ἕκτην (πρυτανείαν) 44, Ι

ἐκφανεῖν 12, 19 (Solon)

ἐκφέρειν, δόξειεν αὐτοῖς 36, 143 dvéypa- ψαν καὶ ἐξήνεγκαν τάδε 30, 4

ἑκών 27, IO

ἐλαίαν μορίαν 60, τι :

ἔλαιον 60, 7 ὁΐξ, 3, 14, 23

ἐλάττων v. ὀλίγος

ἐλαύνειν τὸ ἄγος 20, 7; τοὺς δράσαντας ws ἐναγεῖς ἤλαυνον Heracl. epit. § 4. ἠλά- gare 5, 17 (Solon)

ἐλεγείαν, ποιήσαντι THY 5, 6; cf. 5, 21

ἐλεύθερος 42, 7f; ἄν τις τὸν ἐλεύθερον κακῶς λέγῃ 59, 14. οὐσίαν---ἐλευθέραν 4, 6, 9; ἐλευθέρα 12, 34 (Solon); ἐλευ- θέρους ἔθηκα 12, 42 (2a.)

ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας 19, 22; τὸν δῆμον ἠλευθέρωσε 6, 2; ἐλευθερωθέντων διὰ τὴν σεισάχθειαν 12, 27

᾿Ελευσὶς 39, 3. ᾿Ελευσῖνι 30, 10, 173 ἐν---- 40, 26. ᾿Ελευσινόθεν, ᾿Ελευσῖνάδε 39, 6 f. ᾿Ἐλευσίνια, πεντετηρὶς 54, 31. ᾿Ελευσινίων 39, 13

ἕλκει---πινάκιον 64, 6; 66, 13; Bdadavor 64, I

ἀλέγω: κἄν τις ἐλλίπῃ καταβολὴν---δι-- πλάσιον ἀνάγκη τὸ ἐλλειφθὲν καταβάλ-. Dew 48, 5 f

Ἕλληνες 23, ΤΙ

* ἑλληνοταμίαι 30, 9, 13 (decree)

ἐλπίδ᾽ —agvéay 12, 17 (Solon)

ἐμβάλλει (a) (τὴν ψῆφον) 68, 26; ἐμβάλλγ; ψήφους 68, 18; εἷς ἐνέβαλλε τὴν ψῆφον 55, 24. (ὁ) ἐμβάλλει τὸ πινάκιον, 64, 19; τὰ πινάκια εἰς..«κιβώτιον 66, 155 εμβάλωσιν---τὰ πινάκια εἰς τὸ κιβώτιον: 64, 33 ἐμβάλλεται---τὰ πινάκια 63, 5. (c) βάλανοι εἰς τὴν ὑδρίαν ἐμβάλλοντα 63, 8. (d) ἐμβάλῃ τοὺς κύβους 64, τι:

i

τ ΨΚ a ῬΟΡΊΓΥΡΙ Ca Ta ea A I πὰ ΣΑΣ ΘΕΌΝ

nite

GREEK INDEX

τοὺς κύβους ἐμβάλλουσιν 66, 6; ἐμβάλ- λονται λευκοὶ (κύβοι) 64. 14, (e) ἐμ- βαλόντες τὰς μαρτυρία----εἰς ἐχίνους 53» το; μαρτυρίαις- εἰς τοὺς ἐχίνους ἐμ- βεβλημέναις 53, 18. Aid. εὔθυναν ---ἐμ- βαλέσθαι 48, 20. utr. εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν--- ἐμβαλεῖν 57, 28 Ἐἐμβιβάζω" ἐνεβίβασεν 43.9

ἐμμένειν, τοῖς ὅρκοις 40, 13; κἂν---ἐἐμμέ- νωσι (τοῖς γνωσθεῖσι) 53, 8

*Zupnvo. δίκαι 52, 11---2Ο; τὰς ἐμμήνους εἰσάγουσι δίκας 52, 11; εἰσάγοντες ἔμ- μῆνα 52, 20

ἐμπήγνυσι τὰ πινάκια 64, 73 ἐμπηγνύων 64, το

*éumyxTns 64, 7, τό; 65, 13

ἐμπορίαν, κατ᾽ 11, 4

ἐμπορικάς, δίκας 59, 14

ἐμπορίου ἐπιμελητά----τῶν ἐμπορίων ἐπι- μελεῖσθαι 51, 15, 16; τὸ σιτικὸν ἐμπό- ριον 51,.17

ἔμποροι 51, 17

ἔμπροσθεν 64, 1

ἐμφανῶν κατάστασιν, εἰς 56, 38

ἔμφρων 18, 3

ἐν ἐνὶ φρεσί 4, 15 (Solon) ; ἐν κυσὶν πολ- λαῖσιν 12, 54 (Solon); μεταιχμίῳ 12, 65 (Solon); μετρίοισι 5, 18 (Solon)

(1) of place, ἐν ’Eperpig 15,123 τῷ Ὑμήττῳ τό, 17; Μαραθῶνι 22, το; oe 57, 22; ἐν τῷ ἄστει 14, 30} 16,

δ: 19, 53 245 3; 27, 93 39, 18; ἀκρο- πόλει 7, 20; 18, 143 60, 18; τῇ πόλει 24, 153 ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ 8, 93 23, 33 57; 15, 243 ἀγορᾷ 51, 10; 52, 143 τῇ στοᾷ 7, 33 ἑκάστῳ τῶν δήμων 421. 16; ταῖς ὁδοῖς 50, 19; τῷ πελάγει 23, 24. ἔν TE τῇ βουλῇ καὶ πάλιν ἐν δικαστηρίῳ 55, το; ἐν μὲν TH βουλῇ---ἐν δὲ τῷ δικα- στηρίῳ 585. 22} ἐν τῇ βουλῇ 48, 10; 55, 6; ---τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ 48, 3, το; τῷ δήμῳ pe Ξξετῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ) 25, 223 δικαστηρίῳ 55» 7; τῷ 9. 47, 22; 48, 18; 55, 225 56, 3; 61, 12; τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ 44, 17 (cf. 43» 17, 27, 29); τῷ ἔμπροσθεν τῆς εἰσόδου 64, τ; ἐν (κιβωτίῳ) 65, 153 ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις 18, 241 ἔμεινεν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ 16, 35 (cf. 17, 3); ἐν τοῖς δικα- σταῖς (τὸ κῦρος ἦν) 35, 123 οἱ ἐν ταῖς ἑταιρείαις ὄντες 34; 19, 21; τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι 38, 143 ἐν τοῖς νόμοις το, 13 II, 15 26, 18 etc.; ἐν οἷς (ψημίσμασιν καὶ δικαστηρίοις) 41, 26; ἐξέτασιν (ἐν) ὅπλοις 31,1} ὡς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πλήθει τῆς ἀρετῆς ὡρισμένης 36, το; ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἐλεγείας τ, 213 τῇ ποιήσει 12, 25 τοῖς ποιήμασιν 5, 141 6, 19; τοῖς σκο- λιοῖς 19, 14; 20, 22. ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ (τόπῳ ὃ) 54, 31; τῷ μέσῳ 68, 5; τῷ μέρει 69, 14

(2) of mode, circumstances, etc., ἐν μέρει 43, 7; 56, 133 Tots ἄλλοις 6, 13; 16, 4, 25, 313 20, 21; 22, 11,195 375153

S. Ax

289

ἐν τούτοις ὦν 19, 6; adverbial use, ἐν κόσμῳ 28, 18; ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ 138, 3 (3) of time, ἐν 15, 20; ἐν ( within’) πέντε ἔτεσιν 47, 233 ἐν τούτοις τοῖς χρόνοις 3, 143 τοῖς τότε xp. 26, 8; τοῖς πρότερον xp. 28, 43 τοῖς ὕστερον καιροῖς 41,15 τῷ παρόντι 6,23 -- καιρῷ 31, 23 ἐν ἑκάστῃ TH ἡμέρᾳ 43, 15] ταύτῃ τῇ TM. 43» 193 47, 33; τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ 44, 14: ἐν πολέμῳ 57, 20; ἐν τῷ πολ. 17, 6; 58, 33 ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις 27, 10; ταῖς ταραχαῖς 22, 18; ev ὀλιγαρχίᾳ 38, , 29 πἐναγῶν, εἶναι τῶν 20, 83 τοὺς δράσαντας ὡς ἐναγεῖς ἤλαυνον Heracl. epit. § 4 *évaylopata 58, 4 ἐναντίον τι, ες. dat. 37, το; ἐναντιώτατα 36, το; τοῖς ἐναντίοισιν 12, 50 (Solon) ἐναντίον τῆς βουλῆς 47, 6, το, 143 48, 33 and (in decree) 30, 2 ἐναντιωθέντες 36, 43 ἀμφοτέροις ἠναντιώθη Τὰ ἔνατος" ἐνάτη φθίνοντος 32, 5; τῆς ἐνάτης πρυτανείας 47, 21, 25, 28 ἐνδείκνυται 63, 13; ἐνεδείχθη 63, 17 (not in Ar. in technical sense) *vdetw—xal ἀπαγωγήν 29, 26 (decree); pl. 52, 8, 9 ἕνδεκα, οἱ 7, 12; 29, 27; 39, 213 eSp. 52, I—I10. τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου φύλακας ἕν- dexa 35, 6 “ἑνδέκατος * évdexarw—ére 15, 8; ἐνδεκάτη (μεταβολή) 41, 5, 22 ; ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑνδεκάτου 3, 10 ἐνδέχεται 17, ἔνδημοι, ἀρχαὶ 24, 16 ἔνδοθεν 5, 7 (Solon) ἐνδοξότατος 54, 16 ἐνδύω" θώρακα ἐνδεδυκώς 34, 11 ἕνεκα, τῆς ἀρχῆς 55, 32; γήρως (ἕνεκα) 35, τό; τῶν οὕνεκα 12, 28, 53 (Solon) ἔνεστιν 65, 1 ἐνθαδ᾽ αὐτοῦ 12, 40 (Solon) ἐνιαύσιος " (ἀρχή) πλείων ἐνιαυσίας 3, 22 (ἀρχαὶ ἐνιαύσιαι Pol. 1299 7) ἐνιαυτός " κατὰ σελήνην ἄγουσι τὸν ἐνιαυτόν 43, 10; τὸν μετὰ Δαμασίαν ἐνιαυτόν 13, 10; τὸν εἰσιόντα ἐν. 31, 13; τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἐνιαυτὸν οὕτως διάγουσι" τὸν δ᾽ ὕστερον 42, 295 τὸν ὕστερον ἐν. 48. 1; εἰς ἐν. 30, 19; 47, 16; ἐπ᾽ ev. 8, το; κατ᾽ ἐν. .3»). 20; 30, 4; 54. 27: ἐν ἐκεί: νῷ τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ 53. 31; ἅπαξ ἐν τῷ ἐν. 44, 14; τρὶς τοῦ ἐν. 47, 19 ἔνιοι. 7,173 14, 26; 18, 323.27, 43 40, 10; with partitive gen. 8, 27; 38, 143 οἱ μὲν... ἔνιοι δέ 3, το; οἱ μὲν... οἱ δὲ.. ἔνιοι δέ 13, 5: ἔνιοι μὲν..., τὸ δὲ πλῆθος 3459 ἐνίοτε 43» 30 ἐνίστημι" ἐνέστη φιλία 17. 153 πόλεμος 27,9. τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν φιλονικίαν 5, 113 ἔχθρας ἐνεστώσης 5, 22; τοῦ χειμῶνος

19

290 GREEK

ἐνεστῶτος 37, 1. ἐνεστήσαντο τὴν viv οὖσαν πολιτείαν 41, 2

ἐννέα (6Bodovs) 62, 7; προέδρους ἐννέα 44, 8; see also ἄρχοντες, οἱ ἐννέα

évous, τοὺς ἱππάρχους τοὺς 4, 11 (cf. Pol. 1322 11)

évoxA®* περὶ τῶν νόμων ἠνώχλουν II, 2; ἀλλήλοις ἐνοχλῶσιν 66, 24

ἔνοχος γραφῇ παρανόμων 45, 24

ἐνσημαίνομαι" ἐνεσημαίνετο πικρῶς 18, 10

ἐνταῦθα 3, 263; 54, 30; ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἐγγέγραπται 48, 5

ἐντεθθεν 55, 33

ἐντὸς χιλίων 53» 15: 67, 9; τριῶν μνῶν 49, 26; τριῶν ἡμερῶν 48, 18; δέκα σταδίων. 50,9

ἐντυγχάνοντα, φιλανθρώπως, c. dat. 18, 17

᾿Ενυάλιος 58, 2

ἐξ, see ἐκ

ἕξ 43, 8, 9; 55, 4

ἐξάγω" στρατιὰν ἣν ἐξήγαγον 37; 3

ἐξαιρῶ " ἐξέλῃ] τοὺς: κύβους 64, 15. ἐξεῖλεν 12, 64 (Solon); ἐξεῖλε τῷ διαψηφισμῷ 67. 33

ἐξαίρω " ἐξαράμενος (an exceptional use) τὰ ὅπλα πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν 14, 13

᾿πἐξαλείφουσι, τοὺς ἐξομνυμένους τῶν---ἐγ- γεγραμμένων 49, 13; ἐξήλειῴον, opp. ἀντενέγραφον 36, 15. Wet. ras περὶ τῶν προτέρων αἰτίας ἐξήλειψαν 40, 19

ἐξαπατηθέντος τοῦ δήμου 34, 6; ἐξαπατη- θέντες ὑπὸ ΚἈἀεοφῶντος 34, το; κἂν ἐξα- πατηθῇ τὸ πλῆθος 28, 24

ey Sige ἐξαπορησάντων τοῖς πράγμασι

» 5 ἀν τος 67,9 ἐξελάσαι 22, τῇ; ἐξηλάθη---τῆς ἀρχῆς 13.

7

ἐξελέγχεται ὑπὸ τοῦ. χρώματος 65, 5; ἵνα μὴ---ἐξελέγχωσι τοὺς νεοπολίτας 21, 173 κἂν---κλέπτοντ᾽ ἐξελέγξωσιν 54, 7

ἐξεργαζομένης τῆς χώρας τύ, 12; ἐξειργασ- μένα 46, 5

ἐξέρχομαι" πρὸ τοῦ πάντας ἐξελθεῖν 10 ἐξήει πολλάκις εἰς τὴν χώραν τό, 14. (Of troops) τῶν ἐξιόντων 26, το; ἂν ἐξίωσι 61, 4; Cf. ἔξοδος. τῶν χρόνων μὴ ἐξεληλυθότων 56, 17

ἐξερῶσιν, τὸν ἀμφορέα 6g, 2

ἔξεστι, with inf. alone 44, 143 62, 18; οὐκ ἔξεστι 44, 133 53, 173 μὴ ὀξῶναι 29, 143 31, 83 39, 21; with inf. and dat. pers. ἔξεστι 45, 143 63, τι; οὐκ ἔξεστι 45, 22; μὴ ἔξεστι 63, 13; ἐξῆν 4, 21 27, 155 ἐξῇ 27, 17] ἐξεῖναι 9, 4; 29, 143 μὴ ἐξεῖναι 20, 201 31, 173 39, 6, 16; ἐξόν 6, 143 II, 3

aerdtew Ta γένη 21, 6; ἐξετάζει---τὰ ol- κοδομήματα 46, 8

ἐξέτασις ἐν ὅπλοις 31, 11 (decree)

ἐξευρών, γυναῖκα γεν καὶ καδὺν 14;

INDEX

*éEnyetoOa, τοὺς νόμους τι, 6 ἑξήκοντα το, 8 ᾿ἑξηκοστὸν ἔτος 53; 19 ἔξοδος τό, τό ἐξοικεῖν ἔχειν ᾿Ελευσῖνα 39, 3 (decree) ; ἐξ, τοὺς ἐθέλοντας 30, 55 (2b.); τοῖς βουλο- ie ἐξ. 39, 14 (2ό.}; ἐπινοούντων ἐξ.

ἔς ik χἐξοίκησι» 39. 15 (decree); 40, 26 *éfduvuue* τοὺς ἐξομνυμένους--- μὴ δυνατοὺς

εἵναι---ἰππεύειν 49, 13; ἐξομόσηται 40, 155 μὴ ἐξομνύμενον 49, τό. ἐξόμνυνται τὰς μαρτυρίας 55, 3ο. (ἐξόμνυσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν Pol. 1297 @ 20)

* ἐξοπλασία 15, τό (ἐξόπλισις Probl. 922

14)

ἐξορύξειεν, ἐλαίαν μορίαν 60, τι (ἐξορυσ- σόμενοι τόποι, [Ατ.] de Admir. 833 4)

ἐξουσία 6, 18; 41, 24

ἔξω---τῆς πολιτείας 37, 12

ἐξωθεῖν 67, 20

ἔξωθεν, τῶν 36, 16

ἑορτῶν ἐπιμελεῖται 56, 28

ἐπαγγειλάμενος ws ἄλλους μηνύσων 18, 34

ἐπαινῶ: διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν ---ἐπῃηνέθησαν 38, 28

ἐπάν C. Cont. aor. Nic. 1132 32)

érdvayKxes—eripnglfev 29, 21 (decree); ἐγγράφειν 42, II

ἐπαναφέροντες τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις, οὐδὲν 33:12

* ἐπαναχωρήσαντες 38, 3

ἐπανίστημι" ἐπαναστὰς τῷ δήμῳ 14, 6. ἐάν τινες τυραννεῖν ἐπανιστῶνται 16, 43. (Used in literal sense in Ar.)

ἐπανορθοῦντες---τὴν πολιτείαν 35, 12 (érav- ορθῶσαι πολιτείαν Pol. 1289 3)

ἐπεί" (1) temporal, c. zd. aor. 3, 28; 15,:333 τὸ, 30324, £73.29, 25.35, 215 36, 43; 40, 10; (2) causal, c. znd. emperf. 14, 123 10, 43 27, 21

ἐπειδάν" c. cont. praes. 56, 1; 68, το; (2) perf. 68, 6; 69, 1, 133 (3) aor. 7, 28; 31, 115 39, 163 44, 73.55, 193 63, 21; 64; 15, 19; 65, 9; 66, 22; (4) aor. et perf. 66, 10

ἐπειδή c. tmperf. 11, τ; 62, 3

ἔπεστιν, τὸ αὐτὸ γράμμα 64, 9

** ἐπεισκαλεῖν, 22 f (decree)

ἔπειτα 6, 7; 28, πρῶτον μὲν (7. ἔπειτα, never by ἔπειτα δέ.

ἐπερωτῶσιν, ἐπερωτᾷ 55, 13, 20

ἐπί" (1) ε. gen. (a) of place, etc., ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος 28, 17; ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας νεώς 34; 6; ἐπὶ τοῦ ἄβακος 69, 6; ἐπ’ αὐτῶν 64, 2; ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος 14, ἫΝ Φ οὗ 55s 28; 64, 4; ἐφ᾽ ἧς 64, 8. ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων εἶναι 15, 25. (6) ‘in the case of,’ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων 35, 17. ᾿ (c) ‘over,’ ἐπὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν 8, 14. (a) of time, ἐπὶ τῆς

42, τ4; 56, 4 (2th.

LE) 42, 93. 00,4108 Cf. εἶτα

por

and **émelox\nTos, 30,

v.), often followed by :

ee

iw πῃ! ὡς ΝΠ ee he δ δ γεν ae et at bie dbs

νὼ 8 aay νὰν ΜΕ

HASTA ees i eee eo eee

GREEK INDEX 201

ἕκτης πρυτανείας 43, 22; οἵ. 44,153 47, 21, 25, 28, 29. ἐπὶ τῆς ὕστερον βουλῆς 46, 6; ἐπὶ Κρόνου 16, 273 ἑαυτοῦ 60, 15; ἐκείνου το, 4; Θησέως 41, 103; ἐπὶ Médovros—’Axdorov 3, 9 f; Apdxovros 41, 11; Σόλωνος 3, 80; 41, 12; Πεισιστράτου 41, 13; τῶν τετρακοσίων 20, 5. ἐπ’ ᾿Αντιδότου (sc. ἄρχοντος) 26, 21: βουλὴ (H) ἐπὶ Καλλίου 32, 3; ἐφ᾽ οὗ ἄρχοντος 17,8; ἐφ᾽ οὗ (sc. ἄρχοντος) 53, 23. ἐπὶ (τοῦ δεῖνος) ἄρχοντος (22 times) 4, 2; 14, 8, 20; 17, 23 19, 373 σὰ, 25. ἀν Oy τὰν 21; 23, 225, 2558; 26, 19; 27, 8; 32, 8; 33, 2; 34) 2, 145 35,13 39) 1; 40, 26; 41, 33 54, 33; ἐπὶ omitted only twice :---Νικοδή- μου ἄρχοντος 22, 29, “πα ἄρχοντος Ὑψιχίδου 22, 40. ἐφ᾽ ὧν (‘under the authority of’) 38, 19. (sc. ἡμερῶν) 44, 18

(2) ς. dat. (a) of place, ‘upon’, ἐφ᾽ 17,21; ‘at’, or ‘near’, ἐπὶ Παλληνίδι 15, 13; 17, 16; ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ 57, 20; ἐπὶ Anvalw 57, 5; ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ 57, 18; τῷ πινακίῳ 64, 5; τῷ σφηκίσκῳ 65, 7. (δ) condition, ἐφ᾽ οἷς 23, 24; 32, 153 34, 8; ἐπὶ Τούτοις 1, 3 (?); 22, 36; ἐπὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ 19, 35; ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε 14, 223 34, 17; ‘at the interest of,’ ἐπὶ δραχμῇ 52, 13. (c) ground or reason, ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐδυσχέραινον ν τὰς χαλεπῶς φερόντων ἐπὶ τούτοις 38, 8; χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκόντες ἐπὶ τῇ συμφορᾷ 33, 5; ἀγανακτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς γιγνομένοις 36, 2; ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχαιρον πόλις 35.320; ἐφ᾽ 63, 17. («) object, ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγαῖσιν 12, 17 (Solon); ἐπὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου 8, 25;---τῆς πολιτείας 25, 15; [én τυραννίδι] 16, 43: ἐφ᾽ οἷς 38, 6;

‘for’, ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ τῶν ἀρχῶν 8, I0. (e) ‘over’, ἐφ᾽ 7 τεταγμένος ἣν 13, 20. (2) ‘in the power of’, ἐπὶ τοῖς δικα- σταῖς 55, 26. (9) ‘on the security of’, ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν 2,8; 4, 23; 6, 3; 9, 3. (4%) of succession of time, τετράδι ἐπὶ δέκα 32, Of

(3) ¢. ace. ‘upon’, ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν 25, 19; ἐπὶ τοῦτον (τὸν λίθον) 55, 80; τὴν γνάθον 49. 43; ἄβακα 69, 2; ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστον τὸ δικαστήριον 63, 23. ‘over’, ἐπὶ πάντας 42, 19; TO θεωρικόν 43, 23 47, 10; τὰ ἐκθύματα 54, 241 τοὺς ὁπλίτας, τὴν χώραν, κτὰ 61, 4—8; τὰς ναῦς 46, 43 τοὺς νόμους 54, 19; τὸ ὕδωρ 66, 16; τὰς ψήφους 66,17; 68,6; 69, δὰ eg Seacrov 66, 12; ‘for’, “πὶ TO νομοφυλακεῖν 8, 20; τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν 38,5; τὸ δικαστήριον ἕκαστον 65, 15. ‘to’, ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν 23, 18; τὴν βουλήν 40, τι ; πέρας 38, 24; τὴν ναυτικὴν δύναμιν 27, 5. through- out’, ἐπ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν 8, το; ἔτη τέτταρα 13, 33—Tpla 22, 25

ἐπιβάλλειν: abs, 56, 423 61, 16; ἐπι- βολήν 61, 153 τροχόν 49, 4

* ἐπιβολή 61, 15

ἐπιγραψάμενος, τίμημα 48,23. ἐπεγράφοντο (τοῖς ἐφήβοιξ) 53, 23. ἐπιγέγραπται 7, 20; 64, 2; 65, 6; 66, 33 πινάκιον ἐπιγεγραμμένον τὸ ὄνομα 63, 18; ἐπι- γεγραμμένον τὸ γράμμα 64, 4; τὸ στοιχεῖον 64,20. ‘allege’, ἐπιγράφουσα τὴν πρόφασιν 8, 24

ἐπιδείξωσιν, τινα δῶρα λαβόντα 54, 8

ἐπιδημῶ" 39, 14, 16 (decree)

ἐπιδιανέμω " ἐπιδιενεμήθησαν το, 8

ἐπιδίδωμι" ἐπέδοσαν πρὸς c. acc., 37, 16 “émidixaciar, κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων 56,

3

ewicsnelt οἱ 28, 5; τοῖς ἐπ. 36, 9: παρὰ τοῖς ἐπ. 28, 4; τῶν ἐπ. (opp. τῶν τυ- χόντων) ἀνθρώπων 27, 24. τοὺς ἐπ. καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶν εὐπόρων 26, τι. τοὺς ἐπιεικεστέρους 26, 4 * ἐπιζημιώσεις 45, 9 (law)

ἐπίθετον" pl. 3, 17 f; 25, 9 (not found elsewhere in same sense)

* ἐπίθημα 68, τῇ

ἐπιθυμῶσι τό, 10; ἐπεθύμουν 34, 21

ἐπικαλούμενος, βασιλεὺς 41, 34. λεσάμενος ες. acc. 20, 6

ἐπικατέστη 3, 6 (τὴν τῶν ἐφόρων ἀρχὴν ἐπικαταστήσας Pol. 1313 @ 27)

ἐπικηρυκευσάμενος, πρὸς ¢. ACC., 14, 21. ἐπικηρύττειν ἀργύριον (ἐπιτίμιον) [Ar. ] Oec. ii 1351 31

ἐπίκληρος" ἐπικλήρου κακώσεως 56, 532; περὶ κλήρου καὶ ἐπικλήρου 42, 353 τῶν κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων 9, 8; 43, 21; 56, 393 58, 9; τῶν ἐπικλήρων 56, 40, 44

ἐπικληροῦσιν (τὰς diairas) 53, 28; τὰ δικαστήρια 59, 15; ἐπικληρώσῃ τὰ γράμματα 63, 22

ἐπικρατῶ" ἐπεκράτουν τῷ πολέμῳ 38, 17 (ἐπικρατοῦσιν οἱ δῆμοι τῶν εὐπόρων Pol. 1321 @ 10)

* ἐπικυρωθέντων τούτων ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους 32, 2; ἐπ. τῶν νόμων 37, 12

* ἐπικύρωσυν--- χειροτονίας 41, 32

ἐπιλαμβάνει τὸν α[ὐλόν] 67, II, 14

ἐπιλείπεσθαι, οὐδενὸς τῶν πολιτῶν 34, 22. ἐπιλειπόμενος τῇ δυνάμει 20, 5; τῇ οὐσίᾳ 27, 18 (act. in Ar.)

ἐπιλήθου 20, 23 (scolium)

* ἐπίλοιπος" τοὺς ἐπιλοίπους δέκα μῆνας 92, 3

᾿Επίλυκος 3, 29; ᾿Επιλύκειον 3, 28, 30

ἐπιμέλεια 21, 20; 26, 2; 38, 29

ἐπιμεληταί (under the 400) 30, 10(decree) ; Διονυσίων 56, 23 ; ἐμπορίου 51, 153 μυ- στηρίων 57, 2, 6; κρηνῶν ἐπιμελητής

ἐπικα-

43: 3

jucuehcbaite (1) ¢. gen. τῶν κοινῶν 15, 25; 16, το;---ἄλλων πάντων 39, 53 ἐφήβων 42, 17 ---ᾶλλων πάντων 42, 28 ; τῆς: εὐκοσμίας 44, τι ; τῶν τριήρων

19--2

202 GREEK

46, 1 3;—dviwy ὅπως 51, 3 s— μέτρων ὅπως κτλ 51, 6 ἔ;--ἐμπορίων 51, 16; τῶν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ 52, 1 f3 πομπῶν 56, 21, 26; ἑορτῶν 56, 29; τῶν ὀρφανῶν KTA 56, 395 τούτων 57, 13 μυστηρίων 57, 2; τῆς φυλακῆς 61, 7; ; τῶν ἱππέων όι, 26. (2) abs. sc. τοῦ ἱεροῦ 39, 5 (decree). (3) followed by ὅπως c. fut. tnd. 50, 10; 51, 10—12; cf. 51, 3, Of ἐπιμελῶς 27, 23 ᾿πιμενίδης Κρής 1, ἐπινοούντων ἐξοικεῖν 40, 2 (the “παῖδα Ar. quotes περὶ κόσμου only) ἐπισκευάζειν, τὰς ὁδοὺς 54,23 τὰ μάλιστα δεόμενα τῶν ἱερῶν 50, 3 Ἐἐπισκευασταί, ἱερῶν 50, 2 * ἐπισκήπτωνται---ταῖς μαρτυρίαις 68, 20; ἐπισκήψασθαι 7b. 21 (πρῶτος ἐποίησε τὴν ἐπίσκηψιν Pol. 1274 6 7) * ἐπίσκοπος τῆς πολιτείας 8, 20 ἐπισκοπῶν τό, 14 ἐπιστατεῖ 44, 23 ἐπιστατούσης 41, 16; ἐπεστάτει 18, 33 ἐπιστατῆσαι 44, 13 (only found in Rhet. ad Alex. 1422 617, and that in another sense) ἐπιστάτης τῶν πρυτάνεων 44,13 τῶν προέ- . ὅρων 44:9 * ἐπιστατική, Ὑραφὴ 59, 7 (in this sense, here only) ἐπιστολὰς φέροντες, οἱ τὰς 43, 32 " ἐπιστυλίων, ἀπὸ τῶν 47, 33 ἐπιτάφιος, ἀγὼν 58, 2 ἐπιτελῶ ἐπετέλεσεν (πολιτείαν) 41, 173 τὸν ἄλλον λόγον 15, 23 ἐπιτήδειος * τὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ τῶν ἀρχῶν 8, το; νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι 59, 6; προδρομεύειν 49, 6; ἱππεύειν 49, 17; ἐπιτηδειοτάτους 42, 17. τὰ ἐπιτήδεια 42, 27 ἐπίτηδες 9, 113 18, 30 ἐπιτίθημι " ἐπιθήσειν (Ξ-- προσθήσειν) πρὸς τοῖν δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν ἄλλον 28, 22. ἐπέ- θηκε---τὸ γράμμα 63, 23. Mid, ἐπιτι- θέμενον τυραννίδι 14, 11; ἐπέθετο τοῖς τυράννοις 20, 21; τῇ βουλῇ 25, 6 ἐπιτίμους καὶ κυρίους καὶ αὐτοκράτορας ἑαυτῶν 39, 3 (decree) ἐπιτιμῶ " τὰ μὲν ἐπιτιμῶντες 11, 2. ἐπιτιμᾷ καὶ τούτοις 36, 8 ἐπιτρέπω" τὴν πολιτείαν ἐπέτρεψαν (Σό- λων!) 5, 5;--- ἐπιτρέψαι---τοῖς δυνατωτά- τοις 29, 33 (decree); ads. οὐ φάσκων ἐπιτρέψειν 34, 12 ἐπιτροπῆς κατάστασιν, eis 56,373 εἰς ἐπ. διαδικασίαν 56, 58 ἐπίτροπος " ἐπίτροπον αὑτὸν ἔγγράψαι 56, 38; κατὰ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων 56, 32, 33) 353 τοὺς ἐπιτρόπους 56, 45 ἐπιφανεῖς 18, 24; 28, 14 "ἐπιφέρουσι, τεκμήριον 35 F853 ἐπιφέρων 255 7 * ἐπιχειροτονεῖν 375 6} 4,,3,.1ἢ "ἐπιχειροτονία 43, 233 55, 221 61, 10, 22

c. dat.

ἀγῶνας

INDEX

ἐπιχειρῶ c. ΗΝ, oe 15, 10,37 ἐπεχείρησε 19, 5 ἐπιψηφίζειν, τοὺς πρυτάνεις 29, 22 (de- cree) ; ; τὸν ἐπιψηφιοῦντα 30, 27 decree ; ἐπιψηφίζουσιν, γνώμας 48, 123 ἐπιψη- φίσαντος ᾿Αριστομάχου 32, 3 ἕποιτο, ἕπηται, 12, 11, 13 (Solon) ἐπονομάσας 21, 14 (ἐπονομάσαι Ar. ap. Strab. 445; Rose, Frag. 6013) ἐπορεξάμενος 12, 5 (Solon) ἔπος " ws ἔπος εἰπεῖν 49, 303 57, 8 ἑπτακαίδεκα 25, 2 ἑπτακόσιοι 20, 93 24, 16, 173 375 19 ry. * ἑπτάχους- 67,8 * érrernpis 54, 29 iia 45, 6; pl. 13, 25 ἐπώνυμοι (τῶν φυλῶν) 21,253 48,173 535 21, 26. (2) τῶν ἡλικιῶν 53, 21, 273 ἐπώνυμος ὁ---δεδιαιτηκώς 53, 243 χρῶνται τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις καὶ πρὸς τὰς στρατείας 53, 35 (found in περὶ κόσμου, and i in a quotation in Rhet.) ἐρανικαὶ δίκαι 52, 15 ἐργάζεσθαι, μηδὲν ἔργον 49, 27; ἐν ἀγορᾷ βουλόμενος ἐργ. 52, 143 ἐργαζόμενον, πέτρας 16, 193; ἠργάζοντο τοὺς ἀγρούς 2) 5 ἐργασίας, πρὸς τὰς τό, 6 ἐργάσιμος " τὰ μέταλλα τὰ ἐργάσιμα 47, 12 (ἐργάσιμα χωρία Probl, 924 α 1) ἐργάτας, δημοσίους 54, 2 ἔργον, ἀγαθοῦ πολίτου 28, 38 ; ἔργον ἐργά- ζεσθαι 49, 273 τών ἔργων (‘agriculture’) 16, 16; ἔργα (= μέταλλα) 22, 30 ἐρεῖν, εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πρᾶγμα 67, 4 εἶπον, εἴρηται, and λέγειν "Epérpia τ5, ὃ; ἐν Ἐρετρίᾳ 15, 12. τῇ περὶ ’"Epérpray ναυμαχίᾳ 33, 4 "EpexOevs Heracl. epit. 1. 3 ἔρημον γενόμενον 43, 22 ἑρκεῖος, Ζεὺς 55, τό (see Jebb on Soph. Ant. 487); only in περὶ κόσμου 401 a 20 ᾿Ἑρμοκρέων ἄρχων (501/07), 22, 6 ἔρομαι" ἔρηται 7, 28; ἐρέσθαι 16, 20 (ἐρο- μένην Rhet. 1 [391 @ 10) ἔρχομαι" ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγαῖσιν ἦλθον 12, 17 (Solon). ἐλθὼν εἰς ᾿Ερέτριαν 15, 8 ;--- εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν 34, 11; ἐλθόντι παρ᾽ αὐτόν 27, τό; ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν Πει- σίστρατον 15, 221 abs. ἐλθόντες 37, 20; ἐλθεῖν 38, 27: ἔλθωσιν 66, 113 ΜΟΙ πρὸς τὸ δημαγωγεῖν ἐλθόντος 27, 1 ; α τῆς βουλῆς κρίσεις εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἴδω; λύθασιν 41, 27 ἐρώμενον 17, 5; ἐρασθείς 18, 8 ἐρωτικός 18, 4 ἐσθλούς 12, 25 (Solon) ἐσορῶν 5, 8 (Solon) ἐσχάτας ἡμέρας, εἰς τὰς 40, 3 ἑταιρεία" θεστῶτες 34, 21; τῶν γνωρίμων οἱ ἐν ταῖς ἑταιρείαις ὄντες 34, 19; ἡττώμενος ταῖς ἑταιρείαις 20, 4

See

οἱ ἐν ἑταιρείᾳ οὐδεμιᾷ συγκα-

> Ree a

;

τ

GREEK

*EreoBourdéa: frag. 3, 1. 30

ἕτερος" subst. ἕτερος---τῶν ἀντιδίκων 53, 9; μὲν eis—o δ᾽ ἕτερος 37, 6 f; μὲν ἕτερος---ὁ δὲ ἕτερος 67, 21 f; κληροῦσι δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς νόμους ἕτερον 54, 20; Pl. οὕτεροι 12, 51 (Solon); τοὺς ἑτέρους 6, 143 ἕτεροι πολλοί 34, 24; ἑτέρους δέκα 54, 26; τῶν ἑτέρων (opp. τοῦ δήμου) 28, 13, 19; μηδὲ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων 8, 30; adj. μηδ᾽ ἑτέρους (νόμους) θέσθαι 31, 9; ἑτέραν (ἐκκλησίαν) 43, “6 ;---(λῃτουργίαν) 56, τό; ἕτεροι κύβοι 66, 3; ἕτερον κιβώτιον 66, 15; 21. 63, 153 εἰς τὸ ὃν κληρωτήριον---εἰς τὸ ἕτερον 66, 5 f

ἑτέρωθί που 12, 15

ἔτι" of time, ἔτι καὶ νῦν 3, 25; 7, 6; 8, Gs ΣΑΣ Ere By 33 13525 is 23 (2) 47,4; οἵ degree, ἔτι προστιθέασιν 40, 24; with compar., ἔτι πρότερον 20, 20; δωμοτικωτέραν ἔτι 27, 3; ‘and besides’, ἔτι δὲ καὶ 9, 7; ἔτι δὲ 15, 11; 24, 20; 27, 163 52,153 55, 43 59, 4; πρῶτον μὲν---ἔπειτα---ἔτι δέ 59, 4

ἔτος" ἑξηκοστόν 53, 193 τῷ προτέρῳ ἔτει 53, 24; τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἔτει 22, 20; τῷ ὕστερον ἔτει 34, 14: ἔτει δευτέρῳ κτλ 14, 7; τρίτῳ 22, 28; 23, 21; 40, 26; TeTapT@ 19, 33 21, 2; 22, 26, 393 πέμπτῳ 13,43 22,53 26,193; ἕκτῳ 14, 19; 26, 143 34, 23 €Bddum 15, 2; ἑνδεκάτῳ 15, 9; δωδεκάτῳ 14, 20; 22, 10; ἑνὸς δεῖζν) πεντηκοστῷ 27, 8. pl. τὰ ἔτη μὴ γεγονέναι 56, 18; τὰ δύο ἔτη 42, 33; ἔτη δύο 13,6; 22, 11; τρία 22, 253 47, 12 f; rerrdpa 13,3; 60,3; ὑπὲρ---ἔτη 4, 10, 25; 29, 12, 38; 30, 5; 31, 43 42, 16; 56, 19; 63, 113 ἔτη 7+ 73 17) 33 19) 38; 25,13 42, 33 475 28; τῶν δυεῖν ἐτῶν 42, 37; δέκα ἐτῶν' 11, 5 (οἷ. 42, 13); πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἔτεσιν ,3»19; ἔτεσιν ὕστερον ἑκατόν 32, 8

εὖ ποιεῖ 55, 17; γεγενημένων εὖ 32, τὸ *evavdpia 60, 21

εὐαρίθμητοι 69, 4

Εὐβοίας γρδωραιΟμδ 33, 4; ἐκ τῆς EHUB.

33>

εὐγενής, pl. 28, 7

εὐδιαφθορώτεροι 41, 28 (ὁμονοοῦσα ὀλιγαρ- χία οὐκ εὐδιάφθορος Pol. 1306 a 10)

εὐδοκιμῆσαι, παρὰ τοῖς “Ελλησιν 23, II; πρῶτον εὐδοκιμήσαντος, ὅτε 27, 2; οὐκ εὐδοκιμοῦντα παρὰ τοῖς ἐπιεικέσιν 28, 33 σφόδρ᾽ εὐδοκιμηκὼς ἐν τῷ--πολέμῳ 14, 2

εὕδοντες 12, 59 (Solon)

εὔθυναν---ἐμβαλέσθαι 48, 20; εἰσάγουσι 48, 26; 59, 7; cf. 54, 6. εὐθύνας διδῶσιν and δοῦναι 39, 23 (decree); διδόασιν 56, 4; ἔδωκε 48, 19; ἔδοσαν 38, 293; δεδωκότων 48,18. κατηγόρησε Tas εὐθύνας 27,2; μέχρι εὐθυνῶν 4, 12; περὶ τῶν εὐθυνῶν 31, 7 (decree)

εὔθυνος 48, 23; pl. 48, 15, τό

εὐθύνω" τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας ηὔθυνεν 8, 22

INDEX 293

εὐθὺς εἰσελ- εὐθεῖαν---

εὐθύς 22, 20; 38, 323 55, 23. θών 56, 5. εὐθέως 18, 21. δίκην 12, 46 (Solon)

Εὐκλείδης ἄρχων (403/2) 39, 1

εὐκοσμίας ἐπιμελοῦνται 44, IT

εὐλογώτερον c. inf. 7, 25

Εὐμηλίδης ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν 45, 3

Εὐμολπίδαι 39, 6; 57, 4; frag. 3,1. 30

εὔνοια " εἰς τὸν δῆμον 38, 28

εὐπατρίδαι 13, 9; frag. 2, 1.143 19, 17 (scolium)

εὐπορία τροφῆς 24, 10; τὴν Κίμωνος evr. 27,1

εὐποροῦντες τῶν μετρίων τό, 9; εὐπόρησαν χρημάτων 19, 20

εὐπόρων, τῶν (opp. Tod δήμου) 26, 12; 28, 12

εὑρισκόμενος ἄφεσιν 30, 33 (decree); ὄλβον εὑρήσειν πολύν 12, 18 (Solon)

*evonula 44, 19

*épéoimos (plows) 45, 13

ἔφεσις (els TO δικαστήριον) 9, 6; 45, 15, 193 53» 343 55 II (not found in Ar. in technical sense)

*épérac (Ὁ) 57, 24

ἔφηβοι 42, 14, 17, 20, 25, 38; 53, 22, 34 (ἐφήβων φρουρῶν τάξις Pol. 1322 28)

᾿φιάλτης 25, 4, 13, 17, 18, 21, 221 26, 143 28, 11; 35, 93 41, 17

ἐφίησιν els τὸ δικαστήριον 42, 8; ἐφῇ εἰς τὸ δ. 53, 9 (not found in Ar. in technical sense)

ἐφίστημι" στρατηγῶν ἐφισταμένων 26, 8; τῷ ἄρχοντι τῷ ἐφεστηκότι 64, 193 ἀρχὴ ἐφεστηκυῖα 66, 12

ἔφοδος, ὅπως μὴ τοῖς συκοφάνταις 35, 17

ἔχθρα 5, 22

ἐχθρὸν εἷναι καὶ φίλον, ὥστε τὸν αὐτὸν 23, 23

ἐχῖνος" pl. 53, 11, 18 (not found in Ar. in technical sense)

ἔχω: μηδὲν ἀεικὲς ἔχειν 12, 7; ἐλπίδ᾽ εἶχον ἀφνεάν 12, 17; νῦν ἔχουσιν 12, 58; δουλίην 12, 41; δύναμιν 12, 6; ἰσομοιρίαν 12, 25 (Solon)

αὐλίσκους 68, 5, 17; αὐλούς 67, 5; βακτηρίαν 65, τι; γράμμα 65, 8; ἐγχειρίδια 18, 28; ἔκρουν 50, 12; 67, 53 πινάκιον 63, 18; στοιχεῖον 64, 243 τρυπήματα 69, 2; ὑπογραφήν 4, τ; χλαμύδας 42, 33. γυναῖκα 7, 14; ἡγεμόνα 26, 4; ἱππεῖς 19, 28; ἵππον 49, 2; τὸν Πειραιέα κτὰ 38, τό; στόλον 19, 30; στρατιάν 19, 27; φύλακας 24, 8; δημοσίους ἐργάτας 54, 2; ---ὑπηρέτας 50, 14- αἰτίαν 57, 22, 273 ἀρχὴν kal πρόφασιν 13, 133 διαμφισβητήσεις 35, 12; δύναμιν 13, 11; ἐξουσίαν 6, 18; ἐπιμέλειαν 21, 20; ἐπωνυμίαν 27, 133; pl. 21, 20; ἔτη 29, 125 42, 16; ἱερωσύνας 21, 243; μεταβολὰς 16, 23 τὰ μέτρια 27, 163 οὐσίαν 13, 253 πολι- Telav 15, 12; τὴν πόλιν ἐγκρατέστερον εἶχον 35, 22; τὰ πράγματα βεβαίως

294

εἶχον 38, 12; σταθμόν το, 5; τάξιν 3, 353 41, 93 τέλος 53, 8. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑκά- τεροι ἔχουσιν 34, 8 (cf. 32, 15); ὅσα τις εἶχεν---ταῦτ᾽ ἔχειν 56, 6 ‘inhabit ’, τὸ Βουκολεῖον 3, 25; τὸ θεσμοθετεῖον 3, 30; ᾿Ελευσῖνα 30, 3 intrans. ἄριστα 30, 20 (decree) ;

κακῶς το, 4; καλῶς 28, 25; οἰκείως 36, 53 ὁποτέρως 3, 143; τόνδε τὸν τρόπον 4,43 42, 1; τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον 3, 333 9.1; 12, 13 43, 21 60, 1

ἐῶ " c. inf. εἴασεν ἔχειν 21, 24; εἴων οἰκεῖν 22, 18. ἐῶντες τὰς πολιτείας παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄρχειν ὧν ἔτυχον ἄρχοντες 24, 8. εἴασ᾽ 12, 9 (Solon)

ἕως ἐθάρρησαν 40, 7; ἐξηλάθη 13, 73 ἦν 29, 1; περιείλοντο 25, 22 ; προειστήκει 28, 1; προύτρεψε 19, 22. c. opt. ἕως μηδὲν παρανομοῖεν 28, 37. ἕως ἂν--- 29, 31, 35 (decree) ; ---γένηται 56, 443 ---ἐκτείσῃ 63, 16

* tevylovov 7, 26

ζευγίτης 4, 193 7, 103 22. 8, 113 26, 15, 18 (Pol. 1274 @ 20)

Ζεὺς ἑρκεῖος 55, τό. πομπὴ 56, 27

ζημιῶ: κολάζουσα καὶ ζημιοῦσα---τοὺς ἀκοσμοῦντας 3,36; ζημιοῦν καὶ κολάζειν

Ad τῷ Σωτῆρι,

8, 23. βουλὴ---ζἡμιοὶ τοὺς δημότας 42, 13. subj. (abs.) ζημιοῖ 29, 25 (decree). θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι 29, 28 (de-

cree); 0. ξημιώσοντας 52, 4; 0. ἐζημίουν 60, 12. χρήμασιν ζημιῶσαι 45, 13 Xp- ζημιοῦν 45, 8; ζημιώσῃ 45, 9. ζημιοῖ τῷ σίτῳ 49, 2

ζητῶ" τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν ἐζήτουν 13, το; τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν 34, 23 (ἰσότητα ζητεῖ δῆμος Pol. 1298 a 11)

ζῴων, δίκαι 57, 31

passim; (‘than’) 2, 17 etc. μὴ ἄλλοσε---ἤ 29, 30. πότερον---ἢ οὔ 47, 17 f; ἀλλ᾽ 53, 17 £3 54, 23 2.0.5

HA 11, 113 48, 11. --ἢ---ἢ 20, 25; 56, 15-17- (‘or else’) 22, 43 (law) ; 4°, 6

*n μὴν συγγράψειν, ὀμόσαντες 29, 12 (decree) ; omitted by author in 2, 11 ; 7> 535 555 31

ἡγεμονίᾳ abs. 23, θαλάττης 23, II

ἡγεμών 20, 183 22, 9, 203 26, 4. ἦγε- μόνεσσιν 12, 11 (Solon)

᾿Ηγησίας ἄρχων (556/5 or 5554) 14, 20

Hynolorparos 17, 11, I

ἡγοῦμαι, (τ) ‘lead’, ¢. gem. 13, 19; 61, 4; 18, 20, 243 abs. 61,14

(2) ‘think’, 29, 13 (decree); 31, 7 (decree) ; 35, 213 40, 223 42, I (ἡγήσασθαι c. inf. quoted only from Meteor. 339 22) ᾿

ἤδη" (1) 2am, 3,0; 14, 145 18, 14; 22,

41. 24, 2, 5; τῆς

GREEK

INDEX

193 24, Τῷ ἢν 1S 'a5y αὐ (3) teem, 15, 143 28, 26; 42, 37

ἥδομαι" ἡσθεὶς διὰ τὴν παρρησίαν 16, 23

*"Heriwveia 37, 9

ἤθεος" 21. 56, 20

ἦθος" TO δημοτικὸν εἶναι τῷ ἤθει 16, 30. ἤθη δεσποτῶν 12, 41 (Solon)

ἥκω" οὐχ [ἥξ]ει 11, 5

ἡλιαία 68, 3 (cf. Pol. 1301 23)

ἡλικία " γεγονέναι τὴν ἡλικίαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου 42, 5; τῆς ἡλικίας αὐτῷ καθηκούσης 53, 30; ἐκ τῆς HA. τῆς εἰρημένης, τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς Hr. 30, 15. 23 (decree); ‘those of the military age’, ὅταν ἡλικίαν ἐκπέμπωσιν 53, 36. Pil. ταῖς ἡλικίαις 17, 73 διὰ τὰς ἡλικίας 18, 2; ἐπώνυμοι --τῶν ἡλικιῶν 53, 21

ἡμεῖς (opp. ὑμεῖς) 15, 18 (Solon)

ἡμέρα, διαιρεῖται 67, 233 τῆς ἡμέρας (‘ daily ᾽) 29, 333 49, 29; 62, 12; - ἑκά- OTNS 30, 343 62,15; ἐν ταύτῃ TH hu. 43, 10; 47, 333 ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῇ ἡμ. 43, 153; καθ᾽ ἑκάστην τὴν hu. 27, τό :--- (τὴν) hu. 30, 27; νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν 44, 2; πρὸς διαμεμετρημένην τὴν ἡμέραν 67, 13; pl. αἱ ἡμέραι εἰς τὸν μῆνα (διακεκό- σμηνται) frag. 3; ὅσαι ἡμέραι (‘daily’) 43, 13; δύο ἡμέρας 20, 14; ἡμέρας (35 or 36) 43, 8; ἐντὸς τριῶν ju. 48, 183 τίσιν ἣμ. 59, 2; ἐν πένθ᾽ Hu. το, 363 εἰς τὰς ἐσχάτας ἡμ.---τὰς ὑπολοίπους ἡμ. 40, 3 f, 5; πρὸς τὰς ἡμέρας τοῦ Ποσι- δεῶνος μηνός, διαμετρεῖται 67, τό

ον μέν μὴ pl. 60, 9 (Hist. An. 573 a7

ἥμισυς" αἱ---ἡμίσειαι dis, 68, 5 f

ἡμίχους 69, 12 (Hist. An. 630 @ 34)

Ἡράκλεια, πεντετηρίς 54, 30

Ἡρακλείδης Κλαζομένιος 41, 33

*npla ( pl.) 55, 17

Ἡρόδοτος 14, 25

ἡσυχάσαντες 4, 16 (Solon)

ἡσυχίαν, ἐτήρει τὴν τό, 26; διῆγον ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ 13, 3 (ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν Pol. 1297

7 ἦτορ 5, τό (Solon) ἡττώμενος ταῖς ἑταιρείαις 20, 33 Tots ἰδίοις ἡττᾶτο 27, 21; ἡττηθέντος αὐτοῦ 19, 27; ἡττηθέντες---ναυμαχίᾳ 33, 3 ἥττω, τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν ἀρχομένων 36, τὶ ἩΦαίστια 54, 32

θάλατταν, κατὰ 19, 27; τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἡγεμονίαν 23, 11, -τἀρχήν 41, 20; τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς θ. 32, τό

θάνατος" μετὰ τὸν Ἱππάρχου θάνατον 10.

41 --ἰ Ἐφιάλτου θ. 26, 14; τούτων ἀμφο- ᾿τέρων. θάνατον κατέγνωσαν 28, 23: θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι 29, 28 (cf. 52, 4; 60, 12); δεσμ[ὸς θάνατος φυγὴ ἀτ]ιμία δήμευσις χρημάτων 67, 24

θανατοῦν καὶ δεῖν καὶ χρήμασι ζημιοῦν, δῆμος ἀφείλετο τῆς βουλῆς τὸ 45, 73

πεν be

δ δῶν ΣΕ oe BL ΤΥ,

TESTES ΤΣ YS TE CL ΡΟ ΎΣΥΝ ΜΙ, ἜΑ,

= - τοὶ a)

GREEK

κυρίους εἶναι θανατοῦντας 37, 4. θανα- τώσοντας 52, 5 (θανατῶσαι, opp. φυγα- δεῦσαι, Oec. 11 1347 33; θανατωθῆναι de Adm. 836 a 6)

Θαργήλια 56, 12 f, 27 ἴ. Διονύσια Met. 1023 11)

Θαργηλιών 32, 4 f

θαρροῦντος ἤδη τοῦ δήμου 22, 12; θαρρού- ons ἤδη τῆς πόλεως 24, 1 ; θαρρήσαντας τοὺς πολλούς 27, 6 ; ἕως ἐθάρρησαν 40, 7

θαυμάζειν 15, 241; θαυμάζοντες 14, 30; θαυμάσαι τό, 19; θαυμασάντων πάντων 25:10

θεάτρῳ, ἐκκλησία ἐν τῷ 42, 30

θέλω" see ἐθελω

Θεμιστοκλῆς 22, 31; 23, 143 25, II, 13, 213; 28, 11

θεόκτιτον, πατρίδ᾽ eis 12, 35 (Solon)

Θεόπομπος ἄρχων (411/0) 33, 2

θεός" ἀνέθηκε θεοῖς 7, 23 (epigr.); σὺν θεοῖσιν ἤνυσα 12, 12 (Solon). θεός (sc. ᾿Αθηνᾶ)" τὴν θεόν το, 27; τῇ θεῷ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς 30, 8 (decree)

Θερμαῖος κόλπος 15, 6

θέσιν, μετὰ τὴν τῶν νόμων 14, 7 (Pol. 1289 @ 22, 1208 18)

θέσμια, ἀναγράψαντες τὰ 3,20; θέσμια--- καὶ πάτρια 16, 42 (law)

θεσμοθέτης" 63, 22; 64,63 Al. 3, 19, 303 45.10; 48, 25f3 55, 43 esp. 59, I—20; εἰσάγουσι τῶν ἐνδείξεών Twas 52, 9} τῶν θ. δύο 66, 5; γραμματεὺς τῶν θ. 59, 20; 63, 2

θεσμοθετεῖον 3, 30, 31

θεσμοὺς ἔθηκεν (Δράκων) 4, 3; Δράκοντος θεσμοῖς 7, 2; τῶν Σόλωνος θεσμῶν 35, 11; θεσμοὺς---ἔγραψα 12, 45 f (Solon) ; only in περὶ κόσμου 401 a I0, Tots TOU θεοῦ θεσμοῖς

Θετταλός 19, 28; Θετταλοί 19, 30

Θέτταλος 17, 12; 18, 6

θεωρεῖν τὴν ἐκεΐνου βούλησιν 9, 14

θεωρίαν, κατὰ τ1, 5. θεωρία sent to Delos 56, 20 note

* θεωρικόν, τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ 43, 33 47, 10

Θηβαῖοι 15, ΤΙ

Θηραμένης 28, 19, 30, 33---20; 32, 105 33» 10; 34, 25; 36, 1, 5, 8, 17

Ons* θῆτα 7, 11

Θησεῖον, τό 15, 16, 22 ; sine art. 62, 2

Θησεύς 41; 10; Heracl. epit. § 2; frag. 2 and 4

θητικόν" τοῖς τὸ θητικὸν τελοῦσιν 7, 143 θητικοῦ ἀντὶ τέλους 7, 23 (epigr.); θητικὸν (τελεῖν) 7, 27, 29

θόλος 43, τι; 44, 6 (not found in Ar. in this sense)

Θουκυδίδης κηδεστὴς Κίμωνος 28, 13, 30 Θρασύβουλος" καταλαβόντος Θ. Φυλήν 37, τ; τὸ ψήφισμα τὸ Θρασυβούλου 40, 8 θρασύνεσθαι 28, 27 (opp. ὑπομένειν in Eth, 11% 33) θρασύς, τῷ βίῳ 18, 7

(Θ. μετὰ τὰ

INDEX 295

Oparra 14, 27

θρυλλεῖν " ἐ]θρ[ὑλλο]υν τό, 27

θυγάτηρ 14, 223 15, 43 1757) 13

θύει 58, 1; θύουσι 54, 25, 27

Oupis* τὰς θυρίδας εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν ἀνοίγειν 50, 13

θυρῶν, πρὸ τῶν 14, 13

Ovoias—Ovovor. 54, 27}; θύει 58, τ; πατρίους θυσίας διοικεῖ 57, 9

θώρακα ἐνδεδυκώς 34, 11

Ἰαονίας 5, 8 (Solon) ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ 40,17. ἴδιος καὶ δημόσιος 6,43 43, 273 48, 19, 24 f; 59, 15- νόμον---ἴδιον 8, 29. τὰ κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια 9. το; δίκαι ἴδιαι 58, 53 59, 133 ταῖς εἰς τὰ ἴδια βοηθείαις τό, 37. ὅταν τὰ ἴδια (τὰ δημόσια) δικάζωσι 67, 2 (4)3. ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων εἶναι 15, 25. πρὸς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὄντες τό, 9; τοῖς ἰδίοις ἡττᾶτο 27, 21 ἰδιώτην (opp. ἄρχοντα) 48, 12; ἰδιώταις (opp. τῇ βουλῇ) 45, 14 ἱερεῦσι 57, τὶ ἱερομνήμων 30, 6 (decree) *leporo.ol 30, το (decree); 54, 24 ἱερός" adj. τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων (opp. ὁσίων) 30, 8 (decree); ἱερῶν, ‘sacred things’, 30, 29 (decree); 43, 29; ὑπὲρ τῶν ἱερῶν 57, 12 subst. (a) τὸ ἱερόν, ‘the temple’, at Eleusis, 39, 53 ἐν ἱερῷ 57, 26; τὸ ἱερόν 57, 29; τὰ ἱερά 55, 16; ---περιῆλθον 42, 20; ἱερῶν émioxevacral, oi—ém- σκευάζουσι τὰ μάλιστα δεόμενα τῶν ἱερῶν 50, 2—4; τὰς τῶν ἱερῶν (κλεῖς) 44: 43 εἴργεται τῶν ἱερῶν 57, 28 (6) pl. ‘sacrifices’, ὀμόσαντες, καθ᾽ ἱερῶν 1, 1;—Kad’ ἱερῶν τελείων 29, 29 (decree); τὰ μαντευτὰ ἱερὰ θύουσιν 54, 25 ἱερωσύνη 21, 243 42, 36; 57, 10 ἕημι" ἵεντας, γλῶσσαν ᾿Αττικὴν 12, 39 (Solon) ἱκετηρίαν θείς 43, 27; Tats ixernplas 43, 26 (τὴν ἱκετηρίαν αἰσχυνθέντες ap. Rhet. 1411 7) Ἴμβρον, ἀρχαὶ εἰς 62, 16 iva, usually c. subj. even after past tense (cf. Eucken, i 52) as in γεγωνῇ 15, 193 διατρίβωσιν 16,8; μὴ---ἐξελέγχωσιν 21, 17; δείξῃ 25, 17; after present tense in αἱρῶνται 29, 15 (decree); νεμηθῶσιν 31, 18 (decree); μὴ προεξαλειφθῇ 475 343 MN—D 42, 353 γένηται 55, 2735 μὴ---κακουργῇ 64, το; εἰσίῃ καὶ μὴ--- βούληται 64. 21; ἀναγκαῖον 65, 43 μηδεμία προειδῇῃ---ἀλλὰ---χρήσηται 66, 10; γένωνται 66, 143 μηδεὶς παρα- σκευάζῃ---μηδὲ γίγνηται 66, τῇ f; μήτε --λαμβάνωσιν 68, 9; ψηφίζωνται 68, 12; μὴ ἐμβάλλῃ 68,. 18 ς. opt. ἀσεβήσαιεν---καὶ γένοιντο abe vets 18, 30

296

ἸΙοφών 17, 11

ἱππάδα (τελεῖν) 7, 173 7, 23 (anon.); 7, 24 (Pol. 1274 @ 21)

*trmapxos eis Λῆμνον 61, 25. ἵππαρχον ἕνα 31, 14 (decree in 411). ἵππαρχοι 4, 8, 11,13; 30,73 44, 163 49, το; esp. 6r, 1g (ἱππαρχίαι καὶ ταξιαρχίαι Pol. 1322 3)

Immapxos, son of Peisistratus, 17, 10; 18, 2, 4, 16, 193 19, 4

Ἵππαρχος Χάρμου Κολλυτεύς 22, 15, 20

ἱππεύς 4, 193 7: 0. 11. ἱππεῖς 24, 143 26, 17; 38, 143 49, 8, 13; 61, 20, 24. ἱππεῖς (ἐν ᾿Ερετρίᾳ) 15,123; ἐν Λήμνῳ 61, 26. Thessalians 19. 29, 31

ἱππεύειν 49, 14, 16f

Ἵππίας 17,10; 18, 2 f, 15, 17, 26, 35, 373 19, 32 *immodpoula 60, 5, 22

Ἱπποκράτης 22, 24

Ἵππομάνης (εἷς τῶν Κοδριδών) Heracl.

epit. § 3 ἵππος, παρέστηκεν 7, 25. καλὸν ἵππον ἔχων 40, 22. δοκιμάζει τοὺς ἵππους

βουλή 49, τ

*immotpogelv 7, 18 (ἱπποτροφίαι Pol. 1321

OTE)

᾿Ισαγόρας Τεισάνδρου 20, 2, 5, 11, 133 28, 9. ἄρχων (5087) 21, 3

ἰσυμοιῤίαν ἔχειν 12, 25 (Solon)

ἰσόρροπα τὰ πράγματα 20, I

ἴσος 63, 8, 21. τὸ ἴσον ὕδωρ 67, 143; ἴσον ἕκαστοι 67,183 ἴσαι (αἱ ψῆφοι) 69, το; πάντας ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις frag. 2; ἐπ᾽ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ (Theseus) ἐκάλει Heracl. epit. § 2 1. 5; ὡς ἰσαίτατα 30, 18 (de- cree)

*igorenéot, δίκαι τοῖς 58, 5

ἵστημι" ἔστησαν (τοὺς νόμους) 7,3. ἔστην 12,8 (Solon), ἵσταται στήλη 53,25; (μηνὸς) ἱσταμένου 62, 14

ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς στάσεως οὔσης 5, 3; ἰσχυρότερα

29:

πξκοΐ ἐδ τὸ πλῆθος 9, 5; πάλιν ἴσχυσεν ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ βουλή 23, 3

ἴσως (-ε μάλιστα) τέτταρας μῆνας 33, I (seems not to occur in Ar. in this sense)

ἴχνος τῆς πράξεως, λαβεῖν οὐδὲν 18, 26

“Iw 3, 8; 41, 73 Heracl. epit. § 1; frag. I

Ἰώνων ἀπόστασις 23, 18; ὅρκοι 23, 23

k 63, 203; 64, 3

καθαίρω " ᾿Επιμενίδης---ἐκάθηρε τὴν πόλιν I, 4

καθαιρῶ᾽" τοὺς---νόμους καθεῖλον ἐξ ’Apelov πάγου 35, το; καθελὼν (τὰ γραμματεῖα) 47> 32

καθάπαξ, ἀτίμους εἶναι 22, 43 (law); κύ-

_ ριον ποιήσαντες καθάπαξ 55, 15 (Pol. 1259 36; 1332 23)

καθάπερ ἐπὶ ᾿Ακάστου quoted in 3, 11; Κ. εἴρηται 4, 24; K. πρότερον 7, 9; 8, IT;

GREEK

INDEX

K. τοὺς πεντακοσιομεδίμνους 7, 25. τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ κτλ (formula of a- mendment) 29, 16; καθάπερ τοὺς ἄλλους 39, 9 (decree)

καθαρὰ καὶ ἀκίβδηλα 51, 33 τῷ γένει μὴ καθαροί 13, 23

καθήκων (νόμος) τό, 41. κούσης 53, 30

καθῆσθαι 48,17. καθήμενον 45, 3

καθίζει---ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν 25, 18; καθίζειν (τὴν βουλὴν) 43, 15; [καθίζουσιν] ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ 65, II

καθίημι" τοὺς μύδρους ἐν τῷ πελάγει καθεῖ- σαν 23, 24

καθίστημι" χορηγοὺς τραγῳδοῖς καθίστησι 56, 7;—els Δῆλον 56, 19; x. κωμῳδοῖς καθίστη 56, 9; λοχαγοὺς καθίστησιν 61, 18; καθίστη τὴν δη- μοκρατίαν 29, 18 (decree) ; κυρίους καθι- στάναι 20, II. καθιστᾶσι τοὺς ἕνδεκα 52, 1; χορηγοὺς καθιστᾶσιν 54, 56; καθίστασαν, ἀρχὰς 3, 2. πολιτείαν κατέστησε 7, 1; ἄρχοντα κατέστησε Λύγδαμιν 15, 5; βουλὴν---κατέστησεν 21. 73 κατέστησε---δημάρχους 21, το; οὐ κατέστησαν ἄρχοντα 13, 4; κατέ- στησαν---εὐπορίαν τροφῆς 24, 93 κατα- στῆσαι τὴν---πολιτείαν 20,. 8. ἼΔΕ ἀρχὰς 31, 51 τοὺς τριάκοντα 34, τό; τοὺς φυλοβασιλεῖς 4τ,0; καταστήσαντες (a4pxas) 35, 4. ὅρος κατέστην 12, 65 (Solon); κατέστη 16, 13 17, 23 22, 15; 32, 73 κατέστησαν 26, 20; 35, 1; καταστῇ 31, It (decree). καθίσταντο (oi ’Apeorayirat) 3, 383 (οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες) 55, 3. ἀρχὴ καθεστηκυῖα 8, 14. πολέμου καθεστῶτος 33, 14

κάθοδος 15, I, 33 ποιήσασθαι τὴν κάθοδον 19, 10; 41, 5; συνεσπούδασαν --- 38, 24; τὴν ἀπὸ Φυλῆς καὶ ἐκ ἹΠειραιέως κάθοδον 41, 23

καθόλου περιλαβεῖν 9, τ2

καθ᾽ τι ἂν 43, 71; καθότι---ἄν 50, 31 καθ᾽ τι 66, 20

καί" passim. καὶ γάρ 19, 2; 21, 20; 22, 2; 41, 263 47, 23. καὶ «καὶ 2.:7, ΤΆΣ 561: 4; τὰ δ’ δ. ἄρ 99) 20,96, ease 241 25, 53 26, 11 3 29, 34; 32, 10; 38, 19 ἔ; 41, 29; 43,123 43, 313 58» 8; 69, 3; Kal ἰδίᾳ καὶ Kowy 40, 17; καὶ ἰδίων καὶ δημοσίων 43, 27. ter, 45, τ f; 46, 1 ἔν 61, 14; guenguies, 34, 23. τὲ---καί always separated except

τῆς ἡλικίας καθη-

in κληρωταί τε καὶ κύριαι 55, 1, and [πομπή τε καὶ ἀγών] 57, 5. καὶ ταῦτα

69, . sf adv., etiam, καὶ αὐτόν 6, 9; καὶ

τοὺς ἄλλους 14, 15. ἅμα δὲ καί τι, 73 ἔτι δὲ καί 9, 7; [πάλιν] δὲ καί 12, 263 ὑπάρχει ---4, το; xetporovei —61, 17, 12, 23, 25,27. διὸ καὶ (v. διό) ; διὸ καὶ νῦν 7, 283; δι᾽ ὃν καὶ μάλιστα 22, 16. ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ συνέβη 18, 7.. καὶ δὴ καί 2,

GREEK INDEX

3; 16,5,40. καὶ πρότερον 7,9; 8, 20; 26, 13. ὅτι καὶ νῦν 3, 25; 7, 6; 8,6; 22, 7; Kal νῦν 3, 39. ov μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις 2, τι; οὐ μόνον--- ἀλλὰ καί 28, 31 f; 40, 18 f; οὐχ οἷον---ἀλλὰ καί 40, 23 f

Καινομένην 5, 9 (Solon)

wel (νόμουθ) 22, 33 καινὰς τριήρεις 46, 2

καίπερ c. gen. abs. 19, 23. 173 25, 3 (Pol. 1249 1)

καιρός" ἐν τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ 31, 2; κατὰ τούτους τοὺς K. 23, 9, 13; 33, 13; κατὰ τοὺς κ. τούτους 26, 4; κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς k. τό, 40. ἐν τούτοις τοῖς K. 22, 30; ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον ----κ. 41, I

κακοπράγμων" pl. 35, 19

κακός" ἴῃ - political sense, ὁμοίως τῷ κακῷ τε κἀγαθῷ 12, 45 (Solon);

. πατρίδος κακοῖσιν ἐσθλοὺς ἰσομοιρίαν ἔχειν 12, 25 (Solon), κακὰ καὶ ὀδύναι 16, 203; τῶν κακῶν καὶ τῶν ὀδυνῶν 16, 21; πάντων τῶν κακῶν 18, 8

κακουργῇ, ἵνα μὴ 64, 10

κακούργημα 66, 19

κακοφραδής 12, 48 (Solon)

κακῶς" εἶχεν 10, 43 ἀποχωρήσαντες 37, 3 ; τρέφειν 40, 2; λέγῃ 59, 14

κάκωσις γονέων 56, 30; ὀρφανῶν 56, 32; ἐπικλήρου 56, 33; οἴκου ὀρφανικοῦ 56, 34 (σωμάτων---κακώσεις Rhet. 1386 8)

Καλλίας ἄρχων (412/1) 32, 3,8

Καλλίας ᾿Αγγελῆθεν ἄρχων (406/5) 34, 3

Καλλίβιος ἁρμοστής 37, 18; 38, 13

¢. part. 23,

᾿ καλλιερώ " κἄν τι καλλιερῆσαι δέῃ, καλ-

λιεροῦσι μετὰ τῶν μάντεων 54, 25

Καλλικράτης Παιανιεύς 28, 21

καλοὺς κἀγαθούς 28, 31. τὸ καλόν 6, 16. καλὸν ἵππον 49,1. γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλήν 14, 25. κάλλιστα, VU. καλῶς

καλῶ καλεῖ τοὺς εἰληχότας 64, 15. καλοῦσι 6, 4; 21, 18; 49, 15. κάλει τοὺς μάρτυρας 55, 19; ἐκ τούτων καλοῦντες 65, 183 καλεῖται 13, 16; 15, 6; 64,73 ἐκαλεῖτο 3, 28; ἐκαλοῦντο 2, 5. τὸ καλούμενον το, 323 τὸν K. 54, 13 ; καλούμενοι 26, 20; 55, 2; καλου- μένους 14. 6; 54, 25. ἐκλήθη 3, 30; κληθέν τό, 18

καλῶς ἄρχειν 43, 18; 61, 12; ἐπεφύκει καλῶς τό, 38; émodirevOnoav— 23, 9; -πολιτευθῆναι 33, 13 ; πολιτεύσασθαι 40, 7; τῶν μὴ καλῶς ἐχόντων 28,25 οὐχρησάμενοι δὲ καλῶς τότετοϊῖς πράγμασι 34, 13. κάλλιστα δὴ καὶ πολιτι-

Σ κώτατα 40, 17

κἄν. See ἄν and ἐάν

*xavnpopeiv 18, 11

*xavovis 64,8; pl. 64, 10

καρπός 60, 10

καρπουμένους, τὰ αὑτῶν 39, 4 (decree)

καρτερὸν ἦτορ 5, 16 (Solon)

κατά" c. gen. (1) καθ᾽ ἱερῶν ὀμόσαντες I,

297

Ι ; ὀμόσαντες καθ᾽ ἱερῶν τελείων 20, 30- (2) κατὰ τῶν τελωνῶν 52, 18; ---τῶνΡ ἐπιτρόπων 56, 32, 33, 34. (3) κύριοι--- εἰσιν---κατὰ τῶν ὁπλιτὼν 61, 21 ¢. acc. (1) of place, (α) κατὰ θάλατ- ταν, γῆν, 19, 26, 30; THY χώραν 16, 8; τὴν εἴσοδον 63, 73 τὴν πολιτείαν 2, τι; 28, 2. (4) ‘opposite’, τὸν ἐπώνυμον 48,17. (c) of distribution, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην (φυλήν) 8, 13; καθ᾽ ἑκάστην τὴν φυλήν 64, 2; κατὰ φυλάς 22, 8, 21; 42, 15, 28; 48,1; 56,12; 63, 1, 20. μερίζων κατὰ τὰς προὐπαρχούσας τριττῦς 21, IO. διένειμε τὴν χώραν κατὰ δήμους 21, 12; οἱ κατὰ δήμους δικασταί τό, 13; 26, 21; 48, 24; κατὰ δήμους περιιόντες 53, 33 κατὰ τὴν καταβολὴν ἑκάστην 47, 20; κατὰ Tas καταβολάς 47, 303 κατὰ μέρος 55, 5; κατὰ κληρωτήριον 64, 12; κατὰ πέντε πινάκια εἷς 64, 12; κατ᾽ ὀλίγους 66, 22; (4) ‘according to’, τοὺς νόμους 4, 21; 16, 313 42, 73 48, 73 55, 31) 57, 19; Tov—vduov 47, 3; Ta πάτρια 21, 24, and (in decrees) 31, 3; 39, 6, 19; πάσας (πολιτείαθ) 28, 37; τὰ γεγραμμένα 31, 15; τὰς συνθήκας 30, 23 σελήνην 43, το; καθ᾽ ὅσον ἦν δυνατός 14, 14; καθ᾽ 6 τι ἄν--- 43, 73 59, 33—OoKy 44,17; αὐτὰ ταῦτα 45, 23; ταὐτά 30, 16; καθ᾽ αὑτήν 8, 10; ‘in respect to’, τῶν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν 2, 11; nearly equivalent to διά in κατὰ τὸ γένος ἱερωσύνη 42, 363; (of rent) ταύτην τὴν μίσθωσιν 2, 5; (e) of object, ἐμπορίαν καὶ θεωρίαν τι, 4 (2) of time, (a) parts of time, ἐνι-

αὐτόν 3, 19; 30, 4 (decree); 54, 273 ἑκάστην τὴν ἡμέραν 27, τό; 30, 27 (decree) ; πρυτανείαν 54, 133 - ἑκάστην 47, 18; 48, 14; 61,11; πενθήμερον 30, 24 (decree) ; τὴν ἀρχήν 16, 253 τὰς ἀρχάς 35, 18; μικρόν 23, 25 25, 3) (4) of periods of time, ἐκείνους τοὺς καιρούς 16, 403 τούτους τοὺς K. 23, 9, 133 ‘33, 133 τοὺς K. τούτους 26, 43 (τὸν) πόλεμον 26, 7; 29, 1; 62, 18; τὴν στρατιάν 37,2; κατ᾽ αὐτόν 28, 33; καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν 23, 15

καταβαίνοντες εἰς τὸ ἄστυ 16, 153 κατα- βάντας ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν 24, 3. Abs. καταβάντες (from the acropolis) 18, 19. καταβέβηκεν (ex eguo) 49, 6

kaTaBadr\w* (1) Zt. καταβαλεῖ κόπρον 50, 10. (2) of payment (esp. by instal- ment) 47, 19, 25, 28, 33; 48, 2, 6 (τι- μήν Oec. ii 1346 6 29, 1349 5)

καταβολή (of payment) 47, 20, 30, 32; 48, 5, 8 (ai καταβολαὶ τῶν προσόδων Oec. ii 1351 9)

καταγιγνώσκω᾽" κλοπὴν ---καταγιγνώσκουσι 54, 7. Tolrav—Odvarov κατέγνωσαν 28, 23 (cf. Rhet. 1380 13). ἄν τινος ἀδικεῖν καταγνῷ 45, 9; ἀδικεῖν Kara-

298

: γνῶσιν 54, το. (αὐτῶν) καταγνῷ 45, 16; (τινὸς) καταγνῶσιν 53, 343 εἴ Tov καταγνοίη 60, 12. Ads. καταγνῷ 48, 233 καταγνῶσιν 54, 9; καταγνοῦσα (?) 46, 10. Pass. καταγνωσθέντος τοῦ

. ἄγους I, 2

κατάγνυμι" ἐλαίαν---κατάξειεν 60, 11

καταγνώσεις, εἰσάγειν 45, 9 (decree); cf. 59, 13

κατάγω᾽ κατήγαγεν---καταγούσης 14, 23 f (Pol. 1311 19)

καταδείξαντος, πρώτου 27, 25 (κατέδειξεν ἐναργῶς Ar. 1583 @ 15 in epigram on Plato)

καταδέχομαι" κατεδέξαντο---τοὺς ὠστρα- κισμένους 22, 39 (de Respir. 476 a 29 καταδέχεσθαι τὴν τροφήν)

κατακλείω" κατέκλεισεν τοὺς νόμους 7, 7; κατακλείσαντες εἰς τὰ---οἰκήματα 18, 21; κατακλείσας---εἰς τὸ ---τεῖχος 19, 315 κατακλεισθεὶς---ἐν τῷ ἄστει 27, 9

κατακούειν abs. 15, τ8. (ἐὰν κατακούσω- σιν αὐλοῦντος Eth. 1175 643 κατακού- εσθαι τὴν φωνὴν Hist. An. 614 23)

*xatTaxup®* κατακυροῦσι (οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχον- TES) 47, 15

καταλαβόντος Φυλήν 37, 13 -λαβόντων Μουνιχίαν 38, 1; χρείας -λαβούσης 3,

καταλέγω" τὸν μερισμόν 48, το; τοὺς ἱππέας 49, 8, το; τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους 29, 37 (decree); τρισχιλίους 36, 7; τριηράρχους 61, 8. τοὺς κατειλεγμένους καλοῦσι 40, 15 (πληρωμάτων κατει- λεγμένων εἰς ἑκατὸν ναῦς Cec. ii 1353 @ 1g, the only authority for this sense in Index Ar.)

*xaradoyeis’ (ἱππέων) 49, 93 (in 411) 29, 38 note

κατάλογος" τῆς στρατείας γιγνομένης ἐκ καταλόγου 26,8; τὸν κ. τῶν τρισχιλίων ὑπερεβάλλοντο 36, 12; τοῦ Kk. (τῶν τρισχιλίων) μετέχοντας 37,73 εἰσφέρουσι τὸν (τῶν ἱππέων) κ. εἰς τὴν βουλήν 40, 10

κατάλυσις" τοῦ πολέμου 38, 6. τῶν TU-

pavvwv 13, 243 21, 33 41, 143 (Tar τετρακοσίων) 33, το; 34, 2. ἐπὶ KaTa- λύσει τοῦ δήμου συνισταμένους 8, 25; συνισταμένους ἐπὶ τῇ κ. τῆς πολιτείας 25, 15 (κατάλυσις τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας Pol. 1305 a 3: καταλύσεις τυραννίδων 1312 21)

καταλύω: τὴν τυραννίδα 19, 8; τὴν βουλήν 20, 103 41, 18; πάσας τὰς

: πολιτείας 28, 26; τὴν δυναστείαν 36, 6; τὸ κῦρος 3%, 123 τοὺς τετρακοσίους 33, 7; τοὺς τριάκοντα 38, 5; τοὺς δέκα 38, 18. κατέλυσε (τὴν διωβελίαν) 28, 21

Pass, καταλυθῆναι τὴν βουλήν 25, 13; κατελύθη, sc. βουλή, 32, 4; καταλυ- θείσης τῆς τυραννίδος 20, 1; 28, 7; κρίσις καταλέλυται 60, 143 ¢. gen.

. μὴ καταλυθῶσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς 38, το. Mid. κατελύοντο τὸν πόλεμον 32, 15

GREEK ©

INDEX

καταπάλτην ἀφιέναι 42, 24

καταπαύειν τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν φιλονικίαν 5, τι

καταπλέοντος, τοῦ σίτου τοῦ 51, 16

καταπλαγείς 23, 18: 34, 26. καταπλῆξαι 38, 10

* καταρρυπαίνειν 6, 18

* κατασεσημασμένα τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἱππέων 49, 12. (τοὺς ἐχίνους) κατασημηνάμενοι. 53, 12

κατασιωπῶσιν 14, 12

*xaTacxdwWavTes, TO τεῖχος 37, 9

κατασκευάζω: κατεσκεύασε δικαστάς 16, 13. τὴν ἀρχὴν --- κατασκευάζοντες 36, 12. κατεσκεύασε (τὸ πολεμαρχεῖον) 3, 293 τοῦτο 18, 29; μισθοφορὰν τοῖς δικασταῖς 27,22. κατασκευάσασι τὴν---ὀλιγαρχίαν 37, 10

κατασκευή, (πομπῆς) 56, 26

κατασκοπήν, ἐπὶ, frag. 4 init.

κατάστασις" (τὴ τῆς πολιτείας 42, τ; Cf. II, 103 14, 20; 16, 41; 22, 6; Tar τετρακοσίων 41, 20; (2) ἐπιτροπῆς 56, 37- (3) ἐμφανῶν 56, 38

*xaratpavpaticas ἑαυτόν 14, 2

*xarapari{w: impf.7, 5 (κατάφασις, κατα- φατικός, Ar. saepius, e.g. Categ. 12 7 κατάφασις λόγος ἐστὶ kataparixds)

καταφεύγω" κατέφυγον 20, 13

καταχαρίζεσθαι τὴν κρίσιν 49, 21 (πολλὰ τῶν κοινῶν Pol. 1271 3)

καταχειροτονία 59, 4

κατελθεῖν τοὺς ἀπὸ Φυλῆς 58, 15; τὸν δῆμον 38, 20. τῶν φυγάδων οἱ---κατελ- θόντες 34, 20; τῶν ἐκ Πειραιέως κατελ- θόντων 38, 31. τῶν κατεληλυθότων 40,

II

κατέχω: (1) ‘restrain’, οὐ κατεῖχε τὴν ὀργήν 18, 9. κατέσχε δῆμον 12, 49 and 63 (Solon); ἑαυτόν 18, 37. (2) ‘re-

tain’, βουλόμενος κατασχεῖν αὐτούς 40, 5. (3) ‘hold’; ‘gain, or keep, posses- sion of ’; τὴν ἀκρόπολιν κατέσχε 14, 6; κατεῖχον τὴν ἀρχήν 17, 9; κατέχοντα. τὴν ἀρχήν 17, 18; κατασχήσειν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν 24: 5; κατασχόντος τοῦ δήμου τὰ πράγματα 20, 17; κατεῖχον τὴν πόλιν δι᾿ ἑαυτῶν 35, 7; κατεῖχεν τὴν τυραννίδα. 15, 133 κατασχόντες τὴν τυρ. 19, 37: abs. κατεῖχεν 15, 3

κατηγορίαν δοὺς 55, 21

Ἐκατήγορος 55, 21; Pl. 42,93 55» 26

κατηγορῶ" «. gen. 18, 23, 29; 25,203; 37» 17; 585, 21. κατηγόρησε τὰς εὐθύνας Κίμωνος 27, 2; abs. κατηγορεῖν 55, 235 τῷ κατηγοροῦντι 67, 15

* κατοικοδομεῖν, τὰς ὁδοὺς 50, ΤΙ

κατοικῶ" 22, 423; 39, 17 f (decree); 40,

26 κεῖται 5, 7 (Solon): ὄνομα---κείμενον 7, 195 cf. τιθέναι κελεύει 8, 6; 49, 263 51, 145 53, 31- κελεύουσιν 43, 293 53, 34. 7. ἐκέλευσεν 15, 183 τό, 20.

κελεύῃ 445 κελεύων

κηρυξάντων, τῶν στρατηγῶν 23, 6.

GREEK

22, 323; κελεύοντες 37, 5; κελευουσῶν

| 40, 21

κενὸν κιβώτιον 66, 15

κέντρον---λαβών 12, 47 (Solon)

κέρδει καὶ χάρισιν 41, 29

κηδεστής 28, 13

Κήδων 20, 21, 23

κῆρυξ (τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων) 62, 113 (in the law-courts) 64, 16; 66, 8: 68, 19; 69, 7. pl. κήρυξιν- πρεσβείαις 30, 29 ἔδείοο)} 43:30; οἱ κήρυκες καὶ οἱ πρέσ- βεις 43, 31

Κήρυκες 39, 5; 57> 41 frag. 3 ; ἄρχων---κηρύττει 56, 5. Θησεὺς ἐκήρυξε Heracl. epit. § 2

Κηφισοφῶν ἄρχων (3298) 54; 33

κιβώτιον" 64, 4, 7, 8,9, 203 66, 13, 153 pl. 63,4 £5; 64, 1, 23; 65, 14

κιγκλίδος, ἐντὸς--τῆς 65, 2

ΣῈ κιθαριστρία" pl. 50, 6

Κίμων 26, 5; 27, 2; his εὐπορία, τυραν- νικὴν ἔχων οὐσίαν 27, 13; τῶν εὐπόρων 28, 12

κίνδυνον, μετὰ τὸν 38, 3

Κινέας 19, 28

κινεῖν, ταῦτα τι, 3; τὴν τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόν- των αἵρεσιν οὐκ ἐκίνουν 26, 143 κι[νή- σαῆντες τὴν δημοκρατίαν 29, 4

Κλαζομένιος 41, 33

Κλεαίνετος 28, 15

κλεῖς τὰς τῶν ἱερῶν, τὰς 44, 3

Κλεισθένης 20, 3, 4, 8, 16, 17; 21, 23 22, ΤΟΣ 28. 7} 20. 17.5.26} 41,.18

Ἐλειτοφῶν 29, 153 34. 24

Κλεομένης 19, 6, 29; 20, 6, 13 Κλεοφῶν 28, 19, 26; 34, 10 κλέπτης 52, 2

κλέπτοντ᾽ 54, 6

κλεψύδραι 67, 5

Κλέων 28, 15 κλῆμα (Ὁ) 60, FA 9:

κλήρου καὶ ἐπικλήρου 42, 353 κλήρων καὶ

ἐπικλήρων 9, 8; 43, 21; 56, 39; 58,9 κληρῶ" act. (abs.) ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς κληροῦν 4, 17; (in appointment of archons) ἐκ τούτων ἐκλήρουν 8, 3; δέκα κλ. ἑκάστην (τὴν φυλήν), εἶτ᾽ ἐκ τούτων κυαμεύειν 8, 4:1 kX. τοὺς ταμίας ἐκ τῶν πεντακοσιομε- δίμνων 8, 7; Kr. τὴν βουλὴν τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας 30, 25 (decree); KX. τοὺς λα- χόντας πέντε τοὺς ἐθέλοντας προσελθεῖν ἐναντίον τῆς βουλῆς 30, 27 (decree) κληροῖ (ὁ ἐπιστάτης τῶν πρυτάνεων) προέδρους ἐννέα 44, 8. κλ. (ἡ βουλὴ) ἱεροποιούς 54, 243 ἱεροποιοὺς τοὺς κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν 54, 273 (ὁ δῆμος) Διονυσίων ἐπιμελητάς 56, 255 (ὁ ἄρχων) τὴν φυλήν 64, 12; τοὺς πρώτους λαχόντας 66, 16 ,. Κληροῦσι τάσδε τὰς ἀρχάς 54, τ;-- ., ἀθλοθέτας 60, 2; γραμματέα τὸν κατὰ . πρυτανείαν 54, 131 (yp. τὸν) ἐπὶ τοὺς ; νόμους 54,19; δικαστάς (πάντες οἱ ἐννέα

INDEX

299

ἄρχοντες δέκατος δ᾽ γραμματεὺς τῶν θεσμοθετῶν) 59, 18; τὰ δικαστήρια (οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες κτλ) 63, 1; εἰς Σαλαμῖνα ἄρχοντα καὶ εἰς Πειραιέα δήμαρχον 54, ᾿.341} εἰσαγωγέας 52, τι; ἐμπορίου ἐπι- μελητὰς 51, 15; εὐθύνους 48, τ4; θεσ- μοθέτας 55, 43 (τὰς κληρωτὰς dpxas) ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ὅλης κληροῦσι 62, 4; λογιστάς 48, 133 54, 33 ὁδοποιοὺς KTA 54, 13 (τοὺς) τετταράκοντα 53, I (τριττῦς) ἐκλήρωσεν τρεῖς εἰς τὴν φυλὴν ἑκάστην 21, 14 Mid. κληροῦσθαι (τὰς ἀρχὰς) τοὺς ὑπὲρ τριάκοντα ἔτη γεγονότας 4,143 τὸν μέλ- λοντα κληροῦσθαί rw’ ἀρχήν 7, 28; (of dicasts) κληρουμένων---μᾶλλον τῶν τυ- χόντων τῶν ἐπιεικῶν ἀνθρώπων 27, 23) τοὺς κληρωσομένους τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων 26, 15 Pass. κληροῦσθαι---τὸν ἐπιψηφιοῦντα 30, 27 (decree). βουλὴ κληροῦται 43, 6. (τῶν πωλητῶν) κληροῦται εἷς ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς 47, 2; (τῶν ταμιῶν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾷ5) κλ. εἷς ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς 47, 73 (ἐμπήκτη:) 64, 19. κληροῦνται ἀγορανόμοι 51, 1; ἱερῶν ἐπισκευασταί .89, 2; μετρονόμοι 51, 5 (ἀρχαὶ) μετ᾽ ἐννέα ἀρχόντων ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ὅλης κληρούμεναι 62, 23 (ἀρχαὶ) ἐν Θησείῳ κληρούμεναι 62, 33 (ἀποδέκται) κεκληρωμένοι κατὰ φυλάς 48, I *kXAnpwriprov 64, 123 66, 6; pl. 63, 43 64, 11; 66, 2 κληρωτὸς (γραμματεὺς κατὰ πρυτανείαν) 54, 10; (ταμίας) 49, 29. κληρωτοὶ (οἱ ἕνδεκα) 52, 1; (σιτοφύλακες) 51, 8. ἀρχαὶ κληρωταὶ 8,1, 5; 30, 13 (decree) ; 43,23 55,13; 62,13 mdvres—xal οἱ κλη- ρωτοὶ καὶ οἱ χειροτονητοὶ δοκιμασθέντες ἄρχουσιν 55. 8 κλοπὴν (δημοσίων χρημάτων) οἱ δικασταὶ καταγιγνώσκουσι 54, 7 Κοδρίδαι 3, 13; Heracl. epit. 3 κοι 5, 4, 11} 23,173 40, 18, 213 57, 6 κοινόν, μέτριον καὶ 6, 14 (of Solon). τὸ ἱερὸν εἶναι κοινὸν ἀμφοτέρων 39, 5 (de- cree). τὰς κοινὰς λῃτουργίας 27, 143 κοινὰ τὰ ὄντα νέμεσθαι 56, 373 τὰ κοινὰ 9. 103 τῶν κοινῶν 15, 25; τό, το; διῴκει τὰ κοινά 14, 175 τὰ κοινὰ πράτ- τουσι 24, 5; ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν 24, 213 nee τὸ κοινόν 42, 28 κοινωνεῖν 6, 93 ¢. gen. τῶν κοινωνούντων τῆς πράξεως 18, 163 πολλῶν κοινωνούν- των τῆς be age 13, 243 κοινωνεῖν τῆς -πολιτείας 37, 8; ἀμφοτέρων κεκοινω- νηκώς 37, II κοινωνικαὶ δίκαι 52, 15 (not found in Ar. in technical sense) κολάζουσα Kal ζημιοῦσα 3, 36; ζημιοῦν καὶ κολάζειν 8, 23 Κολλυτός 14, 26. Κολλυτεύς 22, 16 κόλπος, Θερμαῖος 15, 6

300

κομίζειν (σῖτον) 51, 18; κομίσαντος (οἵ troops) 17, 16. Mid. κομίσασθαι τὰ χρήματα τς τῶν ἘΘΕΦΕΜΆΝΕΚΝν 255.2%

Κόνων ἄρχων (4621) 25,8

κόπρος, 50, 10; *KompoNbyot 50, 9

κόρος 12, 13 (Solon) * κορυνηφόροι 14, 5 * κοσμητής 42, 19

κόσμος" Thy θεὸν ἀπομιμησάμενος τῷ κόσμῳ 14, 28; τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον (of the Par- thenon) 47, 6. ἐν κόσμῳ λεγόντων 28, 18

κρατεῖν, ἔχειν καὶ 56, 7; δῆμός ἐστιν κρατῶν 41, 26; οἱ δῆμοι κρατήσαντες 40, 24

κρατερὸν σάκος 12, 8 (Solon)

κράτος" κράτει νόμου 12, 42 (Solon)

Κρέουσα frag. 1, 6

κρηνῶν ἐπιμελητής 43, 3

Κρής, δ 1, 3

κριθαί 51, 12

κρίνω: (1) ‘choose’, xplvaca—rov ἐπιτή- δειον 8, 9. (2) ‘try’, τὰς dixas—xplvew 3, 32; Tas xEeLporovias—, 30, 26; κρίνου- σιν (στρατηγόν) 61, 12; τοὺς---συνιστα- μένους ἔκρινεν 8, 23; ἔκρινεν τὰ παρα- δείγματα καὶ τὸν πέπλον βουλή 49, 20; εἴ τις ἐξορύξειεν ἐλαίαν ----, ἔκρινεν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλή 60, τ1. pass. κρινό- μενος ὑπότινων 27, 26; κρίνεσθαι Μηδισ- μοῦ 25, 12; κριθῆναι μιᾷ χειροτονίᾳ πάντας 34, 5

κρίσις, οὐ κύρια (ἀλλ᾽ ἐφέσιμος εἰς τὸ δικασ- τήριον) 45, 133 K. καταλέλυται 60, 14. τῆς κρίσεως δῆμος κύριος 9, 11; κρίσεως ἐν δικαστηρίῳ γενομένης 45, 53 ἀμφισ- βήτησις τῆς κρίσεως 28, 34. πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἀμφισβητούντων κρίσιν 3, 21; κατα- χαρίζεσθαι τὴν κρίσιν 40, 22. αἱ τῆς βουλῆς κρίσεις εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐληλύθασιν 41, 27

Κρόνος" ἐπὶ Κρόνου βίος 16, 27

κτείνω" ἔκτεινεν 39. 19

κτῆμα" τὸ ἔλαιον ἐκ τοῦ κτήματος 60, 14

κτίζω: ἀπὸ τῶν κτισάντων 21, 22 (Pol. 1275 6 33, 1310 & 28)

κτῶμαι: οὐσίαν κεκτημένους 4, 6; ἐντὸς

τριῶν μνῶν κεκτημένους 40, 26; συμπεί-

θειν τὸν κεκτημένον 39, Io (decree);

τὸ χωρίον κεκτημένος 60, 13; fl. 60, 8

κυαμεύειν, ἐκ τούτων 8, 43 ἐκυάμευσαν

τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας 22, 21

κύαμος: τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου δισχιλίους ἄνδρας 24, 20; τὴν εἰληχυῖαν τῷ κυάμῳ βουλήν 32, 6

κύβοι 64, τι f; 66, 2, 5

(Κύλων) 1, I—3 notes; Heracl. epit. 4

κύρβεις 7, 3 (only in de Mundo 400 30, τὰ ἐν κύρβεσιν ἀναγεγραμμένα)

κύριος" νόμος 47, 4; οὐ κυρία κρίσις 45, 13; κυρία ἐκκλησία 43, 173 62,73 ἀμ- φορεὺς κύριος, ἄκυρος, 68, τό ἔ; 69, 1; κυρίαν (ψῆφον) 68, 26; αἱ κύριαι (ψῆφοι) 69, 3; τι ἂν οἱ δικασταὶ ψηφίσωνται,

*

GREEK INDEX

τοῦτο κύριον εἷναι 45, τι; τι ἂν γνῶσιν οἱ δικασταί, τοῦτο κύριόν ἐστι 48, 27 ἴ; περὶ τοῦ δοῦναι--κύριον ποιήσαντες 30, 14; κυρίους 39, 3; ὄντες κύριοι (52, 19 C. gen. ἁπάντων 41, 253 τοῦ ἀφεῖναι 44, 13; τῶν αὐτῶν 61, 21; τῶν ypap- μάτων 54, 143 τῆς δοκιμασίας 55, 12] ἑαυτῶν 30, 3; τῶν εἰρημένων 55, 1; τῆς κρίσεως 9, 12; οὐδενός 54, 22; τῆς πό- News 20, 11; 34, 16; 35, 2; τῆς πο- λιτείας 9, 7; τῶν πραγμάτων 6, τ; 18, 13 41, 2} 55, 13 τῆς ψήφου ο, 6 c. inf. 3, 31; 8, 23; 29, 36 (decree); 44, 133 45,1, 193 56, 423 59, 1; 61, 14 c. part. κυρίους εἶναι θανατοῦντας 37, 13 κυρίως, ζημιοῦσα 3, 36 κῦρος, ἦν ἐν τοῖς δικασταῖς" TO 35, 12 κυροῦσι (οἱ θεσμοθέται), τὰ σύμβολα τὰ πρὸς τὰς πόλεις 59, 16; (οἱ πωληταὶ) τὰ τέλη κυροῦσιν (ἢ) 47, το; κυρω-

κατέλυσαν

θέντων δὲ τούτων 30, 1 (only ἐν τῇ

Τενεδίων πολιτείᾳ p. 1569 27, frag.

5933, ἐκύρωσε καὶ περὶ τοῦ ἰδίου παιδὸς.

τηρηθῆναι τὸν νόμον) Κυψελίδαι 17, 14 κύειν 56, 42 κύων: κυσὶν πολλαῖσιν 12, 54 (Solon) * κωλακρέται 7, 12 κωλύω" ἐκώλυσεν 18, τι ; 22, 32. ¢. ζη7.

γενέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην 34, το; δανείζειν.

6, 2; κατοικοδομεῖν 50, 11; κοινωνεῖν 37, 8; παριέναι 19, 31; as in Ar.

ga p- 419 32) never followed by |

Pondis ἄρχων (561/0 or 560/59) 14, 8 κωμῳδοῖς, χορηγοὺς 56, 9, 11 (κωμῳδοῖς χορηγὼν Eth. 1123 233 χορὸν κωμῳ-

δῶν ὀψέ ποτε ἄρχων ἔδωκεν Poet. 1440

τὴ κωτίλλοντα 12, 19 (Solon)

λαγχάνω" δίκας λαγχάνουσι (πρὸς) 53, 2;

τῷ δράσαντι λαγχάνει 57, 30; ἃς ἂν λάχῃ διαίτας 53, 12; ὅσους ἂν δέῃ λαχεῖν δικαστάς 64, 13; οὗ ἔλαχον ἕκαστοι 69, 14; οἷον ἂν λάχῃ (δικαστήριον), 645 21; 66, 10; ἂν πρώτη λάχῃ τῶν ἀρχῶν

66, 7; καθ᾽ τι ἂν λάχωσιν 43, 7; 0 43 εἷς λαχών 44, τ; τὸ.

λαχών 47, 4 λαχὸν μέρος 30, 16 (decree); 58, 7: τὸ γράμμα τὸ λαχόν 63, 24; τὸ δικαστή- ριον τὸ λαχόν 49, 21; τῷ λαχόντι 50, of ; τῷ πρώτῳ λαχόντι δικαστηρίῳ 66,

λαχόντες 66, 4;

οἱ λαχόντες 57, ian

-ἐπὶ ras ψήφους 68, 6; τῶν λαχόντων

δικαστῶν 63, 6; τοὺς λαχόντας 4, 14; 30, 26, 28 (τοὺς πρώτους λ. 66, 16); -᾿ ἐκ τῆς πολιτείας 4, 14. εἰσελθεῖν εἰς εἴληχε δικαστήριον 65, 4; ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ

εἰληχώς 67, 11; [ὁ ταύτην τὴν ἀρχὴν]

2 ΠΥ ΠῚ Ἀν’ λυ, ΞΕ δ

a HAY ΠΣ ες

a HS

.

GREEK

εἰληχώς 68, το; (στοιχεῖον) τὸ τοῦ δικα- στηρίου ἑκάστου εἰληχός 64, 25: τοῦ εἰλη- χότος ταύτην τὴν ἀρχήν 65, 10; τὴν εἰληχυῖαν τῷ κυάμῳ βουλήν 32, 6; οἱ ἐπὶ τὰς ψηφοὺς εἰληχότες 69, 53 τοῖς εἰληχόσι 65, τό; τοὺς εἰληχότας 64, 16 Pass. γραφαὶ καὶ δίκαι λαγχάνονται

πρὸς αὐτόν 56, 29; γραφαὶ λ. πρὸς αὐτόν 57, 9; δίκαι Δ. πρὸς αὐτόν 58, 4; λ. δίκαι 57, 12

Λακεδαιμόνιοι 10, 7.21; 23, 12,193 29, 33 32, 14; 34, 8; 37, 183 38, 253 40, 20

Λακεδαίμων 37,17; 38, 7, 27

Λακιάδαι 27, 15

Λάκωνες, οἱ 19, 7, 21, 25; 23, 20

λαμβάνει ἀποτιμήματα 56, 45; Y λαμβά- vee 68, 12; τιμὴν λαμβάνειν 39, 12 (decree); δίκην οὔτε διδόασιν οὔτε λαμ- βάνουσιν 42, 34; Δ. δωρεάν 46, 7; παρέδρους 56, τ; εἰς σίτησιν Δ, 62, το, 15. οἰκίαν λαμβάνωσιν 39, 10; ἀμφο- τέρας (τὰς ψήφους) A. 68, 9; λαμβάνων 42, 26; λαμβάνοντες ἀργύριον 43, 11; A. τριάκοντα μνᾶς 50, 3. τὴν θυγατέρα αὐτοῦ λήψεται 14, 232. ἔλαβεν (τὴν δεξιάν) 18, 35; προστάτην ἔλαβεν δῆμος 28, 3. λαβεῖν (αὐλητρίδα) 5ο, 8; λ, τὴν δεκάτην τό, 223 τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Δ. 23, II; YX. τὴν πολιτείαν 41, 4. Ar ἴχνος 18, 25; σύμβολον 68, 13. λαβών 22, 36; Ar. τὴν ἀρχήν 14, 16; 15, 133 24, 6; δωρεὰν λ. 46, 6; A. τὴν ἐπιμέ- λειαν 38, 29; κέντρον Ἃ. 12, 47 (Solon) ; A. Tas ψήφους 68, 23 f; A. τοὺς κορυνη- φόρους 14,5; A. τὴν πόλιν 15, 133 μοιχὸν A. 57, 193 A. τὴν βακτηρίαν 65, 7; λ τοῦτο (τὸ πινάκιον) 48, 23; λαβοῦσα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν 23, 4; δῶρα λαβόντα 54, 8; λαβόντα (τὰς δίκας) 58, 6; λαβόντες ἀσπίδα 42, 31; τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν 38, 20; τὸν τελευταῖον τῶν ἐπωνύμων λαβόντες 53, 27. τὸν μισθὸν λήψονται 66, 20; δῶρα λήψεσθαι and λάβωσι 55, 32. ληφθέντων (-- ἁλόντων) 19, 34

λαμπάδων ἀγῶνες 57. 7

᾿ λαμπρῶς, ἐλῃτούργει 27, 14 (χορηγεῖν λαμ-

πρῶς Eth. 1122 22)

λανθάνω" μηδένα λάθῃ μηδὲν ἔρημον γε- νόμενον 43, 22; μὴ λάθῃ ὑποβάλλων τις ψήφους 68, 15

λέγω" λέγει 12, 153 ws οἱ δημοτικοὶ λέ. γουσι 6, 83 ὡς ἔνιοι A. 14, 26; 18, 32; λέγειν ras δίκας 67, 6; λέγων Gre 40, 12 (ἔλεγεν ὅτι 25, 14); λέγων οὐκ ἔπειθε 14, 12; οὐ λέγων τι χρήσεται τοῖς χρήμασιν 22, 32; τοῦ πρότερον (opp. τοῦ ὕστερον) λέγοντος 68, 21 f; ἐν κόσμῳ λεγόντων 28, 18; ἄν τις τὸν ἐλεύθερον κακῶς λέγῃ 59: 14

Pass. λέγεται ς. acc. et inf. 14,

λεγόμενος λόγος 18, 263 τὰ tl te 29, 22; ὅθεν ἐλέχθη 21, 5: v. εἰπεῖν and εἴρηται

INDEX

301

Λειμώνη (Ἱππομένους) Heracl. epit. 1. 12

λείπω" (δίκην) ἔλιπεν τό, 34

Λειψύδριον 19, 12, 15

Nelws, κωτίλλοντα 12, 19 (Solon)

Λέσβιοι 24, 7

λευκοί, κύβοι 64, 13 f

AevKa* πινάκιον λελευκωμένον 48, 20; λε- λευκωμένα γραμματεῖα 47, τό, 273 53, 22 (only in Phys. Ausc. 185 29 ἄν- θρωπος οὐ λευκός ἐστιν ἀλλὰ λελεύκωται)

Λεωκόρειον 18, 20

Λῆμνον, ἀρχαὶ εἰς 62, τό; ἵππαρχος εἰς ἐὺς 25; τῶν ἱππέων τῶν ἐν Λήμνῳ 61, 2

Ληναίῳ, ἐπὶ 57, 5

λῆξις: λήξεις κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων 43, 213 νεῖμαι---τοὺς ἄλλους πρὸς τὴν λῆξιν ἑκάσ- Thy 30, 17 (decree); ἵνα νεμηθῶσιν εἰς Tas τέτταρας λήξεις 31, 19 (decree) (only in de Mundo 401 20 κατὰ φύσιν λῆξι)

*\npodow 17, 5 (λῆρος Pol. 1257 το; ληρώδης RKhet. 1414 τό; δὲ λεχθεὶς al gai éotly Hist, An. 579 3

λῃτουργία 27, 143 56, τό

ne 27, 143 29, 35 (decree); 56, 15

λίαν 12, 12 (Solon); ἀρχαίως καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς 14, 22 (λίαν ἀρχαίως Pol. 1330 33; λίαν ἁπλοῦν Meteor. 339 34; ἁπλῶς 365 a 26)

λίθος" ὀμνύντες πρὸς τῷ λίθῳ 7, 53 Badl- ζουσι πρὸς τὸν λίθον 55, 28

λογιζόμενοι, οἱ τοῖς ὑπευθύνοις 54, 5; τοὺς λογιουμένους ταῖς ἀρχαῖς 48, 14

λογισταὶ δέκα (τῆς βουλῆς) 48, 13. σταὶ δέκα καὶ συνήγοροι 54. 3

λόγος. (1) ‘speech’, τὸν ἄλλον λόγον ἐπε- τέλεσεν 15, 23; τὸν πρὸ τοῦ ψηφίσματος λόγον 29, 6; in the law-courts, τῷ dev- τέρῳ λόγῳ 6, ; ὕστερον λόγος 67, 105 (εἰρημένοι) οἱ λόγοι 68, 7. (2) ‘current account’, τῶν δημογίῶν λόγος 6, 13

Ξε ὡς οἱ δημοτικοὶ λέγουσι 6, 8); λε- γόμενος λόγος 18, 26; ‘rumour’, ‘re- port’, προδιασπείρας λόγον Fay: ΩΣ διεσπάρησαν οἱ λόγοι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος 36,

λογι-

4. (3) ‘in name alone’, λόγῳ μόνον 32, 12. (4) ‘accounts’, λόγον ἀπενεγ- Kew 54, 4

λοιδορήσας 18, 12; ἐλοιδορήσατο 28, 17

λοιπός" τὸ λοιπὸν 22, 413 31, 15 (decree); εἰς τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον 30, 15 (decree) ; τὰ λοιπὰ (ἔτη) 17, 4

λοξὸν .---ὁρῶσι 12, 21 (Solon)

Aoxaryol 61, 18 (de Mundo 399 66; Oec. ii 1350 τι; λοχαγίαι Pol. 1322 b 4)

Λύγδαμις Νάξιος 15, 11,15

Λυκομήδης Σκύριος Heracl. epit. 1. 7

λύκος 12, 54 (Solon)

Λυκοῦργος (τῶν πεδιακῶν ἡγεῖτο) 13, 203

14:10

302 GREEK Avualvoua: τὴν ὅλην ἐλυμήναντο πρᾶξιν 18, 21

Ἐλυροποιός, Κλεοφών 28, 20

Λύσανδρος, Spartan general 34, 16, 25

Λυσικράτης ἄρχων (453/2) 26, 19

Λυσίμαχος, father of Aristides, 22, 39; 23, I

as teveat ἀπὸ τοῦ τυπάνου 45, 2-7

Ἐλυχνεῖον 68, 24

λωποδύτης" Pl. 52, 3

μαλακός 3, 7; 18, 12

μᾶλλον" compar. γεγωνῇ μι 15, 19; ἀνίεσ- θαι μ. 26, 2 £3 μ. ἄγειν 27, 6; μ. συμ- πολεμήσειν 29, ὃ; πολιτικῶς μ. τυραν- νικῶς 14, 173 16, 3; ἀεὶ μᾶλλον 27, 23

superl. μάλιστα 9, 53 13,18; 22, 16;

25, 23-275 43 28, τὸ, 273 20,774 82, 9; 34, 253 38, 15, 215 45, 123 50, 43 τῶν προγεγενημένων 33, 5; πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων, μάλιστα δὲ Θηβαίων 15, τι; οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ---μάλιστα 16, 40; αἰτίων Mh. γενομένων Πεισάνδρου κτὰ 32, 9; μάλιστα with numbers 15,2; £9, 4, 38; 25, 23 32, 9. μάλα does not occur

μανιῶν (ἕνεκα 35, 15 (law)

* μαντευτὰ ἱερά 54, 25

μάντεων, μετὰ τῶν 54, 2

“Μαραθῶνι, ἐν 22, 10

μαρτυρία 67, 12; pl. 53, 10, 17; 55, 30;

8, 20

μαρτυρεῖ 5, 143 6, 19

μάρτυς’ οἱ μάρτυρες ἐξόμνυνται Tas μαρτυ- ρίας 55, 3ο. κάλει τούτων τοὺς μάρτυρας 55,19; ἐπειδὰν παράσχηται τοὺς μ. 55, 20

“Μαρωνεία 22, 29

* μαστιγοφόρους---ὑπηρέτας 55, 6

μάτην ἔερδον 12, 23 (Solon)

μάχαιραν, σπασάμενος τὴν 18, 38

μάχεται, πρὸς ἑκατέρους ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρων 5,

“0

μάχην, τὴν ἐπὶ Παλληνίδι 15, 13; 17, 16; τὴν ἐν Μαραθῶνι 22, το. (τῶν. ἀπὸ Φυλῆς) νικησάντων μάχῃ τοὺς μετὰ τῶν τριάκοντα 38, 2

Μεγακλῆς (the slayer of Cylon) Heracl. epit. l. 15

Μεγακλῆς ᾿Αλκμέωνος (παραλίων προεισ- τήκει) 13, £73 οἱ περὶ τὸν Μεγακλέα 14, 18; τῇ τῆς Μεγακλέους θυγατρί 15, 4

Μεγακλῆς Ἱπποκράτους ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν 22,

24

Μεγαρέας: ἐν τῷ πρὸς Μ. πολέμῳ 14, 2; (- περὶ Σαλαμῖνος) 17, 6

μέν μέγαν νόον 5, 17 (Solon); γέγονεν ἀρχὴ μεγάλη 3, τ8; μεγάλην γεγονέ- ναι μεταβολήν 13, 153 γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλήν 14.. 253 Διονυσίων τῶν μεγά- λων 56, 22

compar. μείζων (‘too powerful’) 22,

273; Tas προσόδους μείζους 16, τι; τὰ μέτρα μείζω το, 4; στόλον---μείζω το,

INDEX

30; μείζους καὶ βίαν ἀμείνονες 12, 60 (Solon) superl. μήτηρ μεγίστη 12, 21 (Solon) ;

μέγισται Kal πρῶται τῶν ἀρχῶν 3, 4; τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὰ μέγιστα 3, 35; 8, 22; πρῶτον καὶ μέγιστον 9, 3; μεγίστην εἶχεν δύναμιν 13, τι; μέγιστον πάντων ἣν 16, 29

μέγεθος τοῦ τιμήματος 7, 13

Μέδων (βασιλεύς) 3, 9 * μεθιδρυσόμενος, ἐκεῖζσεν 19, 6

μεθίσταντο 22, 27

μεθύων 34, II

μέλανες, κύβοι 64, 13, 15; Γῆ μέλαινα 12, 32 (Solon)

μέλλω c. inf. praes. 6, 6; 7, 28; 18, τ;

24, 12, 143 45, 33 67, 133 68, 19

c. inf. fut. 63, το and 64, 24 μέλλῃ πληρωθήσεσθαι (not noted either by H-L, or in Class. Rev. v 185 δ)

εἰς τὸ μέλλον 6, 23 εἰς τὸν μέλλοντα

χρόνον 21,1

μέμνηται 6, 203; [2,2

μεμψιμοιρία" 2. τ2, 55 (only in de Virt. 1251 6 25; μεμψίμοιρος in Ast. An. 608 το)

μὲν---δέ passim, 1, 2f; 3, 2f etc. without δέ 19, 9; 48, 23; 58, 5. in irregular position 48, 24 5 μὲν----δὲ----

δέ 4, 18 f; 21,13. μὲν οὖν, continuing

a narrative, 2, 10; 9, 10; 14, 15; 16, 203 175 15 16, a6: 21, 33 22,) δὴ am

23, 16; 26, 12; 28, 1, 23; 29, 13 33am

13 35, 18; 43, 13 (?)3 47, 303 48, 73

52, 173 54, 163; 57, 51 concluding a narrative, 3, 14, 22, 333 4, 1; 6, 213m:

8, 8; 9,1. 10, 1. 13713 181 ΤΟΥ

21,15 23,13 25, 1; 26,15 30,.1} Simm

I; 32, 1, 7; 34, 15 35, 1; 36, 13 41, I}. 43. 13 45» 213 50, 13 55, 13 565 28; 60, I

perro) 28, 35

μένω" μένειν---ἕως ἐθάρρησαν 40,6; μένειν ἐν TH θόλῳ 44: 5) μὴ ᾿θέλουσι μένειν 49... 33 ἔμεινεν ἐν TH ἀρχῇ τό, 35; τῶν ev ἄστει μεινάντων 38, 31: 30, 3; μόνη τῶν

ἀρχῶν---μεμένηκε διὰ βίου 3, 38

μερίζειν κατὰ τὰς---τριττῦς 21, το; (τὰς

καταβολὰΞ) μερίζουσι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς 48, 8 μερισμός 48, 9, 11 (Met. 1027 2ο ΒΖ uw. ἀντιφάσεω5)

μέρος, κατὰ 55, 5; τὸ λαχὸν μέρος 30, 16 . 58, 7; ἐν μέρει 43,73 56,135

(decree) ;

ἐν τῷ μέρει 69,14. τὰ δύο μέρη 51, τῇ.

διένειμε τὴν χώραν---τριάκοντα μέρη 21, ᾿

12; διανεῖμαι τέτταρα μ. 30, 17 (decree); διανείμαντα δέκα μ. 58, 6; --δέκα μ. 63, 20

μετὰ c. gen., passim, e.g. τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων : 19, 333 αὐτοῦ 14, 28; 20, If, 15; Τοῦ των 14, 6; τῶν ἄλλων 42, 373 τῆ βουλῆς 31, 143 60, 6; τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόν- των 62, τ; τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν 56, 23; τῶν

‘| ai

- ie

yey μέν

νενέμηνται :

DA eee ee ee ee ee ee neni

. προβούλων 29, 11; μεθ᾽ ὁποτέρων ἐβού- Aero 11, 13; μηδὲ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων (-ε μετὰ μηδετέρων) 8, 30; σύμβολον---μετὰ τοῦ y 68, 12; μεθ’ ὅπλων 18, 28; μετὰ σπουδῆς 25, 17

C. acc. τὴν Σόλωνος ἀρχήν 13, 33 τὴν τῶν νόμων θέσιν 14, 71;---κάθοδον 15, 2; 41, 221---τῶν τυράννων κατάλυσιν 13,23; 21, 2;—KaTdoTacw 14, 19; 22, 6;-- ναυμαχίαν 23, 22;—vikny 22, 113;—déX- γαρχίαν 53, 4;--ἐν Σικελίᾳ συμφοράν 29, 2;--τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήν 10, 38;— τυραννίδα 22, 23; --τὸν θάνατον 19, 4; —ov πολὺν χρόνον 25, 24; 34, 13;—ov πολύ 6, 10;—Tavrnv 41, 9, 11, 17, 21; --τὰ Μηδικά 23, 2; 25, 2; 41, 15;- τούτους 28, 11; βέλτιστοι μετὰ τοὺς ἀρ- χαίους 28, 29; μετὰ ταῦτα 2, τ; 10, 3; was 405,08, 25 FO, 13. 22, 30, 283 24, τ; etc. πρῶτον μὲν---μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα 55, 15

μεταβολή 13, 15; Pl. 16, 23.41, 5

μεταδίδωμι: Tots τὸ θητικὸν τελοῦσιν ἐκκλη-

. σίας καὶ δικαστηρίων μετέδωκε μόνον 7, 15; ὡς μεταδώσοντες τῆς πολιτείας 36, 71 βουλόμενοι μεταδοῦναι τοῖς ἐπιεικέσι, τρισχιλίοις μόνοις μεταδιδόασι 56, 9; μεταδοῦναι τῶν πραγμάτων τοῖς βελτίσ- τοις 36, 33 μετεδίδου τῆς πολιτείας πᾶσι τοῖς---συγκατελθοῦσι 40, 9

fi ' μεταιχμίῳ, ἐν 12, 65 (Solon)

| μετακινεῖν (rods vduous) 31, 9 (decree)

* μεταλλικαὶ δίκαι 59, 14

᾿ μέταλλον’ τὰ μέταλλα τὰ ἐν Mapwreig 22,

29; τὰ μ. πωλοῦσι 47, 8; τὰ πραθέντα Me 47, τι

*ueraréuroua: τὸν Ἴωνα μετεπέμψαντο

3, 8; τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ανακρέοντα KTA οὗτος ἦν μεταπεμπόμενος 18, 6; τοὺς---φυγάδας μετεπέμψαντο 20, 17; βοήθειαν μετα- πεμπόμενοι 38, 8

iF ; μετάστασις (τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς) 41, 6 | μετατίθημι’ τὰς στάσεις ἀμφοτέρας μετα-

; θέσθαι τι, 9

μετέχω- οὐδενός 2, 12; οὐδεμιᾶς ἀρχῆς 7, 201 τοῦ καταλόγου 37, 7; τῆς πόλεως 8, 30; 26, 22; τῆς πολιτείας 21, 5; 42, 2; πάντων τῶν τόπων 21, 153 ads. μετεχόντων πολλῶν sc. τῆς πράξεως 18, 14

μετεώρους, ὀχετοὺς 50, 12

μέτοικος" (opp. οἰκέτης, Eévos) 57, 18; 2. (opp. τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων) τῶν μετοίκων 43: 253 εἰσάγει Sikas—rots μετοίκοι"--- ὅσα τοῖς πολίταις ἄρχων, ταῦτα τοῖς μετοίκοις πολέμαρχος 58, το f; τοῖς μετοίκοις καὶ τοῖς ἰσοτελέσι καὶ τοῖς προξένοις 58, 5

μέτριος" μέτριον γενέσθαι καὶ κοινόν 6, 14 (of Solon); μέτριοι τοῖς πολίταις 35, 8; εὐποροῦντες τῶν μετρίων τό, 9; ἔχειν τὰ μέτρια 27, τό. ἐν μετρίοισι 5, 18 (Solon)

GREEK .

INDEX 303

μετρίως τό, 3 μέτρον" pl. πεντακόσια μέτρα 7, 16; μέτρα 10, 4; μέτρων καὶ σταθμῶν το, 3:1 51, 6; τοῖς μέτροις διῃρῆσθαι 7, 25 “μετρονόμοι 51, 5 μέχρι δέκα δραχμῶν 52, 18; 53, 53 εὖ- θυνῶν 4, 12; Σόλωνος 2, 9; τούτου 23. 1; ἀρχῆς τέλους 56, 7; τίνων 53, 37; τῆς νῦν (sc. πολιτείας καταστάσεως) 41, 23 (τοῦ νῦν usurpat Ar.); τοῦ κ 63, 20; 64, 31 τριῶν 43, 25; πεντακισχιλίων 7: μή" (1) c. conj. φοβηθέντες μή 36, 5; φοβούμενοι μή 38, 9. ἐάν μή 30, 24, 33 f; 34, 12; elléptrcal 35,15; 39, 11; ἂν μή 46, 53 53, 29; κἂν μή 42, 6, το; 43, 26; 52, 13; 53, 73 56, 36, 45; 68,13. wa wh 21,175 42, 353 47.383 64, 10, 21 f; 68, 18. ὅπως μή 16, 15; 21,9; 35, τό; 66, 22 f; 68, 153; ὅταν μή 57, 293 ὃς ἂν μή 8, 29; 26, 22f; τι ἂν μή 45, 21; ὅσοις μή 12, 14 (Solon) (2) c. opt. εἰ μὴ ἀποδιδοῖεν 2, 73 ὅσοι μὴ συνεξαμαρτάνοιεν 22, 18 (3) ες. ἐμά. εἰ μή τι παρεωρᾶτο 26, 18; εἰ μὴ ἀφήσουσιν 32, 16; ὅσοι---μὴ ὀφεί- λουσιν 63, 12; οἷς μὴ ἔξεστι 63, 133 ὅπως μὴ μισθωθήσονται 50, 7 εἰ δὲ μή, elliptical, 22, 351 49, 18; 52,53 54, II c. inf. after ἀποψηφίσωνται 42, 8; ἔγνωσαν 26, 22; ἔδει 4, 16; δοκεῖν 43, 24; εἰσαγγέλλειν 45, 15 (cf. 59, 6); ἐξομνυμένους 49, 14 f; ὀμνύουσιν 55, 31; παραινῶν 5,15; νόμον ἔθηκε 8, 30; τὴν πολιτείαν διέταξαν 29, 29, 353 sim. το, 5 535-265. 31,. Sy 175 39." 646; ἐσοπούδαζον 38, 15; φῇ 56, 18 c. inf., ες. articulo, τὸ μὴ δανείζειν 9. 3; τὸ μὴ φυλοκρινεῖν 21, 6; διὰ τὸ μὴ γεγράφθαι (9, 7), δύνασθαι (9, 12), βούλεσθαι (15, 3), χρῆσθαι (22, 53). ὥστε μὴ δυνατοὺς εἶναι 40, 27 μηδέ" c. tmperat. 20, 23 (scolium); after ἵνα μή, 64, 22; 66, 18; after inf. with μή, 9, 83 31, 93 39, 223 before inf. 8, 2091 26, 4 μηδείς" after ἐάν 55, 23; ἕως 28, 37; ἵνα 66, το, 17, 19; ὅπως 43, 22; 50, 9. c. inf. μὴ ἐξεῖναι μήτε τούτοις μήτε ἄλλῳ μηδενί 31, 173 μηδενὶ πρὸς μηδένα μνησικακεῖν ἐξεῖναι 39, 20; τὸ μηδὲν .---- διοικεῖν 3, τό; μηδὲν ἀεικὲς ἔχειν 12, 7 (Solon); ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι μηδὲν ἔργον ἐργάζεσθαι 40, 27; ψηφισάμενοι μηδε- μίαν ἀρχὴν εἷναι μισθοφόρον 33, 9 Μηδικά, μετὰ τὰ 23, 2; 25, 23 4τ, 16; Heracl. epit. 1. 8; frag. 4 Ἐμηδισμοῦ, κρίνεσθαι 25, 12 Μηλόβιος 29, 6 μήν" οὐ μὴν ἀλλά 6, 123 7, 20; +Kal 2, 11. ov μὴν εἰκὸς ἀλλά Q, 12, 7H μήν 29, 12 (decree)

304 GREEK

μήν, μηνὸς Θαργηλιῶνος 32, 43 τοῦ Ποσιδεῶνος μηνός 67, τό; τὸν ‘Exa- τομβαιῶνα μῆνα 62, 133; δύο μήνας ἦρξεν 13, 73 μῆνας τέτταρας (33s τ: δέκα μῆνας 33, 33 καθάπερ οἱ μῆνες εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν (διήρηνται) frag. 3 μηνύειν 18, 18; ἐμήνυεν 18, 33; μηνύσων 18, 34, μήτε---μήτε᾽ 12,12 (Solon); c. zzf. 11, 33 31, 173 39, 6 (decree) ; wa—b66, τὸ; ἵνα μήτε-- ἀλλά---καὶ ὅπως μήτε---μήτε 16, 8—10; μήτηρ μεγίστη δαιμόνων 12, 31 (Solon); τίς μήτηρ καὶ τίς μητρὸς πατήρ 55, 14 μικρός" [χρόνον] μικρόν 15, 18; ἐν οὕτω μικροῖς 6, 173 adv. μικρὸν ἂν πα- ραλλάττοι 3, 14; μ. παρεγκλίνουσα τ 41, 103; κατὰ μ. αὐξανομένη 23, 2; ὑποφερομένη κατὰ μ. 25, 3 Μιλτιάδης 26, 5; 28, Io μισθοῖ τοὺς οἴκους τῶν ὀρφανῶν 56, 43; μισθοῦσι τὰ μισθώματα 47, 8; τῷ λα- χόντι μισθοῦσιν 50,9. Lass. ὅπως---μὴ μισθωθήσονται 5ο, 7. Mid. στρατιώτας μισθωσάμενος 15, 8; ἐμισθώσαντο τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς νεὼν οἰκοδομεῖν [9, 20 μισθὸς (δικαστικός) 65, 19; 66, 20; 69, 14; cf. τρεῖς ὀβολούς 62,7. μ. (ἐκκλή- σιαστικός) 41, 29—35 3 62, μισθοφορά" κατεσκεύασε μισθοφορὰν τοῖς δικασταῖς (Pericles) 27, 22; ἄνευ μισθο- φορᾶς 30, 5 (decree). (μισθοφορὰν πο- ρίζειν Pol. 13046 27) μισθοφόρα τὰ δικαστήρια, ἐποίησε 27, 11: μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν εἷναι μισθοφόρον 33, 9; μισθοφόρον ἐκκλησίαν---ἀπέγνωσαν ποιεῖν 41, 29. Cf. Pol. 130361; Rhet. 1399 2 μισθοφορεῖν, ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις 27, 10; μισθοφοροῦσι δραχμήν 62, 6; πέπαυται μισθοφορῶν 49, 8. Cf. Pol. 131} 35 Ἐμισθώματα 47, 8 μίσθωσις 47, 273 μισθώσεις τῶν τεμενῶν 47: 26. κατὰ ταύτην τὴν μίσθωσιν 2, 53 τὰς μισθώσεις ἁποδιδοῖεν 2, 7 μισῶ" μισεῖν 28, 24 μνᾶ το, 5, 8, 9; δέκα pyar 4, 6; ἑκατὸν μνῶν 4, 9; ἐντὸς τριῶν μνῶν 49; 26; τριάκοντα μνᾶς 50, 3; ἑκατὸν μνᾶς 56, 26 Μνησιθείδης ἄρχων (457/6) 26, τό Ἐμνησικακεῖν 39, 20 (decree); 40, II. ἐμνησικάκησε 40, 16 (μνησίκακος Rhet. 1381 4; Eth. 1125 a5) Μνησίλοχος, ἦρξεν---δίμηνον (411 B.C.) 33, 2 “μοῖρα (= μέροΞ)" συνεβάλλετο δ᾽ οὐκ ἐλάττω μοῖραν 10: 24 μοιχείας γραφή 59, Ii μοιχὸν λαβών 57, 19; Heracl. epit. § 3 μόνος, ¢. gen. 3, 21, 38; ἕνα μόνον 67, 5; αὐτὴν μόνην 68, 18; οὗτοι---μόνοι 53, 323 54, 53 ταῦτα---μόνα 57, τό; τρισ- χιλίοις μόνοις 36, g. Adv. 7, 15;

INDEX

λόγῳ μόνον 32, 12; ἐν δικαστηρίῳ μόνον 55, 8; οὐ μόνον---ἀλλὰ καί 28, 313 40, 18 .

"μονοχίτων 25, 18 *yopla 60, 8, 9; ἐλαίαν μορίαν 60, 11 Μουνιχία 19, 53 38, 2, ἘΝ 42,21. (o7pa- τηγὸϑ) εἰς τὴν M. 61, 6 μουσικῆς, ἀγὼν τῆς ἴον 5. κὴν vikwow 60, 21 μύδρος" τοὺς μύδρους ἐν τῷ πελάγει καθεῖσαν 23, 24 (only in de Mundo 305 23 μύδρους διαπύρουΞ) *uvrwOpol 51, τὶ Μύρων {1 “μύσται, ὅταν οἰκουρῶσι 56, 22 μυστήρια pl, βασιλεὺς μυστηρίων ἐπι- μελεῖται 57, 2; μὴ ἐξεῖναι ᾿Ελευσῖνάδε ἰέναι πλὴν μυστηρίοις 39, 8 (decree)

Νάξιος 15, 11

Νάξος 15, 15

*vaukpaplac 8, 13 f; τοὺς δήμους ἀντὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν ἐποίησεν 21, 21

*vaukpaptxod ἀργυρίου, ἐκ τοῦ 8, 18 (de- cree)

“ναύκραροι 8, 14, 173 21, 30

ναυμαχία, περὶ Σαλαμῖνα 23, 5; ἐν Σαλα- μῖνι 23, 22; 27, 7. περὶ Epérpiay 33,

τοῖς τὴν μουσι-

4- ἐν ᾿Αργινούσσαις 34, 4. ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς 34, 15. ἠτύχησαν---ναυμα- χίαν 34, 15

ναυμαχῶ: ἐναυμάχησαν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους 22, 37

ναυπηγουμένου 22, 37; ἐναυπηγήσατο 22, 36 (only in Oec. 1349 25 ναυπηγεῖσθαι τριήρεις μέλλων. ναυπηγός and ναυπηγία. in Pol.; ναυπηγική in £¢h.)

ναῦς" ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας νεώς 34,6; νῆες ppov- ρίδες 24, 18; ἄλλαι νῆες 24, 19; ἐνεβί- βασεν εἰς τὰς ναῦς 23, 73 ἀρχιτέκτονας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς 46, 4

ναυτικὴν δύναμιν, τὴν 27. 5

νέμω" νεῖμαι----τοὺς ἄλλους πρὸς τὴν λῆξιν' ἑκάστην 30, 16 (decree); ta νεμηθῶσιν —eis τὰς τέτταρας λήξεις 31, 18 (de- cree); ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης νενεμημέναι τριττύες τρεῖς 8, 13; νενέμηνται κατὰ. φυλὰς δέκα μέρη οἱ δικασταί 63, 203; ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστον δικαστήριον νενεμημένοι... wow οἱ δικασταὶ 66,11. ded. ἐάν τις:

μὴ ᾿θέλῃ κοινὰ τὰ ὄντα νέμεσθαι 56, 37

Νεοκλῆς 23, 14 “νεοπολίτας, τοὺς 21, 17 νέος ὧν an 2; Τῇ νἐὰ βουλῇ 46, 5. νεώτε- pos 18, 6; ν. ὀκτωκαίδεκ᾽ ἐτῶν 42, 133 νεώτερον (2) 26, 5 *vewplwv, φρουροὶ 24, 15 νεὼς 6 ἐν Δελφοῖς 19, 20 “νεώσοικοι 46, 2, 4 νεωστί 3, 18 νίκην, μετὰ τὴν 22, 11. 22; τὰς Νίκας 47, 5 Νικίας 28, 15, 29

τῶν Νικῶν 49,

Pe Ulysse

BY Ss σεν ΣΑΣ ae e

a it he

LAMA OE

Ty

GREEK INDEX

Νικόδημος (or Νικομήδης) ἄρχων (c. 483/2) 22, 29

νικῶ" νικᾶν 12, 9 (Solon). ἐνίκησεν (τοὺς ἱππεῖθ) 19, 31. ¢. acc. cogn. νικήσας τὴν ἐπὶ Παλληνίδι μάχην 15, 123 νική- σαντες τὴν ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχην 22, το; τοῖς νικῶσι---τοῖς τὴν μουσικὴν νικῶσιν--- τὴν εὐανδρίαν---τὸν γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τὴν ἱπποδρομίαν 60, 20f. c. dat. νικη- σάντων μάχῃ 38, 2; τοὺς τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ νικῶντας 34, 5. νικήσας (of one who gets a decree passed) 45, 24. (In the law-courts) ἐὰν δὲ νικήσῃ 42, τι; οὗτος νικᾷ 69, 9

νομίζειν 6, 21; 29, 8; νομίσαντες 18, 18

νομίμων, εἴργεσθαι τῶν 57, 14

νόμισμα, πρὸς τὸ, 10, 7; τὴν τοῦ νομί- σματος αὔξησιν το, 4

νομοθεσία 10, 2

νομοθετῶ" ἐνομοθέτησεν περὶ τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων 8, 8; τὰ βέλτιστα νομοθετή- gas 11, 15 (both of Solon)

νόμος" νόμος κύριός ἐστιν 47, 43 μὲν νόμος ἔστιν, δὲ κρίσις καταλέλυται 60, 131 οὐδ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν νόμος ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτῷ 57, 29; κράτει νόμου (?) 12, 43 (Solon) ; νόμος κελεύει 8, 6; 49, 26; 51, 143 53, 20 f; κελεύουσιν οἱ ν. 43, 29; 53) 34. νόμον ἀναγιγνώσκειν 67, 12; ἀναγράψαντες τοὺς v. 7, 3: νόμους ἀνέγραψαν 41, 12; Tods—vduous ἀφα- νίσαι 22, 2; μὴ γεγράφθαι τοὺς ν. ἁπλῶς μηδὲ σαφώς ο, 7 (ἀσαφεῖς ποιῆσαι τοὺς ν. 9, II); ἐν τοῖς ν. γέγραπται 8, 16; διατηρεῖν τοὺς ν. 3, 35; ἐμβαλόντες τοὺς ν. εἰς ἐχίνους 53, το; τοὺς ν. ἐξηγεῖσθαι 11, 6; νόμον ἔθηκε 8, 28; 22, 16; νόμους ἔθηκε 6, 3; 7, 13 20, 17; ἐν τοῖς νόμοις ταῦτα θεῖναι το, τ; νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι 59, 6; Σό- λωνος θέντος νόμον 8, 26; τὴν τῶν νόμων θέσιν 14, 7; νόμον ἔθετο (ὁ δῆμος) 45, 8; νόμος ἐτέθη 22, 4, 13, 26; οὐ κεῖται ἐν τοῖς ν. 67, 26; νόμους εἰσήνεγκαν εἰς τὴν βουλήν 37, 5; ἐπι- κυρωθέντων τῶν ν. 37, 12; κατέκλεισεν τοὺς ν. εἰς ἑκατὸν ἔτη 7, 7; ἐάν τινα παραβῶσι τῶν ν. 7, 6; τοῖς ν. προσέ- χοντες 26, 13; χρῆσθαι τοῖς ν. 22, 3, 12; 31, 8; 45, 15; 55, 17. νόμος εἰσαγγελίας 8, 26; ὀστρακισμοῦ ν. 22, 5, 13. περὶ τῶν ἀγορανόμων 51, 2; - ἀδυνάτων 49, 26; ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν 35: 10; διαιτητῶν 53, 29 ἴ; --- σιτο- φυλάκων 51, 14; --- ταμιῶν 8, 6; --- τυράννων, τυραννίδος τό, 30, 41. τὴν ἡλικίαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ν. 42, 5; τὰ ἐκ τῶν v. 69, 13; τῶν δικῶν τών ἐκ τῶν ν. 67, 3; εἰ μή τι παρεωρᾶτο τῶν ἐν τοῖς v. 26, το; ἐπὶ τοὺς ν. (γραμματέα) 54, 19; κατὰ τὸν Σόλωνος νόμον 47, 33 κατὰ TOUS νὰ 4, 213 16, 31; 48, 73 58» 31; 57, 19; παρ᾽ dv ἀδικεῖται νόμον 4,

S. A.

305

23; περὶ τῶν ν. 11, 2; 31, 6; ὑπὸ τῶν ν. 51, 2

*vouopudaxelv, ἐπὶ τὸ 8, 20 (νομοφύλακες and νομοφυλακία in Pol.)

νοσήσας 17, 2. Met. ra πράγματα voo- obvra 6, 19; διετέλουν νοσοῦντες 1 3, 12

νοῦς" νόος ἄρτιος 12, 14; μέγαν νόον 5, 173 τραχὺν---νόον 12, 19 (Solon)

νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν 44, 2

viv 3, 24, 323 9, 13; 12, 58 (Solon); 41, 32 245 42, 15 54, 32; ¢. fut. 40, 12; after zmpf. 51,9. καὶ νῦν 3, 393 7,293 ἔτι καὶ viv 3, 25; 7, 6; 8, 63 22, 7. τὸ νῦν εἶναι 31, 9 (decree). πρόσθεν--- νῦν 12, 34 (Solon); τότε---νῦν δέ 12,12 (Solon); (opp. τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆΞ) 55, 4; (opp. πρότερον μέν) 45, 19; 53, 243 ἦν 19; 55, II, 25; 56, 25; 61, 2: opp. πρότερον δέ) 56, 9; (opp. ποτέ) 49, 21

Ξάνθιππος ᾿Αρίφρονος 22, 28; 28, 10

Revalveros ἄρχων (401/0) 40, 27

ξενίας γραφή 59, 8; ἀποφύγῃ τὴν ξενίαν

59> 9

tee (1) ‘guest-friend’, Κλεομένην ὄντα ἑαυτῷ ξένον 20, 6; καίπερ ὄντων ξένων αὐτοῖς 19, 23; (2) ‘foreigner’, 57, 18

Ξέρξου στρατεία 22, 40

ξηρὰ καὶ ὑγρά, μέτρα 7, τό

Ξοῦθος" frag. 1, 6

ξύλινος (ἀμφορεὺς) 68, 15, 17, 27

ξυνήγαγον 12, 28 (Solon)

6, ἡ, τό, the article used (1) as a de- monstrative, τοῖς and τοῖσιν 12, 7; 50 (Solon); δέ 15, 23; of δέ 36, 3; Méev—0o δέ 23, 143 οἱ uev—oi δέ ¥3, 13f; adv. τὰ μὲν---τὰ δέ 27, το. (2) asa relative, τῶν μὲν οὕνεκα, and τῆς ἐγώ ποτε, 12, 28, 32 (Solon). (3) after subst. wethout article, e.g. Λειψύδριον τὸ ὑπὲρ Πάρνηθος το, 123 ᾿Αθηναίων τῶν ἐν ἄστει μεινάντων 39,2. (4) after subst. wth article, e.g. βουλὴ ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου 4, 20; τῆς--- πολιτείας τῆς πρὸ Δράκοντος 3, 1. (5) in place of repeated subst. ὡς---παραπλησίαν οὖσαν τὴν Κλεισθένους πολιτείαν τῇ Σόλωνος 29, 20. (6) with predicate, δῆμός ἐστιν κρατῶν 41, 26; ἔστι δ᾽ ἐπιστάτης εἷς λαχών 44, 1; προαγο- ρεύων οὗτός ἐστιν 57, 13. (7) for ἕκαστος: δύο ὀβολοὺς ἑκάστῳ τῆς ἡμέρας 49, 28 (law); τρεῖς ὀβολοὺς ἕκαστον τῆς ἡμέρας 29, 32; δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας 62, 12. ἅπαξ ἐν τῷ ἐνιαύτῳ 44, 14; εἷς ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς 47, 3, 8; ἕνα τῆς φυλῆς 61, 23. (8) in periphrastic phrases, οἱ περὶ τὸν Μεγακλέα καὶ τὸν Λυκοῦργον 14, 18; of περὶ ᾿Ανακρέοντα καὶ Σιμωνί- δὴν κτὰ 18, 53 οἱ περὶ τὸν Κλεο- μένην κτᾺ 20, 12; τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικόν

‘20

306 GREEK

43, 33 τῶν ἐν TH πολιτείᾳ 38, 9; τὰ κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν 2, 10; 29, 1 f; τὰ περὶ Tas ἀρχάς 3, 33; τὰ πρὸς ἑαυτούς 13, 13; τὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον 23, το; τὰ τοῦ πολέμου 30, 30 (decree); μήτε τὸν ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ μήτε τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ψήφους 66, 18. (9) with adv., as τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς 55, 3; and with zzf., asda τὸ ἀποβαλεῖν Πύλον 27, 26. Omitted with certain words and phrases; cf. Neustadt’s /zdices to Berlin ed. See, also, ἕκαστος, ὅδε, and τρόπος

ὀβολός" 41, 333 62, 9. δύο ὀβολοὺς (τοῖς ἀδυνάτοις) 40, 28; πρὸς δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν ἄλλον ὀβολόν 28, 22; τρεῖς ὀβολούς 20, 32; 62, 8; τέτταρας 42, 26; 62, το; πέντε 62, 8; ἐννέα 62, 7

ὀγδόη 41, 20

ὅδε" ἥδ᾽ ἐχηρώθη πόλις 12, 52 (Solon); τήνδ᾽ ἀνέθηκε 7, 32 (epigr.). ὅδε 16, 423; τήνδε 31, 2; τάδε 7, 21; 16, 42; 30, 4; τοῖσδε 12,3; +70ls 5, 143 τάσδε 39, 2; τὰς 54, 4. Article omitted in papyrus after ὅδε, in 7, 8; 29, 29; 37, 5; but not in τόνδε τὸν τρόπον, 4, 43

ΠΕ ἘΠ ΡΥ Sy.

*6domotol 54, I

ὁδός 50, II—I43 54, 2

ὀδύναι τό, 21

ὅθεν (1) ‘whence’, (of place) 15, 7; (of origin etc.) ὅθεν φασὶ γενέσθαι 6, τι; συνέβη 18, 123 --- εὐπόρησαν χρη- μάτων το, 20; --- ἐλέχθη τὸ φυλοκρινεῖν 21,5. (2) ‘wherefore’, ὅθεν καί 3, 8; 17, 153 21, 18; ἔτι 8, 35 - καὶ viv 7,6; ὕστερον 19, 13

οἶδα" εἴ ris τινα oldev ἀδικοῦντα 48, τι; ὅταν μὴ εἰδῇ τὸν ποιήσαντα 57, 30; ὅσοι εἰδότες κατασιωπῶσιν 14, 12

Οἴηθεν 27, 19

οἰκείας, ἐκ τῆς 7, 16; τῶν οἰκείων 40, 24

οἰκείως εἶχον, πρὸς τὸν Θηραμένην 36, 5

οἰκέτην ἀποκτείνῃ 57, 17

οἰκήματα 15, 21

οἰκία " ἐὰν---οἰκίαν λαμβάνωσιν. 30, 10; ol- κίας 20, 9; τὰ χωρία καὶ τὰς οἰκίας 47, 21; 52, 6; τῶν οἰκιῶν---τὴν τιμήν 47, 23

οἰκοδομεῖν 19, 20

οἰκοδομήματα δημόσια 46, 8

οἴκου ὀρφανικοῦ κακώσεως 56, 343 οἴκους ὀρφανῶν καὶ ἐπικλήρων 56, 43

*oixoup@ot μύσται, ὅταν 56, 22

οἰκῶ" c. acc. οἰκεῖν τὴν πόλιν 22, 193 ¢. pracp. τοὺς οἰκοῦντας ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν δήμων 21, 16; οἰκεῖν ἐν τῷ ἄστει 24, 3

οἰνοχοεῖν 20, 24 (scol.)

οἴομαι" ¢. acc. c. inf. οἴονται 9, το; οἴεσθαι 11,6; ᾧετο II, 10

οἷος " οἵους ἄνδρας ἀπώλεσας 19, 16 (scol.); ἔδειξαν οἵων πατέρων ἔσαν 19, 18 (scol.). relat. ἵν᾽ εἰς οἷον ἂν λάχῃ εἰσίῃ καὶ μὴ εἰς οἷον ἂν βούληται 64, 20 ἔ; οἷον ἂν

INDEX

λάχῃ 66, το. ‘for example’, 35, 143 57, 19. “ovx οἷον" ---ἀλλὰ καί 40, 23

ὀκτώ 23,7. ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἔτη 42, 3, 13

ὄλβος 12, 13, 18 (Solon)

ὀλιγαρχία κατέστη 32, 7; ὀλιγαρχίας ἐπε- θύμουν 34, 20; ἐν ὀλιγαρχίᾳ 38, 29; τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν ἐζήτουν 13, το; χειρο- τονεῖν τὴν ὀλ. 34, 26; τὴν προτέραν On. 37, IL; τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τριάκοντα OX. 53,

4

ὀλιγαρχική, πολιτεία 2, 2; fl. προσθε- μένου τοῖς ὀλιγαρχικοῖς 34, 25

ὀλίγος " per’ ὀλίγων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων 20, 9; κατ᾽ ὀλίγους 66, 2. (In political sense, opp. to οἱ πολλοί), τῶν πολλῶν δου- λευόντων τοῖς ὀλίγοις 5, 2; εὐδιαφθορώ-

τεροι (οἷ) ὀλίγοι τῶν πολλῶν 41, 28; |

γῆ δι ὀλίγων jv 2, 63 4, 24; Ov ὀλίγων ποιήσωνται THY πολιτείαν 29, 9.

compar. οὐκ ἐλάττω 4, 63 19, 24; οὐκ ἐλάττους 35, 26; adv. οὐκ ἔλαττον 4, 8:

μὴ ἔλαττον 29, 35 ὀλιγωρῷ" τούτων μὲν ὠλιγώρησαν 36, 12

ὅλος" τὴν ὅλην---πρᾶξιν 18, 213 ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ὅλης 62, 2; τῆς Εὐβοίας ὅλης ©

33> 4

᾽᾿Ολυμπίων, δαιμόνων 12, 31 (Solon)

ὅλως 5, 20; 13, 12

ὁμιλίαις---προσήγετο, ταῖς 16, 37

ὁμιλοῦντας, τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς χάριν 35, τ

ὄμνυμι" (ὅρκον) ὀμνύουσιν 22, 7; ὀμόσαι 31, 6 (decree); (ὅρκου) ὥμοσεν τοῖς Ἴωσιν 23, 23; ὀμόσωσιν 39, 15; οὕτως ὀμνύουσι 7,6; ταὐτά ---, 55, 34.

ΓΧ

Abs. ὀμόσαντες 42, 4, 151; 55, 29, 33- Ξ ὀμνύντες πρὸς τῷ λίθῳ 7, 5; ὀμόσαντες καθ᾽ ἱερῶν 1, τ; --- καθ᾽ ἱερῶν τελείων

29. 39. ο 3, 11; δικαίως ἄρξειν 55, 31; ὥμοσαν χρήσεσθαι 7, 4; ὀμόσαντες μὴν συγ- γράψειν 29, 12 (decree)

ὁμοίως 12, 45 (Solon); οὐχ ὁμοίως καὶ ᾿

πρότερον 26, 123; ὁμοίως---καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων 35, 17 ὁμολογία 19, 35

ὁμολογῶ" ὁμολογοῦσιν 28, 31; ὁμολογῇ 57,» 19; ὁμολογῶσι 52, 3; ὁμολογεῖται 5, 13;

28, 31 ὁμονοίας, ἄρχειν τῆς 40, 23 ὁμοφρονήσαντες 14, 18 ὁμόχρων τῷ δικαστηρίῳ, δικαστήριον ὁμόχρων τῇ βακτηρίᾳ 65, 8

ὀνειδίζων 12, 551 ὀνειδίσας 18, 36; ὀνει-᾿

δίσαι 12, 57 (Solon)

ὄνομα 7, 18; 14, 27; 17,133 48, 20; 54. 36; 63, 19; pl. 49, 12; 65, 153 66, 4 ὅπλα, ἀνελόντες 15, 21; ἐξαράμενος 14. 13; μὴ θῆται 8, 29; παρείλετο 15, 151 παρείλοντο 37, 14; παρελέσθαι 37, 435 παρελόμενος 15, 133 παρεχόμενοι 4, 5, 7. ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων 18, 27; τοῖς ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων 33, 8; ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων τῆς πο- λιτείας οὔσης 33, 14; μεθ᾽ ὅπλων 18,

c. inf. fut. ὀμνύουσιν ποιήσειν

βακτηρίαν 65, 25

STARE LPR RS TTS ΡΩΝ

ie 34 : B ὁρῶ᾽ λοξὸν ὀφθαλμοῖσ᾽

GREEK INDEX

28; περὶ τῶν ὅπλων 15, 24. ἐξέτασιν ἐν ὅπλοις 31, 11 (decree) ᾿ὁπλῖται 24, 18; 61, 21, 24. (στρατηγὸΞ)

ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁπλίτας 61, 4: ἡγεῖται τῶν ὁπλιτών 61, 4

ὁπλομαχεῖν 42, 23

ὁπότερος ἄν 46, 3; 69, 9; μεθ᾽ ὁποτέρων II, 133 ὁποτέρως ποτ᾽ ἔχει 3, 14

ὅπου 66, 21; καθίζειν 43, 15; ὅπου ἂν 7 ἐπιγεγραμμένον 64, 20

ὀπώρα" τῆς ὀπώρας ἀπολαύειν 27, 17

ὅπως (1) with sb7. pres. (a) after present tense, ἀποδιδῶσι 65, 18; wow 69, 4; (4) after past tense, ἄρχωσω 4521; ἐξῇ 27, ay i 9; 113 μετέχῃ 21, 153 προσιστῆται 41, 313; φυλάττωσιν 3, 21; μήτ᾽ ἐπιθυμῶσι μήτε σχολάζωσιν 16, 10; μὴ 35, τό; μὴ παραμελῶσι 16, 15; μὴ συμβαίνῃ 21, 9

(2) with sabj. aor. (a) after present tense βουλεύσωνται 29, 18 (decree); μηδένα λάθῃ 43, 22; μὴ λάθῃ 68, 153 λάβωσι καὶ μὴ ---ἐνοχλῶσιν 66, 23 f; (ὁ) after past tense, μετάσχωσι 21, 5

(3) ὅπως ἂν συμβουλεύωσι 29, 24 (de- cree); ἂν σῷα 30, 20 (decree)

(4) with fut. znd. (after ἐπιμελοῦν- Tat), ὅπως---πωλήσεται 51, 4 (πωλῆται MS) ; ὅπω-ς---ἔσται---, ὅπως--πωλήσουσιν 51, 10 ἔ; μηδεὶς καταβαλεῖ 50, 9; χρή- σονται (χρήσωνται MS) 51, 7; (after σκο- ποῦσιν), ὅπως μὴ---μισθωθήσονται 50, 7

ὀργεῶνες frag. 3

ὀργή" ὑπὸ τῆς ὀργῆς οὐ κατέσχεν ἑαυτόν 18, 373 οὐ κατεῖχε τὴν ὀργήν 18, 9

ὀρέξας (βάλανον) 64, 18

ὀρθῶς, ποιεῖν 41, 28

ὁρίζω" ὥρισαν τοῖς ὀστρακιζομένοις--- κατοι- κεῖν 22, 41; ὡς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πλήθει τῆς ἀρετῆς ὡρισμένης 36, 10

*6pxia ποιήσειν 3, 12

ὅρκον ἐποίησαν 22, 7; περὶ τοῦ ὅρκου 31, 6; ὅρκους ὥμοσεν 23, 231; ὀμόσωσιν τοὺς ὅρκους 39, 15; τοῖς ὅρκοις ἐμμένειν 49,.13

ὁρμή 19, 24; ὁρμαῖς (?) 28, τό

ὅρος 12, 33, 66 (Solon)

ὀρφανοί 24, 20; ὀρφανῶν, ἐπιμελεῖται 56, 40; ὀρφανῶν κακώσεως 56, 32; οἴκους ὀρφανῶν 56, 43

ὀρφανικός" οἴκου ὀρφανικοῦ κακώσεως 56,

ὁρῶσι 12, 21 (Solon); φανερὰς ὁρᾶν 68, 8; «. part. ὁρῶν 8, 26; ἰδών τό, 18; ἰδόντες 18, 16; εἶδον 12, 59 (Solon); ws εἶδεν 25, 18; ἐπειδὰν ἴδῃ 64, το

ὅς" of 19, 18 (scol.) ; ot 12, 6, 17; & 12, 29, 50, 51, 58; τῆς 12, 32; τῶν 12, 28, 53 (all in Solon)

In Ar. passim, e.g. χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς ds σεισάχθειαν καλοῦσιν 6, 43 THY πρόφασιν δι᾽ τὸ ἐκτίνεσθαι 8, 24; τῶν

307

ἐπιμελητῶν ὧν δῆμος χειροτονεῖ 57, 2; σὺν οἷς πατὴρ ἦρξεν ἑνὸς δεῖν πεντή- κοντα (ἔτη). ὃς ἄν 7, 16; 8, 29; 26, 23: of ἄν 20, 32; ag’ ἧς "ay ὀμόσωσιν τοὺς ὅρκους δέκα ἡμερῶν 39, 14. ἀφ᾽ οὗ 17, 2; ἐξ ov 60, 12; ἐφ᾽ τε 14) 22 34, 17; οὗ 25, 16; ἂν δοκῇ αὐτοῖς ἄριστα ἕξειν 30, 19; ἂν ἡγῶνται συμφέρειν 31, 7 (decree). vw. ὅσπερ, ὅστις

ὁσίων 43, 301: - χρημάτων 30, 9 (decree)

ὅσος" τόσον---ὅσσον 12, 4; ὅσοι δὲ μείζους 12, 60; ἀνθρώποισιν ὅσοις 12, 14 (all in Solon)

ὅσοι 14, τοῦ; 35, 113 37593 40, τ;

ὅσοι μή 22, 18; 63, 123 ὅσοις 67, 24; ὅσαι 45, 123 ‘6a, 16; ὅσαι ἡμέραι, ‘daily’, 43, 13; ὅσα 43, 14; 58, το; ὅσα κακά τό, 20; ὅσα τις εἶχεν 56, 5. καθ᾽ ὅσον ἦν δυνατός 14, 143 ὅσου ἂν πρίηται 47, 17; ὅσον ἂν---τάξωσιν 51, 143 ὅσαι ἂν---σκήπτωνται 56,41; ὅσους ἂν δέῃ λαχεῖν δικαστάς 64, 13

ὅσοσπερ, used for ὅσος, to avoid hiatus. βακτηρίαι παρατίθενται---ὅσοιπερ οἱ δι- κασταί 63, 7; τρυπήματα---ὅσαιπερ εἰσὶν αἱ ψῆφοι 69, 33 ὅσαπερ ἂν μέλλῃ τὰ δικαστήρια πληρωθήσεσθαι 63, 10; 64, 23

ὅσπερ, used for ὅς, to avoid hiatus. τὸ αὐτὸ ὅπερ 64, δ. 9, 213 65, 3, 93 Too αὐτοῦ —ovmep 4, 13; ὅπερ ἐγένετο 38, 11; ὅπερ καὶ συνέπεσεν 40, 15; ὅπερ εἰώθασι ποιεῖν ἅπαντες 40, 4; ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἀγαθοῦ πολίτου ἔργον 28, 58; ὅνπερ εἴρηται τρόπον 11, 1; ὅπερ ἂν 64, 25

ὅστις" τι χρήσεται 22, 31; τι (δεῖ χρηματίζειν) 43, 15; τι χρὴ παθεῖν 61, 133; 67, 26; ὅντιν᾽ ἀποδοκιμάσειεν βουλή 55, τι; οἵτινες διδάξουσιν 42, 23; συγγράψουσι 29, 12; --- καταλέ- ἕξουσι 29, 38; οἵτινες ἂν δοκῶσιν 49, 5; ἥντιν᾽ ἂν τάξωσιν 39, 12; 6 τι ἂν γνῶσιν 48, 27; --- δοκῇ 48, 22; 63, 15; ἐγκαλῇ 48, 21;---προστιμήσῃ 63, 173 ψηφίσωνται 45, 10; μὴ προγρά- Ywow 45, 22; ὅτῳ ἂν---χειροτονήσῃ 47, 11; καθ᾽ ὅτι ἂν δοκῇ 44, τῇ ; --- λάχωσιν 43, 73 cf. καθότι

dorpaxifw' τοὺς τῶν τυράννων φίλους ὠστράκιζον 22, 25; Δαμωνίδην 27, 20. pass. Ἵππαρχος 22, 15; Μεγακλῆς 22, 243 Ξιάνθιππος 22, 28; ᾿Αριστείδης 22, 39. κατεδέξαντο πάντας τοὺς ὠστρα- κισμένους 22, 403 ὥρισαν τοῖς ὀστρακιζο- μένοις 22, 41

ὀστρακισμός 22, 5, 13

ὀστρακοφορία 43, 23

ὅταν c. cont. praes. 12, 13 (Solon); 4, 17} 30 303 31; a 425 45 475 31; 53, 303 55, 13; 56, 22; 57, 26, 29; 61, 143 62, 13; ἙΝ fy τὶ, τὸς 68, 2.

20---2

308

ὦ. cont. aor. 64, 11; 68,21. elliptical, ὅταν δὲ τὰ δημόσια (δικάζξωσὴ) 67, 4

ὅτε c. tmperf. 29, 18; ¢. ind. aor. 27, 21 c. opt. iterativo 16, 35; 36, 14

ὅτι" δῆλον ὅτι 13, Το; σημεῖον ὅτι 3, 153 8, 53 13, 23} Τεκμήριον ὅτε 3, II. After ἀναγορεύεται 66, 8; ἔλεγεν 25, 14; λέγων 40, 12; μαρτυρεῖ 6, 18; συμφωνοῦσι 12, 13 ἐπιτιμᾷ 36, 8, το; ὀνειδίσας 18, 36. ‘because’, 22, 14

οὔ" πότερον---Ἐ οὔ 49, 28; οὐκ ἐλάττω 4, ὅ; 19, 243 οὐκ ἔλαττον 4, 8; οὐκ ἐλάττους 35, 263; μετ᾽ οὐ πολύ 6, το; μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον 25, 243 34, 133 οὐ χρησάμενοι καλῶς τοῖς πράγμασι 34, 13. οὐ μὴν ἀλλά 6, 12; 7, 253 9, 12; +Kal 2, 11. οὐχὶ πλαττόμενος, ἀλλὰ 18, 32

οὐδέ" ‘nor’, 12, 23 f, 63 (Solon); 45, 22. ‘not even’, 15, 243 17, 253 34 53 57, 28. οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἷς εἴποι 7, 30

οὐδείς" adj. λόγος---οὐδείς 67, το; οὐδὲν ἴχνος 18, 25; οὐδενὶ δόγματι 27, 8; οὐδεμιᾶς ἀρχῆς 7, 27; ἐν ἑταιρείᾳ οὐδεμιᾷ 34, 21; οὐδεμίαν πλεονεξίαν 16, 32. subst. οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἐνεκάλεσεν ἀξ 38, 30; οὐδείς 28, 8; 40, 16; οὐδενός (meut.) 2, 123 54, 22; οὐδενί 68, 13; οὐδέν 14, τό; 33, 12; οὐδὲν ἀπροβούλευτον 45, 22. c¢. gen. part. τούτων οὐδεμία 54, 31; τῶν ἄλλων οὐ- δεμίαν 62, 19; οὐδένος---τῶν πολιτῶν 34, 22; 35, 22; 38, 11; οὐδένα τῶν πολιτῶν 45, 5. οὐδέν (-Ξ κατ᾽ οὐδέν) 16, 24

οὐδέτερος" pl. 12,9 (Solon)

οὐκέτι" γλῶσσαν οὐκέτ᾽ ᾿Αττικὴν ἱέντας [2, 38 (Solon); ἐν τοῖς νόμοις τοῖς Σόλωνος οἷς οὐκέτι χρώνται 8, τό

οὖν" resumptive, 19, 19; 60, 15; μὲν οὖν, v. μέν

οὕνεκα" v. ἕνεκα

οὔποτ᾽ ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἂν εὕδοντες εἶδον 12, 58 (Solon)

οὔπω 14, 17

οὐσία" οὐσίαν κεκτημένους 4 6; ἀπο- palvovras—4, 8; τυραννικὴν éxwv—27, 133 τῇ οὐσίᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι 5, 12;

ἐπιλειπόμενος τῇ οὐσίᾳ 27, 19; τῷ σώματι τῇ οὐσίᾳ 49, τό; pl. ταῖς

οὐσίαις--προέχοντας 35, 23; ‘ras οὐσίας διαρπάζειν 25,25; τὰς οὐσία----πωλοῦσιν 47> 13

οὔτε---οὔτε, 5, 18 f; 12, 5 (Solon). 38, 30 f; 42, 343 44, 2 f; 68, 25

οὕτεροι 12, 51 (Solon)

οὗτος ταῦτα 12, 30, 42; τούτων 12, 65 (Solon). retrospective use, Ar. passim. καὶ ταῦτα 69, 3; partitive gen. τούτων elvat 30, 5 (decree) ; demonstrative after relative, τῶν μέν---τούτων 12, 29 (Solon); cf. 14, 113 16, 213 45, τι; 48, 28; 56, 6; 58, 10; 59) 3; 66, 7:

Cf.

GREEK INDEX

Εν δον ὍΣ after conditional clause, κἄν τις ἀδικεῖν αὐτῇ δοκῇ, τοῦτον 46, 9; εἴ του καταγνοίη, --- τοῦτον 60, 12; veus, τούτου βούλεταί τις κατηγορεῖν ; 55, 20. διὰ τοῦτο--ὅπως 21, 83; εἰς τοῦθ᾽ ἕως 19, 22; τρία ταῦτ(α)---πρῶτον μὲν---ἔπειτα---τρίτον δέ 9, 2

οὕτως, before vowel, 7, 6; 8, 8; 32, 17; 39, 25; before cons. 6, 36, 13 42, 29

οὕτω before cons. δ, 6, 173 55, 223

Ky Ὧ4. 7 % 6, 133 ἘΠΊ, 30

οὐχί" uv. οὔ

ὀφείλειν δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας ἑκάστης 30, 33 (decree); ὀφείλων (προῖκα) 52, 1 33 ὀφείλουσι τῷ δημοσίῳ 63, 12

ὀφθαλμοῖσ᾽ 12, 20 (Solon), -μοῖσιν 12, 58 (zd.)

ἔδφλημα 63, 16 (ὀφείλημα Zth. 1162 28, 11654 3)

ὀχετοὺς mETEWpOUS—TroLEly 50, 12

ὀψέ 26, 6

Πάγγαιον 15, 7

πάγος, “Apevos* v. “Apecos

Παιανιεύς 14, 26; 28, 22; 38, 22

παιδιώδης 18, 4

παιδοτρίβης 42, 22

παῖς" παῖδες ‘children’, 2, 8; 4, 9; 19, 35; ‘boys’, ἀπέρχονται πάλιν els παῖδας 42, 6; ἀνδράσιν καὶ παισίν 56,

11 f; (opp. ἐπίτροποι), ἐὰν μὴ διδῶσι |

τοῖς παισὶν τὸν σῖτον 56, 46; ‘slave’, τὸν παῖδα τό, 19 ᾿ππαλαιόπλουτοι 6, 12

πάλιν Il, 11; 12, 553 135 43 14, 213

15, 93 16, 353 20, 6; 23, 25 25, 205mm

26, 20; 36, 83 309, 18; 41, 21, 333 55, 343 61, 143 65, 13 69, Io, 12; πάλιν ἐξ ὑπάρχης 4, τό; πάλιν δέ 12, IO, 15, 2

Παλλαδίῳ, οἱ ἐπὶ 57, 18

Παλληνίδι, ἐπὶ 15, 133 17, 6

Παναθήναια 18, 11, 15; 43, 43 49, 23; 54, 28, 31; 60, 4, 19; 62, 13

Πανδίων Heracl. epit. 1. 3

παντελῶς (?) τό, 18

πάντοθεν 12, 53 (Solon)

πάνυ πένης 475 4

παρά" ¢. gen. παρὰ τῶν ἀποδεκτῶν 50, 33 αὑτῶν 56, 20; τῶν δανεισαμένων 22, 35; τοῦ διαιτητοῦ 53, 18;

τοῦ εἰληχότος ©

ταύτην τὴν ἀρχήν 65, το; τῆς πόλεως _

42, 313 43, 11; τινός 52, 15; τούτων

66, 19 c. dat. παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς 24, 8; αὑτοῖς 36;

13; παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν 23, 113 Tots :

ἐπιεικέσιν 28, 4

c. acc. loci, παρ᾽ αὐτόν 27, 16; τοὺς

ἐπωνύμους 53, 26 5 τὸ Λεωκόρειον 18,

20. contra, παρ᾽ ὃν ἀδικεῖται νόμον 4,

23; παρὰ τὸ βέλτιστον 3 52 παράβολον" frag. dubium 6 elsewhere in this sense)

(not found

+ ΠΟῪ

νοῆι

GREEK

παραβῶσι τῶν νόμων, ἐάν τινα ἢ, 6 παράδειγμα ποιήσειν 40, 15. 2., ‘plans’, 9; 20

παραδίδωσι δικαστηρίῳ 46, 10; (τὰ γραμ- ματεῖα) τοῖς ἀποδέκταις 47, 32; τὰ μὲν ἴδια τοῖς δικασταῖς 48, 24; τὸ πρόγραμμα 44, το; (τὸ ἔλαιον) τοῖς ταμίαις 60, τό. παραδιδόασι (τὸν πριάμενον) τῇ βουλῇ 47, 173 (τὸν κατάλογον) τοῖς ἱππάρχοις 49,10; τὸ τίμημα τοῖς διαιτηταῖς 53, 6; (τὰς δίκας) τοῖς ---δικάζουσιν 53, 14; τὰ κιβώτια 65, 143 τοῖς εἰληχόσι 65, 163 ἑκάστῳ τῶν δικαστῶν δύο ψήφους 68, 7. παραδώσοντας τοῖς πωληταῖς 52, 7. παρέδωκαν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν 19, 36; τὰ πράγματα 33, 8. παραδῷ τοῖς ταμίαις 60, 17; παραδῶσιν ἐξειργασμένα 46, 5; παραδοῦναι τοῖς ἕνδεκα 29, 27 (decree)

παράδοξον τι, 9

*rapaiBarovons τῆς γυναικός 14, 29

παραινῶ" 5, 11, 143 36, 2

*rapatpodua * τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν ἔνια παρεί- hero 27, 4. (Of ὅπλα) παρελόμενος 15, 13; παρείλετο 15, 15; παρελέσθαι 37, 41 παρείλοντο 37, 14. Cf. περιαιροῦ- μαι

παρακάθηται τῇ βουλῇ 54, 15, 20 (only quoted from de Admir. 84.5 28 ἐγεί- pew τὸν υἱὸν παρακαθήμενον)

παρακαλῶν abs. τ4, τό

παράκειται τῷ ἄρχοντι κιβώτια 64, 23

παραλαμβάνει σύμβολον 65, 9; παρα- λαμβάνουσι τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 47, 5; βακτηρίαν πάλιν παραλαμβάνοντες 69, 12. ἐὰν παραλάβωσιν (τὰ δημόσια) 48, 26; (εὔθυναν) 48, 26. παραλαβὼν τοὺς χορηγούς 56, το; παραλαβόντες τὴν ἀρχήν 38, 6; τὰ γραμματεῖα 48, 2; (τὰς δίκας) 53, 7, 14; (ἱππέων κατά- λογον) 49, 11; (τὸ πρόγραμμα) 44, το

παραλία, 21,13. παραλίων (στάσι) 13, 17

παραλλάττοι, μικρὸν ἄν 3, 143 μικρόν παραλλάξειν 1, 12 (Pol. 1254 24 παραλλάττει μικρόν)

Πάραλος 61, 27

παραμελῶσι τῶν ἔργων τό, 15 (ἐνέργεια παρημελημένη Eth. ττ75 α 10)

παρανοίας, δίκη 56, 35. Cf. de Part. An. 635 4 5

_ Wapavopotev 28, 37; παρανομούσαις 28, 38 ,

παρανόμων γραφὴ 45, 243 21. 29, 233 59, 6. γραψάμενος παρανόμων 40, 8 (Pol. 1255 a 9)

*rapavootyra 56, 35

παραπλησίαν c. dat. 29, 20

παραπλησίως ἴσοι 63, 21

παρασκευάζω" παρεσκεύαζεν εἰρήνην τό, 253; παρασκευάζῃ 66, 17

παράστασις τίθεται 59, 8 (found in Po/. in different senses)

*rapacrparnynOjva διὰ τῶν φίλων 6, 8

παρατηροῦντες 18, 14

INDEX 309

abe et Ty κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον βακτηρίαι

We

iranepshaaiaas κήρυκα καὶ αὐλητήν (of the archons) 62, 11

παραυτίκα" πρὸς τὰ π. βλέποντες 28, 28

παραχρῆμα 18, 25

παραχωρησάντων τῶν Kodpddv—3, 12; παρεχώρουν αὐτῆς τῷ ἀξιώματι 23, 8

παρεγκλίνουσα τῆς βασιλικῆς, μικρὸν 41, 10

*rapedpevew, πρίν 56, 33 ἐπὰν παρεδρεύ- σωσιν 56, 4

*rdpedpo. (to the ἄρχων, βασιλεύς and! πολέμαρχος) 56, τ; (to the εὔθυνοι) 48, 8

5 πάρειμι (εἰμί)" παρὼν τι, 4, 6; τῆς παρ- οὐσης πολιτείας 37, 8; ἐν τῷ παρόντι 6, 23; καιρῷ 31,2; τῶν παρόντων (masc.) 38, 133 πρὸς τὰ παρόντα πράγματα 61,

ο

Ι

πάρειμι (εἶῖμι)" εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν παριέναι 19, 31

παρενοχλῶ" παρ(ην)ώχλει 16, 25

παρέργως 28, 35

παρέρχομαι" παρῆλθεν εἰς τοὺς---τόπους 15, 73 τῶν παρεληλυθότων ---μνησικακεῖν 30; 20 (decree)

παρέχει δ᾽ ἐν μέρει ἑκατέρα τῶν φυλῶν Tov- τον 56, 13. Mid. τοῖς ὅπλα παρεχο- μένοις 4,.4; τῶν ὅπλα παρεχομένων 4, 7. τιμήματα παρεχομένοις 39, 24- παράσχηται τοὺς μάρτυρας 55, 20

παρίστημι᾽ παρέστηκεν ἵππος 7, 24

Πάρνης 19, 12

παροξυνθέντα 18, 13; παρώξυνε 18, 36

παροργίσαντας, διὰ τοὺς 34, 7 (Act. hither- to found in Gk Test. alone)

παρορῶ" τὰ δόξαντα---παρεώρων 35, 3; εἰ μή τι παρεωρᾶτο 26, 18

παρρησία 16, 23

“παρωνύμιον 17, 12

mas, after vowels, passim, e.g. συμφωνοῦσι πάντες 12, 2; ᾧετο πάντ᾽ ἀνάδαστα ποιήσειν αὐτόν 11, τι; οὐκ ἐδύνατο πάντα ποιῶν ἀποθανεῖν 18, 33; rarely after consonants (instead of ἅπας ¢.v.), οὗτος πάντας 54, 21; οὗτος πάσας 57, 9; πολιτείας πᾶσι 40, 9; τῶν εἰρημένων [πάντ]ων 55, 2; ἄρχοντες (πάντες κτλ) 55, 8; τὰς π[άσα]ς (K-w*) 48, 8

πάσχω" ὑπὸ τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν ταῦτα πε- πονθώς 14, 4; παθεῖν ἀποτεῖσαι 61, 133. Gana: 675-363 (trros) τοῦτο παθών 49, 4

πατήρ, 19, 39: τίς σοι πατήρ, καὶ τίς πατρὸς πατήρ 55. 13 f; οἵων πατέρων ἔσαν 19, 18 (scol.); οἱ πατέρες (τῶν ἐφήβων). 45, 14

πατρικὰς δόξας, τιμωμένων διὰ τὰς 26, 9

πατρικῶς χρωμένους, τῇ πόλει πάσῃ 28, 32

πάτριος (ἀρχή) 3, 6; πάτριον πολιτείαν 34, 18, 22; 35,9 3 πατρίους νόμους 20, 17 (decree) ;---θυσίας 57, 8; μηδὲν τῶν

310 GREEK

πατρίων τὸν ἄρχοντα διοικεῖν 3, τό; θέσμια καὶ πάτρια 16, 42 (law); κατὰ τὰ πάτρια 21, 24, and (in decrees) 31, 33 39, 6, 19

πατρίς" 12, 25, 35 (Solon). σώσας τὴν πατρίδα τι, 14; βεβοηθηκέναι τῇ πα- τρίδι 14, 143 χθονὸς πατρίδος 12, 25 (Solon) ; πατρίδα 12, 35 (éd.)

*rarpo0ev προσαγορεύοντες 21, 17; TO ὄνομα τὸ ἑαυτοῦ πατρόθεν 63, 19

πατρῷος, ᾿Απόλλων 55, 16; frag. 1 (only in Pol. 1303 34 τῶν πατρῴων voun)

Παυσανίας, Spartan general in Persian war, 23, 20

Παυσανίας Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς 38, 23, 25

παύω: Mid. ἐπαυσάμην 12, 29; ἐπαύ- gato 12, 63 (Solon). ἐπαύσαντο xpw- μενοι 7, 2; πέπαυται μισθοφορῶν 40, 8. τῆς ἀσελγείας παύσασθαι 56, 2

πεδιακῶν (στάσις) 13, 19

πείθω" οὐκ ἔπειθεν 14, 12. πείσας 18, 34; 40, 12. Pass. πεισθέντες---ταῦτα 24, 6. Mid. γυναικὶ πιθόμενος 35, τό (law of Solon). πεισόμεθ᾽ 5, το (Solon).

Πειραιεύς. ἸΤειραιέως" τοῦ Π. ἄρχοντας δέκα 35, 5; τῶν ἐκ II. κατελθόντων 38, 31; τοὺς τοῦ II. ἄρξαντας 39, 22; τοῖς ἐκ II. συγκατελθοῦσιν 40, 9; τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ II. 40, 22; τὴν ἐκ II, κάθοδον 41, 23. Πει- paset* 38, 23; 39, 23 f; 50, ἜΣ 61, 7. Πειραιέα: 38, τό; 42, 21; 51, I, 6, 9, 10; els II. δήμαρχος 54, 34; (στρατηγοὶ) ἐπὶ τὸν Il. 61, 6

πειρῶμαι" «. inf. 6, 5; 20, 10; 34, 19

Πείσανδρος 32, 9

Πεισιστρατίδαι 19, 24f, 34

Πεισίστρατος 13, 20; 14 Passtm; 15, 22; 16 and 17 passim; 23, 143 28, 6; 41, 13

πέλαγος 23, 24

Πελαργικὸν τεῖχος 19, 32

*qeddrat 2, 5; cf. frag. 7

Πελοποννησίους πόλεμος, πρὸς 27, 8; τῶν II. 38, 13

πέμπτῳ (ἔτει) 13, 3, 53 22, 5; 26, το; πέμπτη (μεταβολή) 41, 143 (πεντετηρὶΞ) 54 31

πέμπω" οὐ γὰρ ἔπεμπον---μεθ᾽ ὅπλων 18, 28; τὴν πομπὴν-- πέμπουσιν 57, 6; πρέσβεις πέμψαντες 37, 16; abs. ἔπεμ- πον 38, 7

πένης 47,43 πένητες 2, 33 πένησιν 13, 14

*arevOnuepov, κατὰ 30, 24 (decree)

*revraxirxtrtot, of 29, 35, 39 (decree) ; 30, 33 3%, FO (decreé);. 32, 1,:123) 33, 8, 12

πεντακόσιοι, οἱ 22,73 25, 10, 20. π΄. 21, 73 22, 225 24, 14 f, 18; 35, 263 55, 65 68, 1, 4. π. βουλευτάς 35, 3; 43, 6. πεντακόσια μέτρα 7, 17

πεντακοσιομέδιμνος" 4, 18; 7, 9; τελεῖν πεντακοσιομέδιμνον 7, 15; pl. ἐκ π. 7, 11 8, 7; 26, 173 50, 1. τοὺς 7. 7, 26

INDEX

πεντάχους 67, 9

mévte* days, 19, 363; 43, 9; years, 47, 23; obols, 62, 8; tribes, 61, 20; officials, etc,, 13,8; 30, 20, 283.42, 95 SO. τς 51, I, 5, 8, 95 52, 113 54, 13 56, Ὁ: 66, τό, 19; Kavovides 64, το; πινάκια 64, 14

πεντεκαίδεκα 51, 9

πεντετηρίδες 54, 28—32 (διὰ πενταετηρίδος Pol. 13086 1)

πεντήκοντα 19, 393 21, 83 24, 153 43, τό

*arémdos (of Athena) 49, 203; 60,

πέρας, ἐπὶ 38, 24

περί" c. gen. περὶ Θηραμένους 28, 333 Νικίου καὶ Θουκυδίδου 28, 30; Σαλαμῖνος 17, 7; κλήρου καὶ ἐπικλήρου 42, 353 πλείονος 6, τό; σίτου καὶ φυλακῆς τῆς χώρας 43, 18; αὐτῶν 8, 26; 12, 23 42, 43 55, 25; τούτων 44, 19. τοῦ δοῦναι 35, 14; τοῦ ὅρκου 31, 53; ὀστρακισμοῦ 22, 5; πλήθους 12, 10. τῆς ἀποκοπῆς 12, 26; ἀρχῆς 13, 113 ὀστρακοφορίας 43, 23; πολιτείας 35, 3; σωτηρίας 20, 14, 22 (decree). τῶν ἄλλων 30, 21; 31, 73 43, 23; ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν 35, 10; βουλομένων 12, 153 διῳκημένων 25, 73 ἐννέα ἀρχόντων 8, 8; εὐθυνῶν 31, 7; κλήρων καὶ ἐπικλήρων 9.8; νόμων ΤΙ, 2; 31, 6; ὅπλων 15, 23; πολιτικῶν 31, 8; προκειμένων 20, 241; προτέρων 40, 193 ταμιῶν 8, 5; τυράννων 16, 39; xpn- μάτων 30, 20

c. acc. local, περὶ τὸ ἄστυ 21, 133

Ἐρέτριαν 33, 4; τὸν Θερμαῖον κόλπον 15, 6; Παγγαῖον 15, 7; Σαλαμῖνα 23, 4. οἱ περὶ ᾿Ανακρέοντα καὶ Σιμωνίδην 18, 5; ---τὸν Κλεομένην καὶ ᾿Ισαγόραν 20, 13; τὸν Ἰσαγόραν 28, 9; --- τὸν Μεγακλέα καὶ τὸν Λυκοῦργον 14, 18; - τὸν ‘Pivwya 38, 28; τὰς ἀρχὰς τὰς περὶ τὴν ἐγκύκλιον διοίκησιν 43, τ1 τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀρχάς 3, 333 9, 1; τοὺς ἐννέα ἄρχοντας 60, 1; --- τὴν πόλιν 16, 33 τὴν τῶν πολιτῶν ἐγγραφήν 42, 38; --- τὰς τάξεις 42, 31; -- τὸν ἐν τῷ Ὑμηττῷ γεωργοῦντα τό, 17. περὶ τὸν μερισμόν 48, 11; τὸν ὀστρακισμόν 22,131 ταῦτα 66, το. Of time, περὶ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον 23, IO

περιαιρῶ" περιαιρεῖται Tov στέφανον 57, 20; ἅπαντα mepethe(ro) τὰ ἐπίθετα 25, 8; περιείλοντο αὐτῶν τὴν δύναμιν 25, 22. Cf. παραιρῷῶ

περιεγένετο τῇ πόλει τάλαντα ἑκατόν 22, 30

Ἐπεριελαυνόμενος τῇ στάσει 14, 21

περιέρχομαι" τὰ ἱερὰ περιῆλθον 42, 20; κατὰ δήμους περιιόντες 53, 3

περιζωσάμενος ἐδημηγόρησε 28, 17 (περιε- ζῶσθαι τὴν φορβειάν Pol. 1324 16)

Περικλῆς" (law concerning citizenship) 26, 223; πρὸς τὸ δημαγωγεῖν ἐλθόντος 11. 27, 1; ἐποίησε μισθοφόρα τὰ δικαστήρια 27, 12; πρὸς ταύτην τὴν χορηγίαν ἐπιλει-

GREEK

πόμενος 27, 18; ἕως Π. προειστήκει τοῦ δήμου 28, 1; τοῦ δήμου (προστάτης) 28,

12 ᾿ περιλαβεῖν" καθόλου π. τὸ βέλτιστον 9, 13 περιπολοῦσι τὴν χώραν 42, 32 (not found in technical sense; occurs only in frag. 122, 1476.4 6, ἥλιον περιπολοῦντα) πέτρας σκάπτοντα 16, τ πήγνυμι" ὄρους---πεπηγότας 12, 33 (Solon) πηρῶ" τὸ σῶμα πεπηρωμένους 49, 26 πῖαρ 12, 64 (Solon) πιέζων τὸν αὐλίσκον τῆς ψήφου 68, 24 πιείρας χθονός 12, 24 (Solon) πιθανώτερος τῶν δημοτικῶν λόγος 6, 12 πικρός" πᾶσιν ἦν ἄπιστος καὶ πικρός το, 3;

πικρότατον ἦν τὸ δουλεύειν 2, το. adv. ἐνεσημαίνετο πικρῶς πινάκιον λελευκωμένον 48, 2ο. (δικαστοῦ)

mw. πύξινον 63, 18; πινάκιον 64, 5, 7, 20; 66, 13; pl. 63, 6; 64, 8, 143 65, 18; 66, 15. ἐν τοῖς δικαστηρίοις... φέρειν ἕκαστον πινάκιον (of Hippoda- mus) Pol. 1268 a 2

πίναξ 49, 12, 18 (πίναξ ὃν ἀνέθηκε---χορη- γήσας Pol. 1341 a 36)

“mum pdoKe * mpabévras 12, 36 (Solon); τὰ πραθέντα μέταλλα 47, 11; M. πεπρα- μένα 47, 12 ἴ; τέλη πεπραμένα 47, 16; τὰ πραθέντα 47, 22 (πραθέντων μισ- θωθέντων Rhet. ad Alex. 1425 23)

πιστεύω: ἐπίστευεν 21, I

πίστεως χάριν 18, 35

πιστότατος 54, 17

πλανωμένους 12, 39 (Solon)

πλάττω- Mid. οὐχὶ πλαττόμενος 18, 32

πλεονάκις 62, 18

πλεονεκτεῖν 4, 15

πλεονεξία 6, 173 16, 32

WNHO0s, TO 2, 2; 9, 53 12, 10; 16, 24; S675, 335 Oly 2, 123 22, 43, 25 43 28; 243 32 33 34. 93 36, 43 41, 24, 32. πλῆθος, ‘number’, 36, το; 40, 4; τὸ wr. τῶν πολιτῶν 26, 21

WAI’ Cc. gen. 7, 23 24, 73 29, 313 31, 16; 33> 53 37) 153 43» 23 44, 9; 54, 28; 55, 43 57, 243 62, 4. πλὴν βουλεῦσαι dis 62, 19; πλὴν μιὐστηρίοις 39, 7 (de- cree); πλὴν πρὸς τοὺς τριάκοντα 30, 21 (decree); πλὴν περὶ κλήρου καὶ ἐπι- κλήρου 42, 35; πλὴν ἐὰν ἀφέσιμος 7 43» 133 πλὴν ἐὰν τὐχῃ---ἀρχῶν 53, 31

πλήρης, Ψῆφος (opp. τετρυπημένη) 68, 6, 8, 9; τὰ τρυπητὰ καὶ τὰ πλήρη 69, 4 πλήρη---δικαστήρια 66, 1

πληρωθήσεσθαι, δικαστήρια 63, 11; 64, 24 (not found in Ar. in this technical sense)

πλησίον c. gen. 3, 25. 15, 21

πλοίῳ, ἐν 57, 23

πλούσιος" οἱ πλούσιοι (Opp. of πένητες) 2, A465 4 Ta, 193 5, 20. Superl, τοῖς ᾿ πλουσιωτάτοις ᾿Αθηναίων ἑκατόν 22, 233

τὰ πλ. οἰκήματα

INDEX 311

τρεῖς ἐξ ἁπάντων ᾿Αθηναίων τοὺς πλου- σιωτάτους 56, 8 πλουτίνδην 3, 2, 37 πλουτῶ" impf. 6, τι πόθεν τῶν δήμων 55, 13, 15 ποιήματα 5, 14; 6, 19 ποίησις τῶν Νικῶν 49, 22. 12, 2 ποιητής" pl. 18, 6 ποῖον τέλος τελεῖ 7, 29 ποιῶ" ἀναρχίαν 13, 5; ἀντιδόσεις 56, 143 61, 9; ἀρχαιρεσίας 44, 16; βουλήν 8, 18; βουλάς 30, 14; γραμματεῖον 47, 20; τὰ γεγραμμένα τι, 7; δήμους ἀντὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν 21, 21; διαψηφισμόν 13, 243 Διονύσια 54, 35; ἕδρας βουλῆς 30, 24; ἐλεγείαν 5, 6; ἐναγίσματα 58, 14; δύο τὰ ἐναντιώτατα 56, το; ἐξέτασιν 31, 11; ἐπωνύμους ταῖς φυλαῖς 21, 25; μέτρα πεντακόσια 7, τό; μ. διακόσια 7, 27 ἴ; τὰ ὅρκια 3,12; τὸν ὅρκον 22, ; ὀχετούς 50, 12; παράδειγμα 40, 15; σεισάχθειαν 6, 6; σταθμά 10, 7; χρεῶν ἀποκοπήν 10, 2; -- ἀποκοπάς 6, 3. τοῦτο ποιεῖν _ (instead of repeating previous verb) 16, 7; 35,18; 67, 1. πάντα ποιῶν 18, 33. ὅπερ εἰώθασι ποιεῖν 40, 43 (τί) τῶν μὴ καλῶς ἐχόντων 28, 25; κἄν τις ὑπο- σχόμενός τι μὴ ποιήσῃ 43, 26; ads. τὸν ποιήσαντα 57, 30 τοῦ βελτίστου χάριν 35, 21; γονέας εὖ 55.173 ὀρθῶς 41, 28 double acc. τὴν χώραν ἀνάδαστον 40, 25; πάντ᾽ ἀνάδαστα τι, τι; dvap- φισβήτητον τὴν πολιτείαν 35, 133 ἀσαφεῖς τοὺς νόμους 9, τι; ἀτελῆ πάντων αὐτόν 16, 24; αὐτοκράτορας τοὺς τριάκοντα 37, 6; δημότας ἀλλήλων τοὺς οἰκοῦντας ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν δήμων 21, 16; τὰς ἀρχὰς κληρωτάς 8, 1, 5; 43, 2; κύριον 35, 14; 41, 25; μισθοφόρα τὰ δικαστήρια 27,115; -ov ἐκκλησίαν 41, 29 Mid. ἀλκὴν πάντοθεν ποιούμενος 12, 533 φίλον ποιοίατο 12, 61 (Solon). τὴν αἵρεσιν 31, 10, 15; τοὺς ἀμφορεῖς 60, 6; ἀποδημίαν 11, 4; 13, 1; δι᾽ ὀλίγων τὴν πολιτείαν 29,9; τὰς εἰσαγγελίας 43, 203 ἐξοπλασίαν 15, 173 τὴν κάθοδον το, 10; 41} 53 ὁμολογίαν 19. 35; τὸν πέπλον 60, 6; τριήρεις 46, 2, 7) περὶ πλείονος ποιήσασθαι τὸ καλὸν τὴν αὑτοῦ πλεο- νεξίαν 6, 16 (cf. Ath. 1160 15) Pass. τῶν πεποιημένων τριήρων---- σκευών---νεωσοίκων 46, I Ἐπολεμαρχεῖον 3, 28 *roneuapxia 3, 6 πολέμαρχος 3, 17, 27; 22, Ο; 55s 5; 56, 13 esp. 58. Ἴων πολέμαρχος ᾿Αθηναίων frag. πολεμαρχῶ" So 3, 29 πολέμια, τὰ, 3, 73 23; 14 πόλεμος" ἕως ἂν π. 29, 315 353 κἂν π. ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ γίγνηται 61, 5; ἐν τῷ πρὸς

ἐν τῇ ποιήσει

312

Μεγαρέας π. τ4, 6; + περὶ Σαλαμῖνος 17, 6; πρὸς Πελοποννησίους π. ἐνέστη 27, 8; συνεστήσαντο τὸν π. 24, 17 ; πολεμοῦ καθεστῶτος 33, 143 τὴν τοῦ π. κατά- λυσιν 38, 6; κατελύοντο τὸν π. 32, 15; ἐπεκράτουν τῷ π. 38, 17; ἐν πολέμῳ 57, 20; ἐν τῷ π. 58, 3; εἰς τὸν π. 20, 30; 39, 26; τὰ εἰς τὸν π. 23, το; κατὰ πόλεμον 26, 7; κατὰ τὸν π. 29, τ; αἱ κατὰ π. ἀρχαί 62, 18; αἱ πρὸς τὸν π. ἀρχαί 43, 51 44,173 61, 1; πρὸς τὸν π. ἔλαβον 40, 20; τὰ τοῦ π. 30, 30

πολεμῶ" ἀπείρων τοῦ πολεμεῖν, 26, 9. πο-

λεμεῖ οὗτος ότ, 5

πολιορκῶ 10, 32; 20, 15

πόλις ᾿ πολλῶν ἂν ἀνδρῶν ἥδ᾽ ἐχηρώθη πόλις 12, 52 (Solon); ἐκάθηρε τὴν π. 15, 133 τῆς πόλεως, κύριον 34, 16; --- κύριοι 35,

2; --- κυρίους 20, τι; οἰκεῖν τὴν π. 22, IQ; τυραννεῖν τῆς π. 6, 16 Ξε ἀκρόπολις" τὰς ἐκτίσεις ἀνέφερεν

εἰς πόλιν 8, 24; ἐν τῇ πόλει φρουροί 24, 15

‘the state’, ‘the government’; προῆλ- θεν π. 23, 13 πωλεῖ τοῦτον π. 42, 10; ἐπώλει τὸν καρπὸν π. 60, το; λαβόντες ἀσπίδα καὶ δόρυ παρὰ τῆς π. 42, 31; λαμβάνοντες ἀργύριον παρὰ τῆς π. 43, 113 τὴν τῆς π. σωτηρίαν 6, 16; τῆς π. εἶναι τὴν δαπάνην 22, 34: THs π. ὑποφερομένης 36, τ; ἐν οἷς τὰ χρήματ᾽ ἔστιν καὶ (τὰ) γράμματα τῇ π. 44: 4; τὸ ἔλαιον ---ἐστὶ τῇ π. 60, 153 τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν τῇ π. 3, 35; τῇ π. πάσῃ πατρικῶς χρωμένους 28, 32; βέλτιστα τῇ π. 20, 13 (decree); περιεγένετο τῇ π. τάλαντα ἑκατόν 22, 30; τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν τό, 3; διῴκει τὴν π. 23, 3; κατεῖχον τὴν π. 35, 73 τὴν π. ἐγκρατέστερον ἔσχον 325, 223 προύτρεψεν τὴν π. ἐπὶ τὴν ναυτικὴν δύναμιν 27,5; πρὸς τὴν π. ὀψὲ προσελ- θόντα “6, 6

‘the citizens’, or ‘citizenship’; ἐφ᾽ ols ἔχαιρον πόλις 35, 20; τῆς π. μὴ μετέχειν 8, 3ο; 26, 22; τὴν π. στασιά- ζουσαν ὃ, 27; στασιαζούσης τῆς π. 8, 29; τῆς π. τεταραγμένης 13, 2; θαρρούσης τῆς π. 24, 1; πλεῖστα συνέβη τὴν π. ἁμαρτάνειν 41, τ

pl. τοὺς φόρους----ὁ τάξας ταῖς πόλεσιν 23, 21; πάσας τὰς πόλεις 34, 12; ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν 40, 22; τὰ σύμβολα τὰ πρὸς τὰς πόλεις 59, 16 πολιτεία " (1) ‘constitution’, πρώτη π. 4, τ; τῆς ἀρχαίας π. τῆς πρὸ Δράκοντος 3, 13 ἡν---ἢ π΄. ὀλιγαρχική 2, 23 πικρό- τατον ἦν τῶν κατὰ τὴν π. τὸ δουλεύειν 2, 11; τὴν π. ἐπέτρεψαν (Σόλωνι) 5, 51 τῆς Σόλωνος π.---τὰ δημοτικώτατα 9, 2; κύριος ὦν δῆμος τῆς ψήφου κύριος γίγνε- ται τῆς π. 9, 7; πολιτείαν κατέστησε (Σόλων) 7, 1; διέταξε τὴν π. 7,7 (οἴ. Il, 13 29, 38); οἱ τῇ π. δυσχεραίνοντες

GREEK INDEX

13, 14; (Κλεισθένους) δημοτικωτέρα πολὺ τῆς Σόλωνος ἐγένετο π. 22, 2; ὡς---παραπλησίαν οὖσαν τὴν Κλεισθένους π. τῇ Σόλωνος 29, 20; διέμεινεν π. προεστώτων τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν 25, 2; (ἡ τῶν ’Ap. βουλὴ) ἐπίσκοπος οὖσα τῆς π. 8, 21; τὰ ἐπίθετα δι᾽ ὧν ἦν τῆς π. φυλακή 25, 9; ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς π. 28, 15; ἀνίεσθαι μᾶλλον τὴν π. 26, 2; ἄγειν εἰς αὑτοὺς τὴν π. 27, 1; προηρεῖτο (ὁ δῆμος) τὴν π. διοικεῖν αὐτός 27, τι; (under Pericles) δημοτικωτέραν ἔτι συνέβη γενέσθαι τὴν π. 27, 4; βελτίω τὰ κατὰ τὴν π. 28, 2; καταστῆσαι τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τετρακοσίων π. 29, 5; ἐὰν δι᾽ ὀλίγων ποιήσωνται τὴν π. 29, 9; τὴν π. ἐπέτρεψαν τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις 20, 33; τοὺς ἀναγράψοντας τὴν π. 30, 3 (cf. 31, 2; 32, 2); γενομένης ταύτης τῆς π. 32, 12; μῆνας τέτταρας διέμεινεν τῶν τετρα- κοσίων π. 33, 1f; τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν (404) 34, 18, 22; (διώκειν) 35, 9; τὰ δόξαντα περὶ τῆς π. 35, 33 ποιοῦντες ἀναμφισβήτητον τὴν π. 35, 15; τὴν νῦν οὖσαν π. 41, 3; νῦν κατάστασις THs π. 42, 1. pl. ἐῶντες τὰς πολιτείας παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς 24,8; συμβῆναι---ταραχώδεις Tas π. 28, 34; πάσας τὰς π. καταλύειν 28, 36; δυνάμενος πολιτεύεσθαι κατὰ πάσας 28, 37; ‘supreme power’, τῶν ἐχόντων ἐν ’Eperpia τὴν π. 15, 12; λαβεῖν τὴν π. 41, 4; ‘public life’, δίκαιος πρὸς τὴν π. 25,6; ‘policy’, ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης π. 9, 14

(2) ‘citizenship’, ‘franchise’, κοι- νωνούντων τῆς π. 13, 25; κοινωνεῖν τῆς π. 37, 8; ἀποδιδοὺς τῷ πλήθει τὴν π. 20, 4; μετεχόντων τῆς π. 42, 2(21, 5); μεταδώσοντες τῆς mw. 36, 7 (40, 9); ἔξω τῆς π. 37, 12; ἀπεδέδοτο π. (under Dracon) τοῖς ὅπλα παρεχομένοις 4, 4; ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων τῆς π. οὔσης 33, 141 τοὺς λαχόντας ἐκ τῆς π. (=Tav πολιτῶν) 4, 14; ἀφείλετο τὴν π. 34, τ; τῶν ἐν τῇ π. 38, 9; pl. ταῖς πολιτείαις ‘grants of citizenship’, 54, 18

πολιτεύεσθαι κατὰ πάσας (πολιτείας), δυνά- μενος 28, 37; ἐφ᾽ τε πολιτεύσονται͵

τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν 34, 18; δοκεῖ τοῦτο πολιτεύσασθαι καλῶς 40, 7; τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι πολιτευσαμένων 28, 29. Pass. ἐπολιτεύθησαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι καλῶς 23, 8; καλῶς πολιτευθῆναι 33, 13

πολίτης" ἀγαθοῦ πολίτου ἔργον 28, 38;

Pl. 34, 22; 35, 8, 22; 36, 7; 37» 73 38, 5, 12, 15; 45, 53 Τὸ πλῆθος τῶν π. 26, 22; τὴν τῶν π. ἐγγραφήν 42, 38; opp. τοῖς μετοίκοις 58, 10

πολιτικός, τῇ φύσει 18, 33 ἄνδρας---πολι-

τικούς 28, 32; τὰ μέγιστα τῶν πολιτι- κῶν 8, 22; τὰ πολιτικὰ δεινός 23, 14; περὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν 31, 8. πολιτικῶς 14, 17; τό, 4; πολιτικώτατα 40, 17

Pete .».. ἀν...

GREEK [INDEX

πολλάκις 8, 27; 16, 14, 26

πολλαχῇ 12, 33, 39 (Solon)

πολλαχοῦ μέμνηται 6, 20; π. γέγραπται 8, 17

πολὺς ὄλβος [2, 13, 18 (Solon). πολλὴν χώραν 6, το; πολὺν χρόνον 2, 2; 5, 33 16, 34; 18, 23; 36, 13; οὐ πολὺν χρόνον 15, 31 μετ᾽ ov πολὺν χρόνον 25, 243 34, 13; χρόνου---οὐ πολλοῦ διελ- θόντος 4, 2; μετ᾽ οὐ πολύ 6, 10. πολὺ πρὸς ὠμότητα---ἐπέδοσαν 37, 15; ©. compar. νεώτερος πολύ 18, 6; δημοτικω- τέρα πολύ 22, 1; πολὺ χείρω 28, 2; πολλῷ τραχυτέραν 16, 28; 19, 12. 2. @dj. 12, 13, 52, 54 (Solon); πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἔτεσιν 3, 19; πολλὰς ἀμφισ- βητήσεις 9, 9; χρημάτων πολλῶν 24, 2. . Pl. subst. sine articulo, πολλοὺς--- ἀνήγαγον 12, 36 (Solon); ἕτεροι πολλοί 34, 24; πολλοί 66, 23; ¢. gen. abs. πολλῶν 13, 243 15, 10; 18, 143 40, 2; πολλούς 18, 341 19, 2; 40, 6; πολλὰ σοφιζομένων 41, 31; ¢. gen. partit. πολλούς, τῶν γνωρίμων τι, 8; τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν 25, 7; τῶν δημοτῶν 27, 15; τὰ πολλὰ τῶν δικαστηρίων 68, I. Cum articulo ἐφθάρθαι τοὺς πολλούς 26,73 τῶν γνωρίμων καὶ τῶν δημοτικῶν οἱ πολλοί 16, 36; οἱ πολλοί (Ξ- τὸ πλῆθος, opp. οἱ ὀλίγοι) 5, 23 36, 5; εὐδιαφθο- ρώτεροι (ol) ὀλίγοι τῶν πολλῶν 41, 28; Τῶν m. 29, 81 Τοῖς π. 2, 10; 24, 103 27, 21} 28, 27; τοὺς mw. 26, 73 27,6; neut. τῶν πολλῶν εἰσηγητής 27, 20; adv. τὰ πολλὰ 20, 20

Comp. (ἀρχὴ) πλείων ἐνιαυσίας 3, 22;

(ὁ ἀριθμὸς τῶν ψήφων) πλείων 69, 9; πλείω χρόνον 44, 2; μὴ πλείονος δυεῖν δραχμαῖν 50, 7; περὶ πλείονος ποιήσασθαι 6, 16; οἱ πλείους 3, 9; πλείους 21, 5; 24, 12} 30, 12; 50, 8; πλειόνων 30, 22, 24; πλείω---ὠἠφελούμενοι 33, 6; πλέον ἅπαξ 31,173 44, 14. superl. πλεῖστα χρήματα 47, 29; πλεῖστα--- ἁμαρτάνειν 41, 18; τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὰ μέγιστα 3, 35; 8, 21; τὰ πλεῖστα 47, τὶ 49, 30; τὰς ἀρχὰς Tas πλείστας 47, 29

πομπεύοντας, τοὺς 18, 27

πομπή 57, 53 τὴν πομπήν, ἀποστέλλων 18, 16; διακοσμοῦντα 18, 203; ἀναλώ- ματα els 56, 243 κοινῇ πέμπουσιν 57, 6; διοικοῦσι 60, 4. πομπῶν ἐπιμελεῖται 56, 21

πονηρία 37, 15

πονηρός" 55, 26; pl. κακοπράγμονας καὶ πονηρούς 35, 20

πορεύονται, eis Πειραιέα 42, 21

πορίσασα δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ ὀκτὼ διέδωκε 23. 6; ὀβολὸν ἐπόρισεν 41, 33; τὴν διωβελίαν ἐπ. 28, 20

Ποσιδεῶνος μηνός, τοῦ 67, τό

ποτέ 12, 32 (Solon); ποτε---νῦν δὲ 49, 203 ὁποτέρως mor ἔχει 3, 14

313

πότερον---ἢ οὔ 49, 17

που, ἑτέρωθί 12, 15

ποῦ ταῦτα τὰ ἱερά ἐστι 55, τό f

πρᾶγμα, ἐρεῖν εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ 67, 43 (ὄνομα) ἀπὸ τοῦ πράγματος κείμενον 7, 19; πράγματα " ‘government’, προάγοντες τὰ πράγματα 17, 10; κατασχόντος τοῦ δήμου τὰ πράγματα 20, 17; τὰ πρ. παρέ- δωκαν τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις 33, 8; μετα- δοῦναι τῶν mp. τοῖς βελτίστοις 36, 5: τὰ mp. βεβαίως εἶχον 38, 12; κύριος γενόμενος τῶν πραγμάτων 6,13 41, 2. κύριοι τῶν mp. 18, 1. * Public affairs’, τά τε πράγματα νοσοῦντα μαρτυρεῖ 6, 19; ἐξαπορησάντων τοῖς πράγμασι 23, 6; ἰσόρροπα τὰ πράγματα 29, τ; πρὸς τὰ παρόντα πράγματαόι, 10; οὐχρησάμενοι καλῶς τοῖς πράγμασι 34, 12. * Occu- pation’, vztae studia ac negotia (Her- werden), τῇ οὐσίᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι τῶν μέσων 5,13

πρᾶξιν, πράττειν τὴν 18, 143 τὴν ὅλην ἐλυμήναντο τὴν mp. 18, 21; κοινωνούν- των τῆς πράξεως 18, 17; ἴχνος τῆς mp. 18, 26

πρᾷος 16, &; νόμοι πρᾷοι 16, 39

πρᾳότης, τοῦ δήμου 22, 19

πράττειν τὴν πρᾶξιν 18, 13; τὰ κοινὰ πράττουσι 24,53 ἂν ἡγῶνται συμφέρειν 31, 7; ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠἡρέθησαν οὐκ ἔπραττον 38, 73 ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις οἷς ἔπραττον 10, Il; ἅπαντα δι᾿ αὑτῶν ἔπραττον 33, 12; ἔπραξε ταῦτα 25, 11; τοῖς τετρακοσίοις ἐναντίον τι πράξαντες 37, 10

Mid. ἐπράττετο ἀπὸ τῶν γιγνομένων

δεκάτην τό, 12

πρεσβείαις 30, 29 (decree) ; 43, 30 (in an- other sense, κατὰ πρεσβείαν Pol. 1259 13

ἀνέγνων 27. τό; 43, 32 (not in this sense in /ndex Ar.; πρεσβευταὶ αἱροῦνται Pol. 1299 @ 19)

Ἐπρεσβευσάμενοι, πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους 32, 14

πρεσβύτερος Ἱππίας 18, 2. γαῖαν 5, 8 (Solon)

πρεσβύτης, σφόδρα 14, 14

πρίασθαι" τόν τε πριάμενον Kai ὅσου ἂν πρίηται 47, 17

πρίν, c. inf. τυχεῖν 12, 29 (Solon); ἀφι- κέσθαι 38, 22; διαβουλεῦσαι 32, 43 εἰσελθεῖν 56, 6; mapedpedew 56, 3; c. ind. aor. ἐξεῖλεν 12, 64 (Solon} 3; post negationem, πρὶν ἄν, c.conj. aor., παραδῷ 60, 173 ἀπογράψηται 39, 18

πρό, (1) of place, τοῦ βουλευτηρίου 53, 25 τῶν θυρῶν 14, 13. (2) of time, Δράκοντος 3, 13 τοῦ πάντας ἐξελθεῖν 4, τό; τῆς ἐνάτης πρυτανείας 54, 11; τῆς νομοθεσίας 10, 2; τῆς συλλήψεως 18, 18; τούτου 26,17. τὸν πρὸ τοῦ ψηφίσματος λόγον 20, 6 ᾿

ἩΕτιολϑονα τὰ πράγματα τῇ, 9; τούς τι

πρεσβυτάτην

314

προωγαγόντας ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς τῶν μὴ καλῶς ἐχόντων 28, 253 πάσας (τὰς πο- λιτείας) προάγειν 28, 37

προαγορεύων, (1) ‘proclaim’, 57, 13; (2) ‘state beforehand’, προειπεῖν 6, 7; τὴν wpav τὴν προρρηθεῖσαν 30, 32 (decree)

προαιροῦμαι " προῃρεῖτο τὴν πολιτείαν διοι- κεῖν αὐτός 27, Τί

προανακρίνειν 3, 32

mpoBorn~ pl. 43, 243 59, 5 (not in Ar. in technical sense)

*mpoBovAevpa 44, 19

προβουλεύει εἰς τὸν δῆμον (ἡ βουλὴ) 45, 21 (Pol. 1298 30, 1299 33, 1322 6 16)

πρόβουλοι 20, IL

προγεγενημένων (συμφορῶ), μάλιστα τῶν 33, 6; ταῖς -αις συμφοραῖς 40, 18

*arpoypauua 44, 10; 66, 20

προγράφουσι (οἱ πρυτάνεις), ὅσα δεῖ χρη- ματίζειν τὴν βουλὴν κτὰ 43, τό; τὰς ἐκκλησίας 26.5; τι ἂν μὴ προγράψωσιν οἱ πρυτάνεις 45, 23. (οἱ θεσμοθέται) τοῦ προγράψαι τὰ δικαστήρια κύριοι 50, I. (Of the people) προγράφουσιν 53, 36. (Found only in the fragments, and in Oec. ii 1352 @ τὴ

*mpodavelfw* τοῖς ἀπόροις προεδάνειζε χρή- ματα τό, 6

ἘΣ προδιασπείρω' προδιασπείρας λόγον 14,24

**orpodpomevev 49, 6

πρόδρομοι 49, 5 (not in /xzdex in this sense)

προδωσέταιρον, Λειψύδριον 19, 15 (scol.)

*mpoedpevew 44, 14

**apoedpixy, γραφὴ 59, 6

πρόεδροι, τῶν πρυτάνεων 44, 8 (found in technical sense in the fragments only)

προειδέναι" iva μηδεμία (τῶν ἀρχῶν) mpoet- δῇ τιψι (τῶν δικαστηρίων) χρήσεται 66, το

προειπεῖν 6, 73 Ὁ. προαγορεύων

᾿ὐ προεξαλειφθῇ 47; 35

᾿ προεξαναστάντες τῶν [ἄλλω]ν 18, 19

προέχουσιν ἀλλήλων 3, 23; ταῖς οὐσίαις κτὰ προέχοντας 35, 24

προῆλθεν πόλις, μέχρι τούτου 23, 1 (μέχρι τινὸς προέρχονται Pol. 1280 α 10)

προθυμουμένων 38, 21

προθύμως 26, 5

προικὸς (δίκαι ἔμμηνοι) 52, 12

προΐστημι᾽ προειστήκει 13, 17; 28, I, 10, 14; 34, 24; προειστήκεσαν 19. 9; 38, 21. προεστηκώς 21, 2; προεστώτων 25, 2; προεστάναι 26, 5 (Pol. 1285 a 36, 1319 7)

προκειμένων, περὶ τῶν 29, 25 (decree); ψῆφοι---προκείμεναι 69, 4

πρόκλησις Pl. 53, 10, 7

προκρίνω" mpoxpivece and προύκρινεν 8, 2; mpoxplvovras 30, 12 (decree). προκρί- νεσθαι 26, 15. ἐκ τῶν προκριθέντων 21, 25 22, 22

προκρίτων, ἐκ 8, 1; 30, τι (decree); 31, 4 (decree); 35, 4

GREEK

INDEX

πρόνοια" ἐκ προνοίας ἀποκτείνῃ τρώσῃ 57, 15 (Pol. 1300 26)

*rpoteviae 54, 18

προξένοις, δίκαι 58, 5

*apémudov τῆς ἀκροπόλεως, πρὸς TO 15, IQ

προρρηϑθεῖσαν, τὴν ὥραν τὴν 30, 32 (de- cree); v. προαγορεύων

πρός" c. dat. τούτοις Masc. 24, 13, 15, 173 38, 143 meut. 26, 6; δυοῖν ὀβολοῖν 28, 223; τοῖς εἰρημένοις 43, 23; ταῖς συμ- μαχίαις KTA 54, 18; τῷ λίθῳ (ὀμνύντες) 7. 53 Tots ἰδίοις ὄντες 16, 9

C. act., (a) ad, τὸ πρόπυλον 15, 193

τὴν πόλιν 26, 6; τὸν λίθον 55, 28; τὸν Πεισίστρατον 14, 22; 15, 22; Λακεδαι- μονίους 32, 14; τὸ πλῆθος 36, 4; τὸ δημαγωγεῖν 27, 1; τὴν ἐπικύρωσιν τῆς χειροτονίας 41, 32; τὰ παραυτίκα 28, 28; τὰ παρόντα 61, το; ἀποστάντο---- τοῦ δήμου πρὸς αὐτούς 38,17. (5) contra, πρὸς ἑκατέρους ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρων μάχεται 5, 9; τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλονικίαν 13, 6; πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθέσθαι τι, 14; διαφερόμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους 23, 173 πρὸς Μεγαρέας 14, 2; 17, 63 τοὺς βαρβάρους 22, 38; τοὺς Πελοποννησίους 27, 8; ἐστασίαζον πρὸς ἀλλήλους 20, 15 ἀμφισβητῇ πρός τινα 57, το; ἀντιδη- μαγωγῶν πρὸς τὴν Κίμωνος εὐπορίαν 27, 12; πρὸς μηδένα μνησικακεῖν 30, 20— 22; νόμον ἔθηκε πρὸς αὐτούς 8, 28 ; πρὸς τοὺς ἐξετάζειν βουλομένους, 21, 6; (¢) ad- versus, συνθήκας συντίθεσθαι πρὸς ods ἂν ἐθέλωσιν 20. 36; τὰ σύμβολα τὰ πρὸς τὰς πόλεις 59, 16; διελύθησαν πρὸς τοὺς Ἐλευσῖνι κατοικήσαντας 40, 25; τὴν πρὸς βασιλέα συμμαχίαν 29, 4; τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίας 18, 9; πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους φιλία 17, 5; 19, 243 πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἐπεφύκει καλῶς τό, 58; δίκαιος πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν 25, 6 ; νοσοῦντες τὰ πρὸς ἑαυτούς 13, 12; τὰ θέσμια φυλάττωσι πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἀμφισβητούντων κρίσιν 3, 21 ; ὀνειδίζων πρὸς τὰς μεμψιμοιρίας 12, 551 νόμος μάλιστα καθήκων πρὸς τὴν τυρραννίδος κατάστασιν 16,41. (ad) coram, etc., Tov ᾿Εφιάλτην 25, 12; τοὺς ’Apeo- παγίτας 25, 14; Tov δῆμον 43, 28; τὴν τῶν ᾿Αρεοπαγιτῶν βουλήν 4, 223 τοὺς στρατηγούς 20, 27; λαγχάνονται πρὸς αὐτόν, γραφαὶ καὶ δίκαι, 56, 29; γραφαί 57, 9 (59, 8); αἱ τοῦ φόνου δίκαι 57, 12; πρὸς ols τὰς ἄλλας δίκας λαγχάνουσιν 53, 2; πρὸς ods ἀνάγκη λόγον ἀπενεγκεῖν 54. 3. (6) ad finem aliquem, χρήματα πρὸς τὰς ἐργασίας 16, 6; τὴν βοήθειαν

19, 20; τὸν πόλεμον 40, 20; αἱ πρὸς τὸν

πόλεμον ἀρχαί 8,15; 43, 51 44. 17} O1, 1; τὰς στρατείας 53, 35; πρὸς ταύτην τὴν χορηγίαν ἐπιλειπόμενος 27. 18; πολὺ πρὸς ὠμότητα καὶ πονηρίαν ἐπέδοσαν 37, τό; τοὺς τῳ δήμῳ πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλοῦντας 35, 19. (7) secundum, τὸ νόμισμα το, 73 τὴν

a. ae

GREEK

λῆξιν ἑκάστην 30, 173 Tas τιμὰς τῶν κριθῶν 51, 11, 133 πρὸς (τὸ ὕδωρ) δεῖ λέγειν τὰς δίκας 67, 6; διαμεμετρημένην τὴν ἡμέραν 67, 133 διαμετρεῖται πρὸς τὰς ἡμέρας 67, 173 τίμησίς ἐστι πρὸς ἡμίχουν ὕδατος 69, 12

| προσαγαγόντας τοὺς στρατηγούς, τὰ τοῦ

πολέμου---ἀκληρωτί (decree). Mid. ταῖς ὁμιλίαις προσήγετο 16, 38; προσηγάγετο τὸν δῆμον 20, 4 (Pol. 1296 37, 1303 36) rpocayopeborres, πατρόθεν 21, 173 προσ- ηγόρευσε τῶν δήμων 21, 21 ᾿προσαιροῦμαι" προσελόμενοι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἄρχοντας 35, 53 (only quoted in /ndex from Pollux viii 92)

προσαναβῆναι 15, 18

**rpocavaynrioa 29, 16 (decree)

προσαρτήσαντες, τὴν γνῶσιν τοῦ διαιτητοῦ

53» 13 πρόσειμι (elul)* τὰς προσούσας δυσκολίας 35, 15; πρόσεστι δεσμός 67, 24 πρόσειμι (εἷμι)" προσιόντες αὐτῷ τι, 2; τὰ χρήματα τὰ προσιόντα 20, 29 (decree); ἀπὸ τῶν προσιόντων 30, 8 (decree) *rpocemiauBdvovca τῷ πλήθει τὴν ἐξου- σίαν 41, 24 προσέρχομαι" προσέρχονται οἱ κήρυκες c. dat. 43, 31. προσελθεῖν ἐναντίον τῆς βουλῆς 30, 28 (decree). πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὀψὲ προσελθόντα 26, 6. Cf. πρόσειμι (εἶμι) pee xoreh Tots νόμοις 26, 4967) προσῆκον, ov 13, 25 πρόσθεν 12, 34 (Solon) προσιστῆται TO πλῆθος, ὅπως 41, 31 “προσκαθεζόμενος ἐπολιόρκει 20, 14 προσκαθημένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ 19, 33 προσκαλοῦμαι " προσκληθεὶς φόνου δίκην 16, 32; προσκαλεσάμενος 16, 534; ἐὰν--- προσκαλῆται 20, 25 (decree) πρόσκειται 54, 32 Ἐπροσκλήσεις 29, 23 (decree) *rporxoou@* προσεκεκόσμηντο τούτοις 13, 21 (not found elsewhere in this sense) προσκυνοῦντες 14, 30

13 (frag.

ἘΝ προσόδους, τὰς 16, τι

“προσοργίζομαι" προσοργισθέντες τῷ γενο- μένῳ 19, 29

*mpocoppugduevos ἐν πλοίῳ 57, 23

*rpoomapariderOat c. dat. 63, 22

προσποιοῦμαι" προσεποιοῦντο διώκειν τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν 35, 8

προσπταίω" προσέπταιον 19. IO

i] προστάτης, ἡγεμὼν καὶ (of Hipparchus) °

22, 20. προστάτης Tov δήμου 2, 9; 20, 183 23, 12; 25, 43 28, 63 36, 6. στάτην ἔλαβεν δῆμος 28, 3

προ-

ah προστάττω᾽ προστέτακται 51, 2, 153 54,2

προστιθέασι τῶν οἰκείων 40, 241; προσ- θεῖναι 58, 7; ὀβολὸς προστίθεται 62, 9; προσθεμένου τοῖς ὀλιγαρχικοῖς 34, 25

INDEX

315

προστιμῶσιν αὐτῷ. οἱ δικασταί 63, 143 προστιμήσῃ 63, 17 (Bekk. Anec. 210, 16 in Testimoniis, c. 57 § 2)

προτεραίᾳ, TH 48, 8

πρότερον 3, 28; 7, 93 8, 11, 203 10, 53 125 473 E75 1.4.8: 90) 205 26} 135) 48033 56, 153; 60, το; 62, 1; 63, 16. οὐ--- πρότερον---πρὶν dv 60, 17. πρότερον μὲν---μετὰ δὲ---53, 3. πρότερον---νῦν δέ, see νῦν, πρότερον λέγων, ὕστερον λέγων, 68, 22 f. τοῖς πρότερον ναυκράροις 21, 20; ἐν τοῖς πρότερον χρόνοις 28, 41 τῶν πρότερον ἐγγεγραμμένων 40, 13

πρότερος" τὸ πρότερον ὄφλημα 63, 16; τῷ προτέρῳ ἔτει 53, 243 τὴν προτέραν ὀλιγαρχίαν 37, 11; οἱ πρότεροι 22, 231 τῶν προτέρων 40, 19

προτιθέασιν 44, τι; 48, τὸ

προτρέπω" προτρέψειν 40, 143 προύτρεψε (els) 19, 22; (ἐπὶ c. acc.) 27, 51 προ- τρέψας (ἐπὶ ¢. acc.) 23, 19

προὐπαρχούσας TpiTTUS, τὰς 21, 10; τῶν mpoimapxdvTav δέκα προβούλων 29, 11

πρόφασις τοῦ ἀπιέναι 42, 35; τὴν πρό- φασιν δι᾿ τὸ ἐκτίνεσθαιν 8, 243 ἀρχὴν καὶ πρόφασιν 13, 13

προφέρω" προέφερεν, Πυθία 19, 21 (not in /ndex in this sense)

mpoxetporovias, ἄνευ 43, 31 (only in frag. 3967)

πρυτανεία" τετράκις τῆς mp. ἑκάστης 43, 14; ἅπαξ ἐπὶ τῆς mp. ἑκάστης 44, 15; κατὰ πρυτανείαν ἑκάστην 47, 183 (γραμ- ματεὺς) κατὰ Tp. 54, 13; κατὰ τὴν Tp. ἑκάστην 48, 14; 61, τι; ἐπὶ τῆς ἕκτης Wp. 43, 22; ἐπὶ τῆς ἐνάτης Tp. 47, 21, 25, 28; πρὸ τῆς ἐνάτης mp. 54, 11

πρυτανεῖον 3, 25, 273 24, 20; 62, 12 (only in de Mundo 4006 19)

mpuTdaves 4, 11; 29, 21, 323 41, 313 43, 323 44,1, 6, 73 45, 23

πρυτανεύει ἐν μέρει TOV φυλῶν ἑκάστη 43, 73 τῆς πρυτανευούσης (φυλῆς) 44, 93 οἱ πρυτανεύοντες 43, το; dat. 62, 8; οἱ μετὰ τὴν ἕκτην πρυτανεύοντες 44, 18. (The Index refers to the fragments only)

πρῶτος" προστάτης 2, 9; 28, 5; (τῶν ἀρχῶν) πρώτη 3) 53. wp. πολιτεία 4, 1; μετὰ THY Tp. κατάστασιν 14,19} πρ. μετάστασις 41, 6; πρώτη μετὰ ταύτην 41, 9; τὸν mp, ἐνιαυτόν (opp. τὸν ὕστερον) 42, 29; ἐν τῷ πρ. τῶν δικα- στηρίων 66, 2; ἣ---ἀἂν πρώτη λάχῃ τῶν ἀρχῶν 66, 7; τῷ πρ. λαχόντι δικαστηρίῳ 66, 8: πρῶτος ὠστρακίσθη 22, 15, 27; -ῆἂἦρξεν 26, τό; ἐποίησε---μισθοφόρα τὰ δικαστήρια---πρῶτος 27, 12; mpwros— ἀνέκραγε 28, 17; τὴν διωβελίαν ἐπόρισε —28, 20 (28, 22); πρώτου καταδείξαντος 27, 25: pl. οἱ πρῶτοι (opp. οἱ μέσοι) 5, 12; πρῶται τῶν ἀρχῶν 3, 43 τοὺς πρώ- τοὺς αἱρεθέντας 38, 18; --- λαχόντας 66, τό

316 GREEK

adv. πρῶτον 27,23 40, 233 41,123 435 32; τότε πρῶτον 15, Q; 22, 12,235 28, 2; 41, 73 πρῶτον μὲν οὖν---ἔπειτα (never ἔπειτα δέ) 21, 33 22,5; πρῶτον μέν---ἔπειτα 25, 6; 27,133 29, 213 34, 43 36, 8; 43, τ; 47, 13 51, 103 57; 23 πρῶτον μέν, ἔπειτα, ἔπειτα 56, 53 ἔπειτα, τρίτον δέ ο, 3; --- ἔπειτα, ἔτι δέ 59, 1; ---ο᾿ἰἶτα 42, 20:--- δεύτερον δέ 42, 5; +7plrov, τέταρτον 30, 20; --- μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, εἶτα, ἔπειτα 55, 131; --- μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον, πάλιν δέ 41, 321--- δέτ5, 51 55, 6; 64, 18; πρῶτον, ἔπειτα 68, 20; πρῶτον, ἔπειτα, εἶτα, ἔπειτα, ἔπειτα 62, 6; τὸ πρῶτον 17, 3, 17; τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον---δέ 19, 26; 35, 8; τὸ μὲν mp@rov—sé 41, 30; ---μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα 3, 3

Πυθία, 19, 213 21, 26

Πυθόδωρος ἄρχων (432/1) 27, 8

Πυθόδωρος ἄρχων (404/3) 41, 3; IL. ᾽Ανα- φλύστιος 29, 7: 10, I

Πύλος 27, 25

Ἀπύξινον, πινάκιον 63, 18

πυρκαϊᾶς (δίκαι) 57, 16

mupol 51, 13

πώ; οὔπω 14, 17

πώποτε" οὐδεὶς πώποτε 40, 16

πωληταί 7, 123 47, 73 52, 8 refers to frag. 401? only)

πωλεῖ τοῦτον πόλις 42, το; τὰ μέταλλα πωλοῦσι καὶ τὰ τέλη 47, 9; τὰς οὐσίας 47, 14; τὰ χωρία 47, 23; πωλήσουσιν --αἀλφιτα--ἄρτους 51, 12f. ἐπώλει τὸν καρπὸν % πόλις 60, το. Ads. οἱ πω- λοῦντες 51, 7; ἐπώλουν οἱ δῆμοι (τὰς ἀρχάς) 62, 3. Pass. ὅπως---πωλήσεται 51, 3. “τὰ mpadévra 47, 11, 22. Ta πεπραμένα 47, 12f.

(Judex

ῥᾳδίως τό, 36

ῥᾳθυμία 8, 28

ἹῬΡαίκηλος 15, 6

ῥέζειν 12, 24 (Solon) ; peta 12, 44 (zd.) ῥιζῶ" οὕπω τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐρριζωμένης 14, 18 ἹῬίνων 38, 21, 28, 32

σάκος 12, 8 (Solon) Zadapls 17, 7; 22, 38; 23, 5, 2253 27, 7. ἄρχων εἰς Σαλαμῖνα 54, 34, 36; 62, 11 Σάμιοι 24, 7 Σάμον, ἀρχαὶ εἰς 62, 16 σανίς 48, 9 (only in de eine 832 9) σαφῶς, μὴ γεγράφθαι ο, 8 σείσαντος τοῦ ὑπηρέτου 64, 6 ἔσεισάχθεια 6, 4, 6; 12, 27 σελήνην, κατὰ 43, τὸ σημαίνουσαν, ὡς---Ἴ, 24 σημεῖον δὲ φέρουσι 7, 18. ὅτι τελευταία--- ἐγένετο τῶν ἀρχῶν, σ. καὶ τὸ---διοικεῖν 3,153 σ. δ᾽ ὅτι 13, 233 σ. δ᾽ ὅτι.. .ὁ-- νόμος 8, 51 σ. δὲ---γάρ 3, 25 Σικελία" ἐν Σ. τελευτήσας 28, 1553 τὴν ἐν Σ. γενομένην συμφοράν 20, 2

INDEX

Σιμωνίδης 18, 5

σίτησιν, εἰς 62, gf, 17

*ourcxdv ἐμπόριον 51, 17

otros ἀργός 51, 113 περὶ σίτου 43, 18; τοῦ σίτου 51, 16; ζημιοῖ τᾷ σίτῳ 49, 23 ἐὰν μὴ διδῶσι τοῖς παισὶ τὸν σῖτον 56,

4

σιτοφύλακες 51, 8 (Judex quotes corre- sponding frag. only)

σκάπτοντα, πέτρας 15, 19

σκεύη, ‘tackling’ etc. 46, 2, 3

*oxynmTwvra κύειν 56, 41

σκήψεις, εἰσάγει 56, 14 (οὐ δοτέον ἐπι- τιμήσεως σκῆψιν Top. 131 6 ττὴ

Σκιροφοριών 32, 7

σκολιόν" pl. 19, 14; 20, 22

σκοποῦσιν ὅπως μὴ c. fut. 50, 6

Σκυλλαῖον 22, 42

Σκῦρον, ἀρχαὶ eis 62, 16; Heracl. epit. 1. 6; frag. 4

Σόλων 3, 313 5, 5,12; 6, 1, 6; 8, 7, 16, 455. ΟΣ TI ae 13; af; 14,8, 253 τῆ, ΟΣ 2. ΤΣ 29, ον 41, B2,° ΤΗΣ (appointment of ταμίαι) 47, 3. προ- στάτης τοῦ δήμου 28, 6. Σόλωνος θεσμῶν 35, 11. archon 594/3

σοφιζομένων, πολλὰ 41, 31

Σοφωνίδης 25, 5

σοφώτερος 14, 10, Ii

Σπαρτιᾶται 19, 23

σπεύδω" ἔσπευδον 67, I

σπουδάζω" c. inf. σπουδάσωσι λαβεῖν 50, 8. ἐσπούδαζον μὴ κατελθεῖν τοὺς ἀπὸ Φυλῆς 38, 15; οὗς-- ἐσπούδασεν ἐλθεῖν 38, 27. Ads. ἔνιοι μὲν ἐσπούδαζον 34,9

σπουδῆς, μετὰ 25, 17

στῶ" σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν 18, 38

σταδίων, ἐντὸς δέκα 50, τὸ

σταθμός 51, 133 σταθμόν το, 5; σταθμά 10, 7; σταθμῶν το, 3; 51,6; σταθμοῖς 10, 9

στασιάζειν, διὰ τὸ 13, 8. τὴν πόλυ--- στασιάζουσαν 8, 273 στασιαζούσης τῆς πόλεως 8, 29; στασιάζοντες 13, IT} 20, 20. ἐστασίαζον 20, I. στασιάσαι 2,1

στάσις" ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς στάσεως οὔσης 5, 33 τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς στάσεως 5, 19. περιε- λαυνόμενος τῇ στάσει 14, 21. διὰ τὴν στάσιν 13, 41 μετὰ τὴν στάσιν 41, 12- τὰς στάσεις ἀμφοτέρας 11, 9; 15, 53 στάσεις τρεῖς 13, 16

στατήρ το, 9 (Oec. ii 1349 28, and frag- ments)

στέλεχος 60, 9; pl. 60, 15

στέφανον, περιαιρεῖται τὸν 57, 27

Ἐστεφανόπωλις 14, 27

στηλή" εἰς στηλὴν χαλκῆν ἀναγράφονται 53, 25; ἐν ταῖς στηλαῖς ἀναγράφεται

ἜΝ

fa ag βασίλειος 7, 3 fragm. only)

στοιχεῖον 64, 21, 243 Pl. 63, 93 64, 5

εἰς Σκῦρον

3 (7παῖφλ refers to

GREEK

στόλος 19, 30

᾿ς στοχαζόμενον τοῦ πλήθους 22, 4

στρατεία, ‘military expedition’ 22, 41 (CTpaTIAN); 26, 7; 27, 10 (cTpa- TIAIC); 53, 35; 55, 18

στρατευομένοις 24, 43 στρατεύεσθαι 53, 373 Tas στρατείας εἰ ἐστράτευται 55, 18 (ὅσας ἂν στρατεύσωνται στρατείας Pol. 13246 15)

στρατηγία 27, 26

στρατηγός" ἸΠεισίστρατος 22, 14; Θεμι- στοκλῆς 23, 16; Ῥίνων 38, 32; pl. 22, 8; 26, 8; 23, 5; 29, 273 30, 5, 313 31, 95 34) 43 59, 7; esp. 61, 2— 16 (ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν 61, 43 ἐπὶ -rov Πειραιέα, εἰς τὴν Μουνιχίαν, 61, 6; εἰς τὴν ᾿Ακτήν 61, ; ἐπὶ τὰς συμμορίας 61, 8); coni. ἵππαρχοι, 4, 8, 11, 133 44, 16

στρατηγεῖν, Πεισίστρατον τῇ, 6; Κίμωνος στρατηγοῦντος 27, 3

*orparid, (1) ‘army’, 19, 27; 22, 9. (2) ‘expedition’, κατὰ τὴν στρατιὰν (στρατείαν K-W) ἣν ἐξήγαγον 37, 2

στρατιώτης" 24. 15, 8; 37, 19

στρατιωτικῶν, ταμίας 43, 2; ¢. art. 47,9 and 49, 23

στρέφω" ἐστράφην 12, 54 (Solon)

σύ" τίς σοι πατήρ 55, 13

συγγενῶν, τῶν ἐκείνου 22, 15

συγγίγνεσθαι 15, 4

συγγνωμονικός 16, 5

συγγράψειν, συγγράψουσι, 29, 13 (decree) ; ταῦτα συνέγραψαν 30,1 (only in E¢h. Eud. 1214a 2 and Rhet. ad Alex.)

*ovyxadioryn (ris) τὴν τυραννίδα τό, 443 συγκαθεστῶτες 34, 21

συγκατελθοῦσιν, τοῖς ἐκ Πειραιέως 40, 9 (Pol. 1300 a 18)

συγκλεισθέντες 66, 233 συνέκλεισεν Heracl. epit. 1. 13

συγχωρῶν, πολιτείαις παρανομούσαις οὐ 28, 39; τὰ μέταλλα τὰ συγκεχωρημένα 47, 12

συκοφάντης" pl. 35, 17f3 προβολαί 43, 24

συκοφαντίας γραφή 59, 9

συλλαβόντες-.---ἀπέκτειναν 38, τι; τοὺς ἐφή- βους 42, 19; ὕστερον συλληφθείς 18, 23

συλλέγεται, χρήματα 47, 29; τὸ ἔλαιον 60, 7; συλλέξας 60, 15. οὐ συλλεγο- μένων εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν 41, 303 συλ- λεγέντες---κατὰ φυλάς 42, 14

συλλήψεως, πρὸ τῆς 18, 18 (not in Ar. in this sense)

συμβαίνω" c. inf. συμβαίνῃ 21,9. συνέ- Bawvev 11, 7; 16, 1} 19, 13 24, 103 26, 2, 10; 37, 12. συνέβη 2, τ: 6, 6; 16, 28; 18, 7, 125 22, 23 23, 9; 27, 53 34. 163 37, 193 41, 1, 18. συνεβεβήκει 13, 14. συμβῆναι (elvar) 28, 333 sine inf. τό, 17. ἐὰν μὴ συμβαίνωσιν ἀλλήλοις 39, 11 (decree)

συκοφαντῶν

INDEX 317

συμβάλλω" συνεβάλλετο---οὐκ ἐλάττω μοῖ- ραν 10, 24

σύμβολον, παραλαμβάνει 65, 10; λαμβάνει 68, 11; λαβεῖν 68, 13; ἀποδιδόντες 60, II. (2) σύμβολον 67, 12: τὰ σύμβολα τὰ πρὸς Tas πόλεις 59, 163 τὰς δίκας τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν συμβόλων 50, 17

συμβουλεύειν 30, 14 (decree); συμβου- λέυόντων 22, 31: συνεβούλευεν 24, 2; συμβουλεύωσι 29, 24 (decree); συμ- βουλεύσαντος 27, 19. συμβουλεύεσθαι μετὰ THs βουλῆς 31, 13 (decree)

σύμβουλος 23, τό

συμμαρτυροίη 12, 30 (Solon)

συμμαχίαν, τὴν πρὸς βασιλέα 29, 43 ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συμμαχίας 23, 19; πρὸς Tals συμμαχίαις 54, 18

συμμαχικόν, τὸ 39, 9 (decree). Isocr. ἐν τῷ συμμαχικῷ (in another sense) Rhet. 1418 a 32

σύμμαχοι 24, 6, τι (Pol. 126946 1, 13154 2, omitted in /udex Ar.)

συμμάχομαι' συνεμαχέσαντο τὴν--- μάχην 17, 15 (Pol. 1300a 18, Rhet. 1396.4 18)

σύμμειξις 3, 26 (not in Ar. in this sense)

συμμορία" (orparnyos) ἐπὶ τὰς συμμορίας όι,

σύμπας" τὰ σύμπαντα (ἔτη) 19, 39

συμπείθειν τὸν κεκτημένον 39, 10 (decree) ; συνέπεισε τὸν δῆμον 14, 33 συνέπεισεν δ. inf. 20,6. συμπεισθέντων τῶν πολ- λῶν 29, 8

συμπίπτω" c. inf. οὐ συνέπιπτεν ἄν 21, IL; συνέπεσε 19, 33; 26, 4; 40, 15

συμπολεμήσειν βασιλέα---ἑαυτοῖς 29, 9; μετὰ τῶν τριάκοντα συνεπολέμησαν 40, 2

συμπρίασθαι" Vv. συνωνοῦμαι

ἐσυμπροθυμουμένων αὐτῷ 15, 10

συμφέρειν, ἂν ἡγῶνται 31, 7 (decree)

συμφορά" μετὰ τὴν συμφοράν 19, 14; 29, 33 33, 53 Tals προγεγενημέναις συμ- φοραῖς 40, 18 (συμφοραῖς περιπεσεῖν Eth. t100 a 7; word omitted in /udex Ar.)

συμφωνοῦσι πάντες 12, 2 (frequent in genuine works; but the closest parallel is in the spurious de Admir. 8386 34 συμφωνοῦσιν, uno ore perhibent)

σὺν ἡγεμόνεσσιν 12, 11; σὺν θεοῖσιν 12, 22 (Solon); σὺν οἷς πατὴρ ἦρξεν, τὰ σύμπαντα (ἔτη) 19, 39

συνάγω" ξυνήγαγον δῆμον 12, 28 (Solon) ; συνάγειν τὴν βουλήν---τὸν δῆμον 43, 123 44, 7; συναγαγεῖν εἰς δικαστήριον 64, 22

συναγωνιζομένου 38, 13; -wy 38, 20

συναθροισθέντος τοῦ πλήθους 20, 12; συνα- θροισθείσης τῆς βουλῆς 25, 20; συνα- θροισθέντες εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν 38, 4

συναιτίου γενομένου Θεμιστοκλέους 25, II

συνάμφω 7, τό, 27

συναναγκασθῆναι μένειν 40, 6

318 GREEK

*guvaperkduevot τοῖς γιγνομένοις, οὐ 33, 10 συναρμόσας, βίαν re καὶ δίκην 12, 43 (Solon) συναρπάζειν 25, 14 ᾿συνδιοικεῖ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρχαῖς τὰ πλεῖστα 47, 13 49, 30 συνεθισθεὶς---μισθοφορεῖν 27, 10 *cuveconyayev μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ 14, 28 *ouvetapuapravw’ ὅσοι μὴ συνεξαμαρτάνοιεν 22, 18 συνεξῆλθον, εἰς 19, 12 ᾿συνεπιμελεῖται, τῆς ποιήσεως τῶν Νικῶν -μετὰ τοῦ ταμίου 40, 23 συνέρχεται β δικαστήρια 68, 3 συνέσει καὶ γνώμῃ---διαφέρειν 32, 11 συνεχῶς 28, 26 συνήγοροι, τοῖς λογισταῖς 54, 3 συνῆλθον, ἅπαντες εἰς τὸ θεσμοθετεῖον 3, 31 συνθήκας συντίθεσθαι 29, 36 (decree) ; κατὰ Tas σ. τάσδε 39, 2; κελευουσῶν τῶν σ. 40, 21 συνίστημι" συνέστη φιλία, πόλεμος con). van Leeuwen, for ἐνέστη, 17, 15 and 27, 9. μεθ᾽ ὁποτέρων ἐβούλετο συστάντα 11,13. Mid. ἐπὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου συνισταμένους 8, 25; ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς πολιτείας 25, 156. συνεστήσαντο τὸν πόλεμον 24, 17 ᾿συνναυμαχήσαντας 34, 6 *cuvvéuw* συνένειμε πάντας els δέκα φυλάς 21, 4; εἰς τὰς τέτταρας συνενεμήθησαν φυλάς 41, 8 σύνοδος (τῶν βουλευτῶν) 4, 18 σύνοιδα" τοὺς συνειδότας ἐμήνυεν 18, 33 συνοικεῖν 39, 13 (decree); συνοικησάντων 41, 7 (cf. Heracl. epit. 1. 1; frag. 1); τῶν συνοικούντων (ταῖς ἐπικλήροις) 56, 34 συνοικίζω" συνῴκισε---χωρίον 15, 5 συνομολογοῦσι 6, 20 συνορῷ" συνιδὼν τὸ πλῆθος 40, 4 συντάττω" οὐκ εἰς δώδεκα φυλὰς συνέταξεν 21, συντελεῖν ---εἰς τὸ συμμαχικόν 30, 8 (decree) συντίθεσθαι, συνθήκας 29, 36 (decree) συνωνοῦμαι" συνεπρίαντο πολλὴν χώραν 6, 8 (συμπρίασθαι πάντα τὸν σίδηρον Pol. 1250 24) ἔσυσπουδάζω" συνεσπούδασαν τὴν κάθοδον 38, 24 συσσιτοῦσι κατὰ φυλάς 42, 28; ἐν τῇ θόλῳ 43, II σφᾶς αὐτούς 21, 19; 30, f7. 30, 2; σφίσιν αὐτοῖς 35, 5 opereplifws μὴ σφετερίσηται τὴν νῆσον Heracl. epit. 1. 7 σφηκίσκος 65, 7 (also in corresp. frag.) σφόδρ᾽ εὐδοκιμηκώς 14,1; σφόδρα πρεσβύ- THS 14, 14 σφραγῖδα, δημοσίαν 44, 5 σχεδόν" αἰτιώτατοι σχ. 20,19; πάντες TX. 28, 31 σχολάζωσιν τό, το

σφῶν αὐτῶν

INDEX

σῴζειν ἕκαστον ἑαυτόν 23, 6; τὴν δημο- κρατίαν 40, 13. σώσας τὴν πατρίδατι, 14. ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας νεὼς σωθέντας 34, 6 σῷα ἦ, ὅπως ἂν 30, 20 (decree); only in Oec. ll. 1347 a 24 σῶμα πεπηρωμένους 40, 26. φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος 14, 4. ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν 2, 8; 4, 233 6, 3; 9, 3. σώμασιν---λῃτουρ- γεῖν 29, 34 (decree). μὴ δυνατοὺς---

τοῖς σώμασιν ἱππεύειν 40, 14; μὴ δύνασθαι τῷ σώματι ἱππεύειν 49, I σωτήρ᾽ τῷ At τῷ σωτῆρι 56, 27 (σωτὴρ

ἁπάντων θεός de Mande. 397 20) σωτηρίαν, τὴν τῆς πόλεως 6, 173 ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν παίδων σωτηρίᾳ 19, 35 Abs. περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας 29, 14, 22 (decree) *swoppovicral 42, 18, 25, 27

τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθάπερ 29, 16

τάλαντον 10, 8; 22, 24; τάλαντα ἑκατόν 22, 30

ταμίας" (τῶν ἀδυνάτων ?) 49, 29. τ. στρα- τιωτικῶν 43, 23; C. art. 47, 93 49, 23- τ. τῆς Παράλου καὶ---τῆς τοῦ Αμμωνος 61,27. Pl. (Dracontis) 4, 6; (Solonis) 7, 123 περὶ τῶν ταμιῶν νόμος---τοὺς ταμίας 8, 6, 7; οἱ ταμίαι τῆς ᾿Αθήνας 47, Δὲ [τὸ ἔλαιον) τοῖς ταμίαις παρα- δίδωσιν εἰς ἀκρόπολιν 60, τό (60, 18); ταμίας τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων τῇ θεῷ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς δέκα (411) 30, 8 (decree)

Tavaypaios 25, 24

ταξίαρχοι 30, 6; 61, 17, 23 (Oec. li i recon 10, de Mundo 3996 73 ταξιαρχεῖν and ταξιαρχίαι in Pol.)

τάξις τῆς πολιτείας 3, 1; πολιτείας τάξιν 41, 10; τῆς τάξεως---ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ 5,1; τάξις τόνδε τὸν τρόπον εἶχε 4, 3; (ἣ βουλὴ) τάξιν εἶχε τοῦ διατηρεῖν τοὺς νόμους 3, 34; τὴν αὐτὴν τάξιν ἀποδώσειν τἴ, 12. pl. τὰ περὶ τὰς τάξεις 42, 31

ταράττω᾽ τῆς πόλεως τεταραγμένης 13, 2

ταραχαῖς, ἐν ταῖς 22, 18 (Pol. 1302 a 22)

ταραχώδεις τὰς πολιτείας 28, 33

τάττω" ἔταξεν ἐπὶ τὸ νομοφυλακεῖν 8, 20; τοὺς φόρους οὗτος ἦν τάξας 23, 21; ἥντιν᾽ ἂν---τάξωσιν τιμήν 39, 12 (de- cree); ὅσον ἂν---τάξωσιν.---τάττειν (τὸν σταθμὸν) 51, 14. (στάσι5) ἐφ᾽ τεταγ- μένος ἦν 13, 20; ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένοι 15, 21 (Lol. 1307 6 13); (ἀρχὴ) Te- ταγμένη πρὸς c. acc. 8, 15

τάφος I, 2

τάχους, ᾿διὰ 34, 2 (διὰ ταχέων Rhet. 1386 δ΄ % I etc.

τέ---τέ ) 21 (Solon); τὲ καί 12, 43; 45. (Solon) ; 10, 4% (scol.) ; KAnpwrat τε

καὶ κύριαι 55, τ; [πομπή τε καὶ ἀγών] 7 57,5; Te separated from καί, passim, δ᾿ e.g. τούς τε γνωρίμους καὶ τὸ πλῆθος

-ο.ὕ.- men tin yh MASP ate Sd oe bye ae, a need

a? heen) DG Se

τὰ

DU ΤΉ τος RTT Se, eae be

2,1. τέ---καί---καί 6, 1 etc.; Té—xal —xai—xal 47, 5 etc.; Té—(xal guater) 44, 11; οἵ τ᾽ ἄλλοι καὶ δὴ καί τό, 40; τοῖς τε GANOLS—2, 2; ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις--- 16, 4; ἐφ᾿ @ Tec. fut. 14, 22; 34, Τῇ. Cf. Kaibel 77 f Τείσανδρος IQ, 2 “τειχίζειν 19. 5; τειχίσαντες 10, II τεῖχος, τὸ Πελαργικὸν 19. 32; τὸ ἐν Herww- νείᾳ 37, 91 τοῦ τείχους 50, 10; τὴν τῶν τειχῶν ἀποικοδόμησιν 23, 17 τεκμήριον ἐπιφέρουσι 3, 10 τέκνα 2, 4 τελείων, καθ᾽ ἱερῶν 29, 39 (decree) Τελεσῖνος ἄρχων (487/6) 22, 21 τελευταῖος 8, 15; τελευταία (τῶν ἀρχῶν) 3, 8, 15; τὸν τελ. τῶν ἐπωνύμων 53, 26; τὸ τελευταῖον 18, τὸ τελευτήν, μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς 10, 38 τελευτήσας 28, 15; τελευτήσαντος 17, 8; 19, 27; 28, 2, 143 56, 41; ἐτελεύτησεν 18, 22; τετελευτηκόσιν 58, 3 τέλος" ἔχει τέλος δίκη 53, 9; μέχρι ἀρχῆς τέλους 56, 7. adv. 18, 33. Classis, census, τέτταρα τέλη 7, ὃ; ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ τέλους 4, 12; τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ τέλους 7, 19; θητικοῦ ἀντὶ τέλους 7, 23 (epigr.); ποῖον τέλος τελεῖ 7, 29. τέλη 24, 115 47, 9, 15; 55, 18 τελῶ: τοῖς TO θητικὸν τελοῦσιν 7, 14; τελεῖν 7, 15, 26; ποῖον τέλος τελεῖ 7, . 30; τὰ τέλη τελεῖ 55, 18 (quoted in this τ. sense from the fragments only) | τελῶναι᾽ τοῖς τελώναις καὶ κατὰ τῶν τελωνῶν 52, 18 τεμενῶν, μισθώσεις 47, 26 τετάρτῳ, ἔτει 10} 43° 91; γὴν. 22,26, 39; τεταρτή (μεταβολή) 41, 13 5 (arevrernpis) 54, 30; πρῶτον μέν, δεύτερον δέ, τρίτον, τέταρτον 30, 2 τετράδι ἐπὶ δέκα, μηνός 32, 4, 6; ἀπὸ τῆς τετράδος ἱσταμένου 62, 14 τετράκις τῆς πρυτανείας ἑκάστης 43, 14 τετρακοσίους καὶ ἕνα (βουλὴν Dracontis), βουλεύειν 4, 13; (Solonis) τετρακοσίους 8, 19; βουλὴν πεντακοσίους ἀντὶ τετρα- κοσίων κατέστησεν (Cleisthenes) 31, 2 τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τετρακοσίων πολιτείαν 29, 53 τῶν τ. πολιτεία 33, τ; τῶν τ. κατάστασις 41, 20; οἱ T. 31, 109; 32, 5; 13; κατέλυσαν τοὺς τ. 33, 73 τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν τ. γιγνομένοις 33, 11; τοῖς T. 37, 10; τὴν τῶν τ. κατάλυσιν 34, 2. τὰ ὑπὲρ χιλίας εἰς ἕνα καὶ τετρακοσίους (δικαστὰς εἰσάγουσιν) 53, τό τετρήρεις, καινὰς 46, 3 (frag. 5587) *rerrapaKxaoekeTis 56, 44 τετταράκοντα ἔτη, ὑπέρ, 29, 12, 373 42; 16; 56, 193 τετταράκοντα ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς 31, 3. οἱ τετταράκοντα (κατὰ δήμους δικασταί) 53, τί, 27 (quoted from frag. 4137). Ἰἐπώνυμοι τῶν ἡλι- κιῶν) δύο καὶ τετταράκοντα 53, 21

GREEK [NDEX

319

τέτταρες, τέτταρα" τέλη 7, ὃ; φυλαί 8, 12; 21, 4, 10; 41, 8; αἱ πρῶται τέτταρες φυλαί 43, 8; τέτταρας ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης 53, 1; τοῖς τέτταρσι τοῖς τὴν φυλὴν ---δικάζουσιν 53, 14; φυλοβασιλεῖς 8, 125 ἐγγυητάς 4, 12; βουλάς 30, 51; μέρη 30, 18; λήξεις 31, 19; ἐπὶ τὰς ψήφους 66,17; δίκας 67, 2; ἔτη 13, 133 60, 33 μῆνας 33,1; ὀβολούς 42, 26; 62, Io

τηρῶ’ τὰ γραμματεῖα---τηρεῖ δημόσιος 47. 31; τὰς κλεῖς (ὁ ἐπιστάτης) 44, 3; (τὸ ἔλαιον) οἱ ταμίαι τηροῦσιν 6o, 18. ἐτήρει τὴν ἡσυχίαν 16, 26. τηρήσας τοὺς Λάκωνας διαβεβλημένους 23, 19

τίθημι" Act. of legislators, Δράκων τοὺς θεσμοὺς ἔθηκε 4, 3; (Σόλων) νόμους ἔθηκε 6, 3: 7, τ; νόμον ---8, 28; Σό- Awvos θέντος νόμον 8, 26; ἐν τοῖς νόμοις δοκεῖ ταῦτα θεῖναι δημοτικά το, 1; νόμου-ς--- Κλεισθένης ἔθηκεν 29, 17 f ; Tov νόμον ἔθηκεν KX. 22, 16; (νόμους) καινοὺς---θεῖναι τὸν KX. 22, 43 νόμον μὴ ἐπιτήδειον θεῖναι 59, 6. Deposit’, θεὶς ἱκετηρίαν 43, 27; ‘make’, ἐλευ- θέρους ἔθηκα 12, 42 (Solon); ‘super- intend’, τὸν ἀγῶνα διατίθησιν---τίθησι δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν λαμπάδων ἀγῶνας ἅπαντας 57, 7

Fass., of laws, (νόμος) ἐτέθη aI, 43 22, 13, 26; τοὺς νόμους of dv τεθῶσι 31, 8 (decree), παράστασις τίθεται 59, 8;—KAnpwripia 66, 1. Cf. κεῖμαι Mid., of the people, δῆμος---νόμον

ἔθετο 45, 8; μηδ᾽ ἑτέρους (νόμους) θέσθαι 31, g. ὃς ἂν μὴ θῆται τὰ ὅπλα μηδὲ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων 8, 29. ἐν μετρίοισι τίθεσθε μέγαν νόον 5, 18 (Solon)

τίκτει--- κόρος ὕβριν 12, 13 (Solon)

τιμήματι διεῖλεν 7, 8; μεγέθει---τιμήματος 7.13; ἐκ τῶν τ. 8, 5. ἐν τοῖς τὰ τιμή- ματα παρεχομένοις 39, 24 (decree). ‘Penalty’ ) τίμημα ἐπιγραψάμενος 48, 22; ὑπὲρ τοῦτο τὸ τίμημα 53, 6

τιμήν, ἀποδοῦναι τὴν 47; 24; λαμβάνειν 39, 12 (decree) ; πρὸς τὰς τιμὰς τῶν κριθῶν τὰ ἄλφιτα καὶ πρὸς τὰς τιμὰς τῶν πυρῶν τοὺς ἄρτους (πωλεῖν) 51, 12. τιμῆς 12, 5, 62 (Solon)

tlunots 69, 12

τιμητὰς ἑλέσθαι τρεῖς 39, τι (decree). τιμηταὶ ζημίας οἱ δικασταί Rhet. ad Alex. 1427 6 (the only ref.)

Τιμοσθένης ἄρχων (478/7) 23, 22

τιμῶ" litem aestimare, δώρων τιμῶσιν 54, 9; ἀδικίου 54, το; τι χρὴ παθεῖν ἀποτεῖσαι 61, 13. Ads. πάλιν τιμῶσι, ἂν δέῃ τιμῆσαι 69, 10; pass. ἐὰν ἀργυρίου τιμηθῇ 63, 16; ‘honoured? ; τιμώμενον διὰ τὰς πατρικὰς δόξας 26, 9

Τιμώνασσα 17, 13

τιμωρεῖν τἀδελφῷ 19, 2 (cf. Pol. 1311 21, Rhet. 1401 a 10); ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδικου-

ι 320 GREEK

μένων 9, 4 (τιμωρεῖσθαι ὑπέρ τινος Rhet. 1372 4)

ris; interrogative, direct, 12, 29 (Solon); 16, 20; 55, 13f; indirect, 53, 36f; 59, 2; 66, 10

tis* enclitic, subst. εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλος 12, 62 (Solon?); Big τι ῥέζειν 12, 24 (Solon); τι δρᾶσαι 18, 18; εἴ του καταγνοίη 60, 12. λοιδορήσας τι τὸν ᾿Αρμόδιον 18, 12; ἐναντίον τι 37, 10; ἐάν τίς τι δοκῇ ἀδικεῖν 48, 12; εἴ τίς τινα οἷδεν ἀδικοῦντα 48, τι; 5277,., passim. c. gen. partit. τις τῶν βου- λευτῶν 4, 173 τινὰ τῶν κοινωνούντων 18, τ6; ---τῶν νόμων 7,6; τι---τῶν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις 26, 18, stm. Adj. ἀρχήν 7, 29; χρόνον 28, 21. χρόνου 4, 2; ἐξόδου τό, 16; θυσίας 54, 27; ἐάν τις (ἡμέρα) ἀφέσιμος 43, 13

τιτρώσκω" ἔτρωσεν 39, 20 (decree); τρώσῃ 57. 153 τρώσαι 57, 22 ᾿

τοιόσδε" 3, 2; 19, ὃ; 29, 105 34, 17

τοιοῦτος" 5, 13 15, 13 16, 15; 40,1

*rémia 55, 28

τοξεύειν 42, 23

τοξόται 24, 13

romos* ἀπὸ τῶν τόπων 13, 26; 21, 22; πάντων τῶν τόπων 21, 15; τοῖς τόποις 21, 23; τοὺς περὶ Παγγαῖον τόπους 15, 7

τόσον---ὅσσον 12, 4 (Solon)

τοσόσδε" not found in “A@. πολ.

τοσοῦτον προέχουσιν 3, 23; μεταβολὰς τοσαύτας 16, 2; ὅσους ἂν δέῃ λαχεῖν δικαστάς, τοσοῦτοι ἐμβάλλονται (κύβοι) 64, 14

Tore 4, 16; 14, 163.18, 28; 21, 2, 83.23, I; 34, 13; nvdavey—12, 50 (Solon); - ἔδειξαν 19, 18 (scol.); ἐν τοῖς τότε χρόνοις 26, 8; τότε πρῶτον 15, 193 22, 12, 22; 28,3; 41, 7; τότε δὲ after τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον 57, 29, ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον καιροῖς 41, 2; τότε in apodosis after ὡς δέ 38, 17; ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ 64, 5: τότε δέ, after ὅταν δέ, 67, 14; redundant after εἰ δὲ μή 52, 5

τραγῳδοῖς, χορηγοὺς 56, 7

*rpamefirixal (δίκαι) 52, 16

τραύματος, δίκαι 57, 14

Tpaxvv—voov 12, 19 (Solon). τραχυτέραν τὴν ἀρχήν 16, 29; τὴν τυραννίδα 19, 1

Tpets 4, 193 τὸ, 93 39, II} 42, 153 56, 8; τρεῖς καὶ ἑξήκοντα μνᾶς 10, 8; τριττύες τρεῖς 8, 133 21, 143 στάσεις τρεῖς 13, τό; ὀβολοὺς τρεῖς 29, 32; 62, 8; 68, 12; τρία. g, 2; ter 43, 29; 60, 9; 68, 43 ἔτη ἑξήκοντα καὶ τρία 17, 3; ἔτη τρία 22, 25; 47; 12; ἐντὸς τριὼν ἡμερῶν 48, 18;— prov 49, 26; μέχρι Τριὼν 43, 25

τρέφειν (ἵππον) 49, 2; τῶν δημοτῶν ἔτρεφε πολλούς 27, 15; πλείους δισμυρίους ἄνδρας τρέφεσθαι 24, 12

τριάκοντα μέρη 21, 12; μνᾶς 50, 33 ὑπὲρ

INDEX

τ. ἔτη 4, 153 30, 4; 31, 43 63, τι; ἔτη τ. καὶ τρία τῇ, 3; ἕξ καὶ τ. ἡμέρας 43, 8; οἱ τ. (δικασταὶ κατὰ δήμους) “26, 20; 53, 3; οἱ τ. (404) 34, 173 35-375 39, 21; 40, 2, 203 τῶν τ.---τυραννίς 41, 22; τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τ. ὀλιγαρχίαν ; 53 4 τριακοντόριον 56, 20 τριακοσίους, τῶν φίλων 20, 10; ὑπηρέτας 35, 73 τριακόσια μέτρα 7, 18 τριακοστῷ (ἔτει) 14, 7 τριηραρχικαὶ (δίκαι) 52, 16 τριήραρχοι 61, 8 τριήρεις 22, 36; 46, 1—8 τριηροποιοί 46, 8 τρίς 47, 19 τρισχίλιοι 26, 10; 36, 7, 9, 133 37) 8 15 τρίτος" ἔτει τρίτῳ 22, 28; 26, 213 40, 26; τρίτῃ (ἡμέρᾳ) 20, 143 τρίτη (μεταβολή) 41, 123 (wevrernpls) 54, 30; τρίτον 40, 10; (στάσις) μία μὲν---ἄλλη δὲ--- τρίτη δέ 13, 20; πρῶτον μέν, ἔπειτα, τρίτον δέ 9, 4; --- δεύτερον δέ, τρίτον, τέταρτον 30, 29 τριττύαρχος, τριττυαρχῶ, frag. 3 ad ἢ. τριττύς " τριττὺν τῶν πρυτάνεων 44, 6; (τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης) τριττύες τρεῖς 8, 13 ; (Tas) τριττῦς 21, 10, 14; δώδεκα τριττύες 21, 11; τριττῦς καὶ frag. 3, 1. 35. (p)a- tplas frag. 3, ll. 26, 35, 42, 45 cet. (reff. to Frag. only) τρίχους 67, 7 τριώβολον 41, 35 (reff. to Oec. 11 1347 35 and Frag. only) τρομευμένους 12, 41 (Solon) τρόπον, Tov αὐτόν 17,103 25, 223 64, 153 69, το; τοῦτον Tov τρόπον 3, 333 Q, I 12, τὸ 16,2; 26,1332, 75 35: Eanes 38; 55, 27; 60, 13 65, 123 τόνδε Tov τρόπον 4, 43 7, 83 15, 16; 29, 20; | 37, 53 42, 13 ὃν τρόπον 55, 33 ὅνπερ εἴρηται τρόπον 11, 13 τρόπῳ τοιῷδε 34, 17 τροφή 25, 1; εὐπορίαν τροφῆς 24, 10; Tpo- φὴν ἔσεσθαι πᾶσι 24, 3; δίδωσι---εἰς τροφὴν--- δραχμήν 42, 24; διδόναι----τρο- giv δύο ὀβολούς 49, 28 (law) τροχὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γνάθον ἐπιβάλλει 49, 4 τρυπήματα 69, 2 τρυπητά, τὰ 69, 4 τρυπῶ ψῆφος τετρυπημένη 68, 5, 8, 9, 22, 25; 69, 7, 8 τυγχάνω" Ti τούτων πρὶν τυχεῖν ἐπαυσάμην; 12, 29 (Solon); τῆς τιμῆς ἔτυχεν 12, 62 (Solon?); c. part. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑκάτεροι τυγχάνουσιν ἔχοντες 32, 153 τυγχάνου- σιν---κατασκάψαντες 37, 9; ἐτύγχανεν --σᾷδεχόμενος---ἀποστέλλων 18, 153 -- κεκοινωνηκώς 37, 11; ἐτύγχανον μετέ- χοντες 2, 12; ὠφελούμενοι 33, 73 ἄρχειν ὧν ἔτυχον ἄρχοντες 24, 9; ἐὰν τύχῃ ἀρχὴν ἄρχων 53, 31

:

ΠΡΟΣ

ἘΣ - Κῶ ee ύπιπροω,

ΜῊ} NC Le Ae IRR, aR ya i Get bey aoe ν

GREEK INDEX

τυπάνου, ἀπὸ τοῦ 45, 7 (not in Ar. in this sense; ἀποτυμπανίζεσθαι in Rhet. 1383 @ 5)

τυραννεῖν" abs. 11, 143 16, 43 (law); τῆς

_ πόλεως 6, 15

τυραννικὴν ἔχων οὐσίαν (Κίμων) 27, 13.

τυραννικῶς, Opp. πολιτικῶς, 16, 4

τυραννίς" τυραννίδος---βίᾳ 12, 23 (Solon) ; Κύλωνος Heracl. epit. 4; Πεισι- otpdrov T. 16, I, 27; éwi II. 7. 41, 143 ἐπιτιθέμενον τυραννίδι 14, τι; τὴν τῆς τ. κατάστασιν 16, 41; κατεῖχε τὴν T. 15, 14; κατασχόντες τὴν T. 19, 37; ἐπανιστῶνται [ἐπὶ τυραννίδι} συγκα- θιστῃ---τὴν τ. τό, 43 f (law); τρα- χυτέραν εἷναι τὴν τ. 19, 23 καταλύειν τὴν τ. 19, 8; καταλυθείσης τῆς T. 20, 1; 28,71 τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους ἀφανίσαι τὴν τ. 22, 3; μετὰ τὴν τ. 22, 23; τῶν ἄπωθεν τῆς τ. 22, 28. τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τῶν δέκα τυραννίς 41, 22

.Upavvos κατέστη (Πεισίστρατος) 17, 33 22, 143 τῶν τοῦ τ. φίλων 18, 30. οἱ τύραννοι (Ξεοἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι)" ὑπὸ τῶν T. 19, 133 φίλος τῶν τ. 20, 22; φίλοι τοῖς τ. 18, 25; τοὺς τῶν τ. φίλους 22, 18, 25; ἐπέθετο τοῖς τ. 20, 21; τῆς ἐκβολῆς τῆς τῶν τ. 20, 19 (32, 8); μετὰ τὴν τῶν τ. κατάλυσιν 13, 223; 21, 33 41, 141 οἱ περὶ τῶν τ. νόμοι 16, 39

14, 17;

ὕβριν 12, 13 (Solon)

ὑβριστής 18, 7

ὑγρά, μέτρα---ξηρὰ καὶ 7, 17

ὑδρία 63, 6, 8; 64, 18

ὕδωρ, ἐπὶ τὸ, 66, τό, 18; ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ εἰληχῶς 67, τι; τὸ ὕδωρ ἐγχέουσι, πρὸς δεῖ λέγειν τὰς δίκας 67, 6; τὸ ἴσον ὕδωρ 67, 14 (cf. 67, 18); ὕδωρ λαμβάν. 67, 20; πρὸς ἡμίχουν ὕδατος 69, 12

vids υἱεῖς 17, 9; 19, 34; υἱέων τό, 28

ὑμεῖς (opp. ἡμεῖΞ) 5, τό, 19 (Solon)

‘Yuntr@, ἐν τῷ τό, 17

ὑπαίθριοι, δικάζουσιν 57, 26

ὑπακουόντων ἐκείνων, οὐχ 32, τό; τὸ πλῆθος οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν 34, 91 κληθεὶς καὶ ὑπακούσας 64, 17

ὑπάρχει 64, τό; ἡ---ὁπάρχουσα φιλία 19, 25; ὑπῆρχεν καὶ πρότερον 8, 20; ὑπῆρχον 21, 23; τὰ [ὑπάρχοντα a]- πολλύναι 56, 536

ὑπαρχῆς, ἐξ 4, 17 (de Gen. Anim. 745 a 1 de Anima 412 a 4, Rhet. 1355 24

ὑπεξαιρούμενοι τὸν φόβον 35, 24 (ὑπεξ- αἱρήσομεν τὰς ἐπιφερομένας δυσχερείας Rhet. ad Alex. 1432 13, the only ref.)

ὑπέξειμι" ὑπεξιόντας 19, 34

bmregépxoua: ὑπεξῆλθεν 15, 53 ὑπεξελ- θόντος 20, 8

ὑπέρ" c. gen. Πάρνηθος tg, 123 τῶν ὁδῶν 50, 11. τῶν ἀδικουμένων 9, 43; ἑκατέ-

5. A.

221

ρων 5, 9. τῶν ἱερῶν 57, 12; ὧν δεῖ. χρηματίζειν 44, τι; ὧν ἂν βούληται 43: 27 ¢. acc. ὑπὲρ δέκα ἔτη γεγονότες 4, το; ---τριάκοντα---4, 15; 30, 4 (decree); 31, 4 (decree); 63, τι;--τετταράκοντα--- 29, 12, 37 (decree); 42, 16; 56, 19; 63, τι. τὰ ὑπὲρ τοῦτο τὸ τίμημα 53, 6; τὰ ὑπὲρ χιλίας 53, τό; ὑπὲρ πεντα- κισχιλίας 67, 7 ὑπερβάλλομαι" τὸν κατάλογον πολὺν χρόνον ὑπερεβάλλοντο 36, 13 (Rhet. ad Alex. 1420 a 8, 1438 6, the only reff. ) ὑπερηφανία 5, 22 (Solon) ὑπερόριοι, ἀρχαί 24, 16 ὑπερτείνειν, δρυφάκτους ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁδῶν 50, 12 *bmredOuvos 54, 5 ὑπηρέτης 63, 23; 64, 6; 65, 1, 23 pl. 69, 1; δημοσίους ὑπηρέτας 50, 14 (65, 13) 3 μαστιγοφόρου----ὑπηρέτας 35, 7 ὑπισχνοῦμαι" ὑποσχόμενος ἐπιθήσειν 28, 22; ὑποσχόμενός τι 43, 26; ὑπεσχόμην 12, 44 (Solon) ὑπό" ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ χρείους 12, 37 (Solon) ; fs POSS. 19, 135 9%. 25 27, 265.42, 1} 812.» 8: 38, Τὶ 82, ΤΟ» ἘΦ 15°81, 25 53, 333 δύ, το; 59, 12; 65, 5; 66, 8; τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν 14, 33 τῶν δορυφόρων 18, 225 τῆς ὀργῆς 18, 373 Κλεομένους 19, 6 ὑποβάλλων ψήφους 68, 15 ὑπογραφή 4, 1 ὑποδείκνυμι" ὑπέδειξεν, opp. ἐπετέλεσεν, 41, 17 ὑποζεύξας τῷ ἅρματι Heracl. epit. 1. 12 ὑποζυγίων (δίκαι) 52, τό ὑπολοίπους (ἡμέρας) 40, 5 ὑποποιησάμενον τοὺς ἑτέρους 6, 15. τὸν ἐρώμενον (τοῦ ἑταίρου) ὑπεποιήσατο Pol. 1303 24, the only ref. ὑποσπόνδους, ἀφεῖσαν 20, 16 ὑποφερομένη κατὰ μικρόν (ἡ πολιτεία) 25, 3; τῆς πόλεως ὑποφερομένης 36, I ὑποψία τῶν ἐν ταῖς δυνάμεσι 22, 13; Only quoted from frag. and spurious works ὑστεραίᾳ, TH 38, 43 48, 9 ὕστερον adv. 6, 11; 16, 18, 28; 18, 22, 29; 19, 13; 24, 18; 27, 21; 28, 24 bis; 38, 26; 40, 16; 42, 30; 67, 10; τοῦ ὕστερον λέγοντος 68, 23; τῆς ὕ. βουλῆς 46, 6; τὰς ὕ. μεμψιμοιρίας 12, 551 ἐν τοῖς ὕ. καιροῖς 41, 1; τῷ ὕ. ἔτει 34, 143 πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ὕ. 3, 19; ΖΦ. gen. ἔτεσιν ὕ. τῆς τῶν τυράννων ἐκβολῆς--- ἑκατόν 32, 8 ὕστερος" τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἔτει 22, 20; τὸν ὕστε- ρον ἐνιαυτόν 42, 303 45, 17; αἱ ὕστεραι (φυλαί) 43, 9 ὑφεῖλε Tas ὑττολοίπους ἡμέρας 40, 5 (ὑφαι- ροίη de Caelo 294 18, the only ref.) ἱγψιχίδης ἄρχων (48 1/9) 22, 49 ni ae fe

322

φ 68, τ; Φ καὶ 68, 4

Φαίνιππος ἄρχων (490/89) 22, 11

φαίνονται---ἀεὶ στασιάζοντες 13, 11; ἐφάνη τὰ μέταλλα 22, 29

φανερὰς ὁρᾶν (ψήφου) 68, 8; ἐν οὕτω μικροῖς καὶ φανεροῖς 6, 17; adv. φανε- ρῶς ληροῦσιν τῇ, 51 φ. ἦσαν δοῦλοι 40, 10

φάρμακον * φαρμάκων, δίκαι 57, 15

φάσκων c. inf., after od, 15, 183 34, 11; 45, 43 οἱ φάσκοντες c. inf. 17, 5

Φάῦλλος ᾿Αχερδούσιος 38, 22

Φειδώνεια μέτρα το, 5

φέρω" ἐπέθηκε φέρων---τὸ γράμμα 63, 23; σημεῖον φέρουσι 7, 18; (of pay) φέρειν τρεῖς ὀβολούς 29, 32 (decree) (of ex- penditure) τὰ ἀναλώματα---ἤνεγκον 56, 25. (of election) (χορηγοὺς κωμῳδοῖς) ai φυλαὶ φέρουσιν 56, 9; τοὺς χορηγοὺς τοὺς ἐνηνεγμένους ὑπὸ τῶν φυλῶν 56, το. χαλεπῶς φερόντων ἐπὶ τούτοις 38, 9: χ ἐνεγκόντες ἐπὶ τῇ συμφορᾷ 33, 5

φεύγω" (of exiles) τοὺς ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ χρειοῦς φυγόντας 12, 38 (Solon) ; ἔφυγεν ἀειφυγίαν 1, 3; ἔφευγε τὰ λοιπὰ (ἔτη) 17, 4; τῶν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου φευγόντων 47. 143 φεύγων φυγὴν ὧν αἴδεσίς ἐστιν 57, 21; φεύγων (of the defendant) 48, 213 53, 11, 143 67, 22; 69, 8, το

φημί" φησιν 55, 19; ἔφη 16, 21; c. 27:7. φησί 5, 21; φῇ 56, 153 57, 19; ἔφη 14, 133 ¢. acc. c. inf. pack 3, 10; 6, ΤΕ Ὁ. 83° 10; 173: 27) 17 we Ἡρόδοτός

φησιν 14, 251 ὡς---φασίν 7, 17; 18, 30

φθείρω " ἐφθάρθαι----κατὰ πόλεμον 26, 7

φθίνοντος Θαργηλιῶνος, ἐνάτῃ 32, 5

φιλάνθρωπος 16, 4, 30. Adv. 18, 17

φιλαργυρία 5, 21 (Solon)

φιλεργία τό, 24 (Ret. 1361 α 8)

φιλία 17, 153 18, 93 19, 2

φιλοκτήμων 12, 48 (Solon)

φιλόμουσος 18, 4 (Eth. 1175 α 34)

Pirdvews ἄρχων (528/7) 17, 2

φιλονικίαν τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν 5, 11; THY πρὸς ἀλλήλους φ. 13, τό

φίλος" φίλον ποιοίατο 12, 61 (Solon); τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν εἶναι καὶ φίλον 23, 24; φίλος ὧν τῶν τυράννων 20, 4; φίλοι τοῖς T. 18, 24; τῶν τοῦ τ. φίλων 18, 30; τοὺς τῶν τ. φίλους 22, 18, 25; φίλους ἑαυτῶν 18, 32; διὰ τῶν φίλων 6, 8: τριακοσίους τῶν φίλων 20, II

φόβον, διὰ τὸν 13, 233 ὑπεξαιρούμενοι τὸν φόβον 35, 24

φοβούμενοι μὴ καταλυθῶσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς 38, 9; φοβηθέντες μὴ---καταλύσῃ 306, 5; φο- βηθεὶς ἀμφοτέρας τὰς στάσεις 15, 4; αὖς. 16, 343 φοβουμένων 40, 1

“φονεύς 18, 36

φονικῶν (θεσμῶν) 7, 2 (Pol. 1269 1, 1274 5 24, 1275 10, 13006 24)

φόνου δίκην, προσκληθεὶς τό, 32; αἱ τοῦ

οἱ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς φέροντες 43, 323°

GREEK INDEX

φόνου δίκαι 39, 193 57, 123 φόνου δίκαι καὶ τραύματος 57, 14

Φορμίσιος 34» 24

φόρος" τοὺς φόρους---τοὺς πρώτους 23, 215 ἀπὸ τῶν φόρων 24, 11 (Pol. 1272 18); φόρους ( pap.) ἄγουσαι νῆες 24, το

φράζω" ἐφρασάμην 12, 7 (Solon); ἐφρά- σαντο 12, 20 (24.}); φρασαίατο 12, 51 (zd.)

φρατρίαι 21, 23; frag. 3

Ppedrov, ἐν 57, 22

φρενὸς ἔνδοθεν 5, 7 (Solon); ἐνὲ φρεσί 5, 16 (zd.)

*ppovpia, ἄρχοντες εἰς τὰ 30, 7 (decree)

*ppouplies, νῆες 24, 18

φρουροὶ νεωρίων 24, 14 (cf. βουλευτῶν καὶ φρουρῶν 62, 5); ἐν τῇ πόλει φ. 24, 15; νῆες αἱ τοὺς φρουροὺς (9) ἄγουσαι 24, 19

φρουρῶ" abs. φρουροῦσι 24, 43 τὰ δύο ἔτη 42, 33; τὴν ἀκρόπολιν-- ἐφρούρουν 37,

20; povpotow τὴν Μουνιχίαν---τὴν ᾿Ακτήν 42, 21. (οἱ ἐκεῖ φρουροῦντες στρατιῶται Oec. ii 1351 @ 28, the only ref.)

φυγάδες 19, 8; 20, 163 34, 203; 37, 2

φυγή 67, 25; φεύγων φυγήν 57, 21

Diy 14, 27

φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος 14, 4, 9; τῆς πολιτείας @. 25, 9; περὶ φυλακῆς τῆς χώρας 43, 18; τῆς φ. τῶν ἐν Πειραιεῖ

Ι, 7

φυλακτήρια 42, 33 (Pol. 1331 20, 16; Rhet. 1360 a 9)

φύλαξ τῶν νόμων 4, 203 pl. THs ἀρχῆς 24, 8; δεσμωτῶν 24, 21; τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου 35, 6

φύλαρχοι 30, 7; 31, 143 49, 10; 61, 23

φυλάττω" τὰ θέσμια φυλάττωσι 3, 20; τὰ ψηφίσματα φυλάττει 54, 15; φυλάττει (τὴν χώραν) 61, 5. παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς ἐφύ- λαττον τοὺς ἐγνωσμένους 36, 14

φυλέται 31, 4 (decree); 42, 15, 26; 61, 18

Φυλή 37, 25 38, 1, 153 41, 23 φυλή" (1) the four ancient tribes, φυλαὶ τέτταρες 8, τι; 41, 8; frag. 3,11, 25,

32, 41; ἑκάστη τῶν φ. 8, 1 f (2) the ten tribes of Cleisthenes, συνένειμε πάντας eis δέκα φυλὰς ἀντὶ τῶν τεττάρων 21, 43 διαμένει ταῖς φ. τὸ δέκα κληροῦν ἑκάστην 8, 3 f; ταῖς φ. ἐποίησεν ἐπωνύμους 21, 24; ἐπώνυμοι δέκα---οἱ τῶν φ. 53, 21; τὸν ἐπώνυμον τὸν τῆς φ. ἑκάστης 48, 17; τὰ ὀνόματα τῆς φ. 65, 15; πρυτανεύει---ἐν μέρει τῶν φ. ἑκάστη 43, 73 τοῖς δικασταῖς τοῖς κατὰ δήμους τοῖς τὴν φ.---εἰσάγουσιν 48, 25; τοῖς τὴν φ.---δικάζουσιν 53, 143 τοὺς τὴν φ. δικάζοντας 58, 7; (εἰσα- ywyeis) δυοῖν φυλαῖν ἕκαστος 53, 12; (χορηγὸς) δυοῖν φυλαῖν εἷς 56, 133 (χορηγοὺς) ai φ. φέρουσιν 56, 9; ---τοὺς ἐνηνεγμένους ὑπὸ τῶν φ. 56, τοί;

rp RN RO i pM ὦ... ne ee eo ἧς τ ms

GREEK INDEX

(trmapxor δύο) διελόμενοι τὰς φ. πέντε ἑκάτερος 61, 20; ἄρχων τὴν φ. κληροῖ 64, 123 γραμματεὺς τῶν θεσμο- θετῶν τῆς δεκάτης φ. 63, 2; (κληροῖ) τοὺς τῆς αὑτοῦ φ. ἕκαστος 50, 20; τῇ φ. ἑκάστῃ, εἴσοδος μία, κληρωτήρια δύο, κιβώτια δέκα, 63, 3—53 νενέμηνται κατὰ φυλὰς δέκα μέρη οἱ δικασταί 63, 20; κατὰ φυλάς 22, 22 f; 42, 15, 28; 48, 1; 56, 12 f; 63, τ f; - ἐξ ἑκάστης φ. ἕνα 22, Bf; ἐξ ἑκάστης φ. 8, το; 21, 33 55, 51; ἐξ ἑκάστης τῆς φ. 66, 14; ἐκ THs φ. ἑκάστης 8, 12; 29, 373 44, 8; 53, 13 ἐκ τῆς φ. 47, εἴ, 71; + ὅλης 62, 2, 4; ἕνα THs p. ἑκάστης 42, WO; 405, πὸ 40,) 25; 60, 20; δὲν 17: ἕνα τῆς φ. ὅτ, 23; ἀπὸ φ. ἑκάστης 43, 6; ἀπὸ τῆς φ. ἑκάστης 65, 14; ἀφ᾽ (éxdorns) φ. ὅτ, 2

φυλοβασιλεῖς τέτταρες 8, 12; φ. 41, ὃ;

YOR ἐς

Ἐφυλοκρινεῖν 21, 6

φύσει, TH 5, 12; 18, 3, 24

φύω" πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἐπεφύκει καλῶς 16, 8

3 φωρῶ" ἐφώρασεν 18, 27 -

xalpw* ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχαιρον πόλις γιγνομένοις 35, 20

χαλεπός" χαλεπώτατον --- καὶ πικρότατον

9

, 2, χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκόντες 33, 5: χ. φερόντων

38, '

χαλκοὺς dudopeds 68, 15, 16, 17, 27; κύβοι X. 64, 133 66, 2; ψῆφοι x. 68, 4; σύμβολον x. 68, τι; στήλην χ. 53, 25

χαρακτήρ, ἀρχαῖος 10, 7

χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς πολλοῖς 28, 27

χάρις" πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλοῦντας 35, 10

Adv. πίστεως χάριν 18, 35; τοῦ βελ- τίστου χ. 35; 213 τούτων x. 29, 25 (de- cree); δυοῖν x. τό, 7; ὧν xX. 22, 25 Pi. καὶ κέρδει. καὶ χάρισιν 41, 29

Χάρμος, father of Hipparchus, 22, 16

χαῦνα 12, 20 (Solon)

χειμῶνος, τοῦ xX. ἐνεστῶτος, 37, I

χειροτονητός" (ὁ γραμματεὺς κατὰ πρυ- τανείαν) ἣν χειροτονητός 54, 16; πάντες καὶ οἱ κληρωτοὶ καὶ οἱ χειροτονητοὶ δοκιμασθέντες ἄρχουσιν 55, 9 (Rhet. ad Alex. 1424 @ 14 χειροτονηταὶ ἀρχαί, the only ref.)

χειροτονία" κριθῆναι μιᾷ χ. πάντας 34, 5; πρὸς τὴν ἐπικύρωσιν τῆς χειροτονίας 41, 32; διατάττουσι τῇ χειροτονίᾳ 61, 3; τὰς χειροτονίας κρίνειν 30, 25 (decree); κρίνουσιν 44,12. (Frag. and Rhet. ad Alex., the only reff.)

χειροτονῶ" χειροτονοῦσιν (ἀρχὰς ταμίου στρατιωτικῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικὸν καὶ τοῦ τῶν κρηνῶν ἐπιμελητοῦ), καὶ οἱ χειροτονηθέντες ἄρχουσιν ἐκ ἸΙαναθη- ναίων εἰς Παναθήναια 43, 3---5; --- τὰς

323

πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀρχὰς ἁπάσας, στρα- τηγούς --- ταξιάρχους ---, ἱππάρχους ---, φυλάρχους —, εἰς Λῆμνον ἵππαρχον, ταμίαν τῆς Παράλου καὶ---τῆς τοῦ “Au- μώνος ΟἹ, I, 17: 19, 23, 25, 273 δῆμος χειροτονεῖ σωφρονιστὴν καὶ κοσμητήν 42, 18 [; παιδοτρίβας 42, 22; (τριήρεις TeTphpets) ὁποτέρας ἂν δῆμος χειρο- τονήσῃ 46, 33 χειροτονεῖ δ᾽ ἀρχιτέκτονας —émi τὰς ναῦς 46, 43; (οἱ καταλογεῖς) ods ἂν δῆμος χειροτονήσῃ 49, 9; κἂν μὲν χειροτονήσωσιν (τοὺς ἱππέας) 40, 18; χειροτονεῖ---ὁ δῆμος γραμματέα τὸν ἀναγνωσόμενον 54, 213 --- (μυστηρίων ἐπιμελητάς) 57, 2 ἴ; τοὺς ἐνδοξοτάτους καὶ πιστοτάτους ἐχειροτόνουν (γραμμα- τέας κατὰ πρυτανείαν) 54,173; (πομπῆς ἐπιμελητὰς) δῆμος ἐχειροτόνει 56, 23; (οἱ πωληταὶ) κυροῦσιν ὅτῳ ἂν βουλὴ χειροτονήσῃ 47, τι; χειροτονεῖν τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν 34, “6

χείρων" χείρους 27, 23; πολὺ χείρω 28, 2

χηρῶ" ἐχηρώθη 12, 52 (Solon)

χθονός 12, 24 (Solon)

χίλιδε 17, 16; 19, 283 24, 135 143 35, 5 (?); 68, 2, 4; ἐντὸς χιλίων (δραχμῶν) 53, 153 67, 9; ὑπὲρ. xirlas 53, 16; χιλίους πεντακοσίους 35, 26

Χῖοι 24, 7

χλαμύδας ἔχοντες 42, 33 (frag. 4582, the only ref.)

χολούμενοι 12, 20 (Solon)

χορηγία met. 27, 18

χορηγοῦντα, τοῖς παισὶν 56, 18

χορηγοὺς τραγῳδοῖς, κωμῳδοῖς καθίστη 56, 7—93 x. τοὺς ἐνηνεγμένους 56, το; χ- (εἰς Διονύσια ἐν Σαλαμῖνι καὶ ἐν Πειραιεῖ) καθιστᾶσιν 54, 35; εἰς Δῆλον χ. 56, 20

χρείας καταλαβούσης 3, 8

χρειοῦς, ὑπὸ 12, 38 (Solon)

χρέα, of ἀφῃρημένοι τὰ 13, 21. χρεῶν ἀποκοπαί 6, 3; τι, 8; χρεῶν ἀποκοπή 6, 1} 10, 2: 12, 26; 13, 13 (Prod. and Oec., the only reff.)

χρεών, o 12, 22 (Solon)

χρή c. inf. τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν οἰνοχοεῖν 20, 24 (scol.); νομίζειν 6, 21; θαυμά- few 15, 243 ὀμόσαι 31, 6; παθεῖν ἀποτεῖσαι 61, 3; 67, 2

χρήματα" χρήμασιν---ἀγητοί 12,6 (Solon) ; τῶν ἱερῶν x., τῶν ὁσίων x. 30, 8 f; τῶν ἱερῶν ἐν ols τὰ xX. ἔστιν 44, 4; περὶ τῶν x. ὅπως ἂν σῷα 30, 20 (decree); χρημάτων δήμευσις 67, 251 --- καταβολή 47, 31; τὰ καταβαλλόμενα x. 48, 3; (διαχειρίζειν) 30, 10, 14; 45, 13; τὰ xX. ἀπέδοσαν 40, 19; συλλέγεται 47. 29; παραλαμβάνουσι τὰ χ. 47, 5 ἴ; τὰ x. δαπανῆσαι 290, 20; xX- προεδάνειζε 16, 6; δανειζόμενοι 38, 8; ἐδανείσαντο 39, 253; κομίσασθαι παρὰ τῶν δανεισα- μένων 22, 35; εὐπόρησαν χρημάτων 19,

324

20; X- ἠθροισμένων πολλῶν 24, 13 τι χρήσεται τοῖς χ. 22, 32; τοῖς x. λῃτουργεῖν 29, 34 (decree); χρήμασιν ζημιῶσαι----ζἡμιοῦν 45, 1, 8

χρηματίζειν 43, 14, 29 f; 44, τι; περὶ σίτου καὶ περὶ φυλακῆς THs χώρας 43, 18. Mid. χρηματίζεσθαι 30, 31 (de- cree); χρηματισάμενος 15, 7

χρησμῶν γιγνομένων 19, 7

Ἐχρηστηριαζομένοις 19, 22

χρόνος" ἐν δίκῃ χρόνου 12, 30 (Solon); τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον 57, 27; 60, 18; εἰς τὸν ἄλλον x. 31, 18 (decree); λοιπὸν x. 30, 15 (decree); μέλλοντα χ. 31, 1; xX. μικρόν 15, 173 πολὺν x. 2, 23 5, 33 16, 35; 18, 13; 36, 13; οὐ πολὺν X. 15, 33 μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν xX. 25, 243 34, 133 πλείω x. 44, 2 f3 x. τά

' 28, 213 x. τινὸς οὐ πολλοῦ διελθόντος 4, 2; xX- διαπεσόντος βραχέος 35, 253 pl. διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν x. 13, 6; τῶν χ.---μὴ ἐξεληλυθότων 56, 17; τοῖς χ., ἂν πα- ραλλάττοι 3, 15; --- προέχουσιν ἀλλήλων 3, 233 ἐν τοῖς τότε x. 26, 8; πρότερον x. 28, 4

χρυσίον" pl. 60, 21

χρυσοῦν, ἀνδριάντα 7, 53 55, 33

χρῶμα ἐπιγέγραπται, Tots δικαστηρίοις 65, 6; τοῦ x. τῆς βακτηρίας 65, 5; τὰ x. τῶν δικαστηρίων 66, 3; Ta x. 66,

χρῶμαι" (τῷ νόμῳ) χρώμενοι 8, 6; ἐχρή- σαντο 22, 12; (τοῖς νόμοις) χρῆσθαι 22, 3: 31, 83 μὴ χρῆσθαι 45, 15; χρήσεσθαι 7, 43 οὐκέτι χρῶνται 8, τό. τοῖς Δράκοντος θεσμοῖς χρώμενοι 7, 2; (ταῖς μαρτυρίαιθ) χρῆσθαι 53, 18; χρῶνται τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις καὶ πρὸς τὰς

στρατείας 53, 35; ὡς (τῷ πλήθει) δεῖ

χρῆσθαι 12, το; χρώμενοι τῇ εἰωθυίᾳ-- πρᾳότητι 22, 19; «ἐχρῶντο τῷ μὲν στρατηγῷ τῷ δὲ συμβούλῳ 23, 16; τοῖς συμμάχοις δεσποτικῷς ἐχρῶντο 24, 73 τῇ πόλει πάσῃ πατρικῶς χρωμένους 28, 32; κάλλιστα---χρήσασθαι ταῖ---- συμφοραῖς 40, 18; οὐ χρησάμενοι καλῶς τοῖς πράγμασι 34, 13; τι χρήσεται τοῖς χρήμασιν 22, 325 μέτροις χρήσονται δικαίοις 51, 7; (τῷ δικαστηρίῳ) χρήσεται 66, 8, το; χρήσηται 66, ττ; abs. κατὰ τοῦτο χρῶνται 50, 3

χώρα" x. δι᾽ ὀλίγων ἦν 4, 243 ἐξεργα- ὡομένης τῆς x. τό, 12; συνεπρίαντο πολλὴν. x. 6, το; THY x. ἀνάδαστον ποιοῦσιν 40, 25. κατὰ τὴν x. (opp. ἐν τῷ ἄστει) τό, 8; εἰς τὴν x. τό, 14; τειχίσαντες ἐν THX. Λειψύδριον 10, 11. διένειμε τὴν χ. κατὰ δήμους 21, 12; ephebt περιπολοῦσι τὴν χ. 42, 32:1 περὶ φυλακῆς τῆς χ. 43, 18; (στρατηγὸς ὁ) ἐπὶ τὴν x. 61, 5

χωρεῖν τὴν Ψῆφον, αὐτὴν μόνην 68, 18

χωρίον καλεῖται ‘Paixndos 15, 63 x. ἀτελές 16, 18; τί γίγνεται ἐκ τοῦ x.

GREEK INDEX

16, 20; 6 7d x. κεκτημένος 60, 13 (24. 60, 8); τὰ χ. πάντα ἄφρακτα ἦν. 21, 173 x. Kal olklas 47, 21; 52, 6; TOV χ. 47, 24

χωρίς 39, 26 (decree); 40, 21; 47, 343 66, 53 χωρὶς μὲν ---χωρὶς δέ 47, 185 53, 11; 69, 6. Not found c. gem. in ’A@. πολ.

ψαλτρίαι 50, 6 (only in corresp. frag.)

ψευδεγγραφῆς γραφή 59, το (only in cor- resp. frag.)

ψευδῆ τὴν αἰτίαν εἶναι 6, 21

ψευδοκλητείας γραφή 59, 10 (only in cor- resp. frag.)

ψευδομαρτύρια τὰ ἐξ ’Apelov πάγου 50, 17. Form ψευδομαρτυριῶν in Pol. ete.

ψηφιζόμενος 68, 11; -οι 69, τι; ἐὰν μὴ ψηφίζηται 68, 14; εἰς ods (sc. ἀμφορέα) ψηφίζονται οἱ δικασταί 68, τό; ἵνα ψηφίζωνται πάντες 68, 12. τι ἂν οἱ δικασταὶ ψηφίσωνται 45, τι ; οὐκ ἔξεστιν οὐδὲν ἀπροβούλευτον---ψηφίσασθαι 45, 231; ψηφισάμενοι μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν εἷναι μισθοφόρον 33, 9

ψηφισμα---ἀναγιγνώσκειν 67, 113; Ψ. Πυ- θόδωρου 29, το; εἰπόντος τὸν πρὸ τοῦ ψ. λόγον Μηλοβίου 29, 6; ἔγραψε τὸ yw. Δρακοντίδης 34, 27; γραψάμενος τὸ ψ. τὸ Θρασυβούλου παρανόμων 40, 8; πάντα διοικεῖται Ψηφίσμασιν 41, 26; (6 γραμματεὺς) τὰ ψ. φυλάττει 54, 14. ψηφίσματα quoted (Pericles) 26, 22 ἴ; B.C. 411 (Pythodorus) 29, 1o—19 (with amendment); 29, 2I—39; Cc. 30; C. 31. B.C. 403 (ai διαλύσεις ἐπ᾽ Εὐκλείδου) c. 39

ψήφου. κύριος---τῆς 9, 6. δίδωσιν ἐν μὲν τῇ βουλῇ τὴν ἐπιχειροτονίαν, ἐν δὲ τῷ δικαστηρίῳ τὴν ψῆφον 55, 23 f; εἷς ἐνέ- βαλλε τὴν Ψ. 55,24. αὐτὴν nbege χωρεῖν τὴν ψ. 68, 18. ψῆφοι χαλκαῖ 68, 4; τετρυπημέναι, πλήρεις, 26. 5,6. ψήφων, ἀριθμὸς 69, 7; ἐπὶ τὰς ψήφους 66, 17 f; 68, 6. δύο ψήφους 68, 8; ὑποβάλλων ψήφους 68, τό; λαβὼν τὰς ψήφους 68, 23

ὧδ᾽ 12, IT

ὠμότητα καὶ πονηρίαν, πρὸς 37, 16 (not in this sense in Meteor. the only ref.)

ὦνιος" ὅπως--ὁ σῖτος ἀργὸς ὦνιος ἔσται 51, τι; τῶν ὠνίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, ὅπως καθαρὰ καὶ ἀκίβδηλα πωλήσεται 51, 3

ὠνοῦμαι" τόν τε πριάμενον καὶ ὅσου ἂν πρί- ra 47, 07

Spay τὴν προρρηθεῖσαν 30, 32 (decree). τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἐνιαυτοῖς ὥρας frag. 3, 1. 32 f

Ὦρεός 33, 5

ws’ ‘as’, ws ὑπεσχόμην (12, 44), ἄλλος ws ἐγώ (12, 47), ὡς---λύκος (12, 54) Solon. ὡς λέγουσι 6, 7 f; 14, 26; 18, 32; gaclvy 7,17; 18, 30; grit 14, 253 ὁμολογεῖται 5, 12

GREEK

‘how’, ὡς (τῷ πλήθει) δεῖ χρῆσθαι 12, Io

‘that’, ws οὐχ ἥξει 11, 5; οὐ χρὴ θαυμάζειν 15, 24: ἐφώρασε 18, 26; εἴη 16, 27

‘when’, ws ἐξέπεσε 15, 2; ἐξέπεσον 28, 9; οὐκ ἐδύνατο 18, 33; ἔλαβεν 18, 353 ἐφάνη 22, 29; εἶδεν 25," τ8 ; ἐπε- κράτουν 38, τό .¢. part. ὡς ἀποσεισάμενοι 6, 5: ὡς ἂν---πλανωμένους 12, 39 (Solon); ὡς ἂν ἀπὸ τοῦ πράγματος κείμενον 7, 19 (ὡς ἂν not noticed elsewhere in Ar. in this sense); δυνάμενος πολιτεύεσθαι 28, 37; πεπονθώς 14, 4; ἐπανορθοῦντες 35,123 ἀπολογησόμενος 16, 33 ; μαλακὸν ὄντα 18, 123 μηνύσων 18, 343; μεθιδρυ- σόμενος 19, 53 μεταδώσοντες 36, 7

c. inf. ws εἰπεῖν 2, 12; ws ἔπος εἰπεῖν 49, 30; 57, 8

108; -3,, 12. By 225.099, 243 14, 243 36,9

INDEX 325

¢. acc. abs. 7, 243 29, 19 c. numeralibus, ws ἑπτακοσίους 37, 19 c. superl. ws ἰσαίτατα 30, 18 (decree) ; ws ἂν δύνωνται ἄριστα 30, 21 (decree) ὡςτεπρός, ws τὸν δήμιον 45, 3 ὠσθεὶς κατὰ πετρῶν Heracl. epit. 1. 6; frag. 4 ὥσπερ ἐν μεταιχμίῳ 12, 65 (Solon). Con- stantly used after consonants, 3, ΤΙ, 16. 372. 8,205.59; 58; τὸν 3344, tes 28, 35; 55, 8; 61, 24. Cf. καθάπερ ὥστε δήιον 12, 21 (Solon). c. inf. ἀπεχ- θέσθαι κτὰ 6, 143 διατρέφεσθαι τό, 6; ἀναλίσκεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιεικεῖς “6, τι; συναναγκασθῆναι 40, 6; τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν εἶναι καὶ φίλον 23, 233 αὐτὴν μόνην χωρεῖν τὴν ψῆφον 68, τῇ f; μὴ δύνασθαι 49, 27. «. ind. οὐ κατέσχεν ἑαυτόν 18, 37; συνέβαινεν 37, 12; οὐ συνέπιπτεν (ἂν) 21, 11 ὠφελούμενοι, ἐτύγχανον 33, 7

21--3

ENGLISH INDEX.

The numerals refer to the Aages; a and denote the first and second columns of

the commentary.

For proper names not found here, see Greek Index.

Abbott’s History 07 Greece quoted, 17 ὁ, 46

abbreviations in the Ms classified, xlv

Aegospotami, 140

Aeschines, Scho/. on (ες. 150 corrected, 140 @

Alcmeonidae, 1,. 76—81

altars as places of refuge, 110 @

Ambracia, Cypselidae in, 7oa

amendment, ‘formula for, 125 @

Ammonias, state-trireme, 245 a, cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 149

amnesty after the fall of the Thirty and the Ten, 153 α

Anaceum, 63a

Anacreon, 71

Andocides, de Myst. 78; 229 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 110 f) Androtion, Ixviii; on Solon, 384; date of, god; cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 190 f animals, damage done by, 201 4; judi- cial trial of, 231

Anthemion, 28

Antiphon, 1356

Anytus, 117, 141 @

Apollonius Rhodius, scho/za on, xxxviii

arbitrators, 204-6

Archestratus, 143 a, and Addenda, xcii

Archinus of Ambracia, 70 @

Archinus, a leader of the moderate party, 404 B.C., 141 a, 1546

archons, early history of, 6; official resi- dences of, 8—11; mode of appointment before Dracon, 12, 32 a; under Dracon, 15; under Solon, 30f; under Cleis- thenes, 91; their appointment by lot, 30, 91; archonship opened to zeugizae, 1124; oath of, 7 ὁ, 25, 217 4; salaries

of, 247 α; scrutiny of, 216; archons of same name, how distinguished, 138 a

chronological list of archons (* de- notes those hitherto unknown)

621 *Aristaechmus, 12

594 Solon, 19, 50, 56

582 1 Damasias II, 51 f

560 (more probably 561!) Comeas,

5714 555 (more probably 556') *Hegesias,

59

528 *Philoneos, 68 6

511 *Harpactides, 79 a

508 Isagoras, 81

501? *Hermocreon, 89 a

490 Phaenippus, go a

489 Aristides, gt ὁ, 92

487 *Telesinus, ΟἹ a

483 Nicodemus, 93 f

482? Themistocles, 95 4

481 *Hypsichides, 96 a

478 Timosthenes, 99

462 Conon, 106 a

457 Mnesitheides, 112

453 Lysicrates, 113 @

451 Antidotus, 113 @

432 Pythodorus, 114

412 Callias, 134

411 Mnesilochus, 136

411 Theopompus, 136 ὁ, 137

406 (1115 Αγγελῆθεν, 137 ὁ, 1384

405 Alexias, 1406

404 Pythodorus, 142 a, 156

403 Eucleides, 151 a

401 Xenaenetus, 156 a

329 Cephisophon, 214 Areopagus, before Dracon, 11 and 32 a;

under Dracon, 18; under Solon, 34 @;

1 Wilamowitz, i 22, 24.

ENGLISH [INDEX

revival of its authority after Persian war, 97 4; attacked by Ephialtes, 105 f; privileges of, 106 a; attacked by Pericles, 114a@; under the Thirty, 152 4; trials before, 184 4, 227. Cf. Keil,

Solon. Verf. 100 f, 120

Arginussae, 138; overtures of Sparta after, 139 .

Aristides, archonship of, 91 ὁ, 92 a; ostra- cism and recall of, 96a; προστάτης τοῦ δήμου, 98; co-operates with Themis- tocles in building the walls of Athens, 98 f; withdraws the Ionians from al- liance with Sparta, 99 @; assesses the tribute, 99 4; counsels the people to live in Athens and to assume the control of affairs, 100; promoter of the seventh change in the constitution, 158 @

Aristides, rhetor, xxxiv, 20a, 46a, 50 a. Cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. τοῦ f

Aristogeiton, 72 f

Aristophanes, scholia to, xxxviii

Aristotle and Macedonia, 61 a; Politics, xxi f, 1, liiti—lvi, lix, lxviii, 65,68 ult., 70a, 796, 82a, 87 &c.; Politicus, xxii; περὶ βασιλείας, xxiii (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 128—142); δικαιώματα πόλεων, XXili ; νόμιμα βαρβαρικά, xxiii; πολιτεῖαι, xxiii—xli; style of, lix f; see Athe- nian Constitution’

assembly, public, under Dracon, 15 a; under Solon, 27 4; pay for attendance, instituted by Agyrrhius, 159 4; its final amount, 2464. Number of meetings, 170 a; business at each, 170 f, 174 f

Athenaeus, xxxv

Athéné, statue of, 182 ὁ; peplus of, 193 a, 238 a; treasurers of, 182 a, cf. 129 a

Athenian ascendancy, beginning of, 100

Athenian Constitution’, abstract of, Ixxi —lxxix; authorship of, xlix—Ixv; au- thorities followed in, Ixv—lxxi (οἵ. Keil, Solon. Verf. 48, 51, 186, 205, 227, 231, and esp. 200 f) ; date of, xlix ; Berlin fragments of, xlif; British Museum papyrus of, xliii—xlix; lan- guage and style, lvii—lxiv; literature of, Ixxx—xc; relation to the Politics, liti—lvii; Ixviii; 58 ult., 87a; rhythm, lx f

| Atthides, writers of, Ixviif (cf. Keil, Solon.

Verf. 200 &c.) Attic lunar year, 169 a Attica; men of the Highlands’, the ‘Shore’, and the ‘Plain’, 550 auditors, 207 a

Bauer, Prof. A., quoted, 58 ὁ, 60a, 95 4, 139 @ beasts of burden, damage done by, 201 4,

231 Bergk quoted, xlii f

327

Berlin Fragments, the, xli f, lxiv

Blass, Prof. F., quoted, xlif, xlvii, lxi, 86 ὁ, and, in the critical notes, passim

bowmen, citizens serving as, 102

Brauronia, 213 @

British Museum fapyrus described, xliiif

Busolt, Prof. G., quoted, 14 ὁ, 15 ὁ, 18 a@ ἄτα.

Callixenus, 121 @

Cauer, F., criticised, 159

chiasmus, 132a

Chios, roo

choregi, 218 f

chronology of rule of Peisistratus, 58

i of later years of Themistocles,

107-9

Cicero’s mention of the Πολιτεῖαι, xxx

Cimon, 110 f; accused by Pericles, 1134; his liberality, 115

citizens, revision of the roll of, 55 a, 1133 registration of, 160f

citizenship, grants of, 210

Cleidemus, lxvii

Cleisthenes, 80—93

Cleitophon, 124 4, 1414

Clement of Alexandria, xxxvi

Cleomenes, King of Sparta, 78—8r

Cleon, 118 f

Cleophon, 119 f, 140

clepsydra, 257

clerks, public, 208-11

clerucht, 103 6

Cobet, marginal correction of Pollux viii 85, 216

Codrus, 6 a

coinage, Aeginetan and Euboic, 41

Comedy, choregi appointed for, 219

conflict of classes before Dracon and Solon, 4

conjectures proposed, (c. 6, 19) 233 (c. 13, 24) 553 (c. 26, 5) 111; (c. 28, 16) 119 a; (c. 35, 9f) 143 4; (c. 39, 24) 1533 (c. 47, 13-14) “184; (c. 48, 24) 190; (c. 56, 46) 224; (c. 64, 18) 254; (c. 67, 5) *257f. Schol. on Aeschin. /. Z. 150 corrected, 140 a. Photius, s.v. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου cor- rected, 230 ὁ; mistake in Photius, s.v. πάραλοι, accounted for, 2454

Council of 401 under Dracon, 16.4; 400 under Solon, 34. Council of 500, in- stituted by Cleisthenes, 89 @; appoint- ed by lot, 1684, 2464; functions of, 178 f; their right of imprisoning, 178 ὁ, 1876; salary of, 2466; scrutiny on appointment to, 180 ὦ; transfer of some of their duties to the Assembly, 159 a, or the law-courts, 193

crown of archon basileus, 230 6

Crusius, Prof. O., quoted, 9g ὁ, 116 4,

159

* New conjectures.

328

Curtius, Prof. E., quoted, 9 ὁ, 55 4, ἃς

Cylon, 1—3

Cypselidae in Ambracia, 7oa *

10 ὁ,

Damasias II, 51

Damonides, 116 a

Deceleia, 139

Delos, festival at, 212, 213 ὁ; ampht- ctyones, 247 6; choreg¢ and architheoros, 220 a

Delphi, temple at, 77

Delphinium, court in precincts of, 228 a

demagogues, 118-20

demes, names of, 86; number and dis- tribution of, 84

Demetrius Phalereus, li f

Dicaearchus, xxx, lii

dicasts, 6000, 102 @; number of, 204, 2506; pay, 114 ὁ, 246 ὦ, 256 a, 264; procedure for their allotment to the

several law-courts, 25346; votes of, 261

Didymus, xxx f (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 59 f)

Diels, Prof. H., xliii, 3, 52

diobelia, 119 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf.

223)

Diogenes Laertius, xxxiv

Dionysia, 215 @, 219, 221

district-judges’, 66 a

dowry, restitution of, 201 @

Dracon, constitution before, 5—12}; con- stitution of, 12—18 (defended by Keil, Solon. Verf. g6—98, 202); laws of, 13 @, 24

Edinburgh Review, 1891, p. 478 f, quoted, 18 ὁ, 148 a

Eetioneia, 147 @

Eleusinia, 213

Eleusis, 151 f

Eleven, the, 105 4, 199 f

ephebi, 162-6

ephetae, 229 ; cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. τοῦ ff, 108

Ephialtes, ro5—10; cf. Keil, Solon. Very. 120, 213

Epimenides, 3

Erechtheus, 265, |

Eretria, Knights of, aid Peisistratus, 62 a; battle of, 411 B.C., 136

Etymologicum Magnum, xxxvii

Euboea, revolt of, 411 B.C., 136

Eucken, Prof. R., quoted, lix, 3 ὦ, 44, 79 ὁ, 1554

Euripides, scholia on, xxxviii ; 268 frag. 4

Eustathius, xxxvii

Festivals, of Asclepius, 2204; Brauronia, 213 a; Delian, 212, 220 a; Dionysia, 219; Heracleia, 213 a; Lenaea, 225 4; Panathenaea, 238; Thargelia, 219-21

gennetae, 267, 1.

ENGLISH INDEX

Five Thousand, the, 127 ὦ, 134f

fortresses of Attica, 130 6, 166 a

Forty, the, 202

Foucart, M., quoted, 1024, 159 a, 183 4, 1816, 187

Four Hundred, the, 122—137

Fragments, index of, 269

Gellius, xxxiv

generals, 89 4; election and duties of, 240f; at Arginussae, 138

23 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 64 f)

Gilbert, G., 241 a, and passim

Giles, Mr P., quoted, 85

Girard, M. P., 162, 165

Gomperz, Prof., quoted, lvii, 4 4, 14, 60

Goodwin, Prof. W. W., 1764, 237 a

Grote, quoted, 27 4, 37, 38 ὁ, 43 6, 574, 61a, 66a, 84a, 86a, 89 ὁ, 135 ὁ, 136 a, 139 6, 144 6, 176 a; supported by text, 95 4, 1246

guards, on the acropolis, 102 ὁ; over the dockyards, 2d.

guardships, 104

Harmodius, 72 f ; commemoration of, 232

Harpocration, xxv f

Hartel, Prof. von, quoted, 173 @

Haussoullier, M. B., quoted, 186 4, 252 f

Head, Mr B. V., quoted, 40 f

Headlam, Mr J. W., quoted, Ixi, 14—18, 162 ὁ, 168 ὁ, 229 a, 246 ὁ, 248 α

Hegesistratus, 69 f

Heracleia, 213 @

Heracleides of Clazomenae, 160 @

Heracleides, Epitoma, xxxvi, 265

Hermippus, xxv

Herodotus, lxvi, 59 4; (v 66, 69) 82 a; (v 69) 844; (v 71) 2 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 96, 117)

Hesychius, xxxvi

hiatus, \xi, \xiii (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 195)

Hill, Mr G. F., quoted, 41

Hipparchus, 71-3

son of Charmus, go @

holidays, Athenian, 170

Homer, scholia on, xxxviii; reminiscence of, 49 @

homicide, law of, 23 6; the Areopagus and its cognisance of, 106 ὁ, 152 6; trials for, 227—231

hoplites (2500), 104 @

horses and horsemen, δοκιμασία of, 190 f

houses, purchase-money of, 185 ; windows of, 196

Hultsch, quoted, 39

Solon’s

Ion, 157 a, 265 1. 2, 266 frag. 1 Ionisms in Solon’s verses, 48, 49 @; in © Cleidemus, 60 a

iim.

ENGLISH INDEX 329

Tsocrates, lx, 12 a, 306, 983 (cf. Keil,

_ Solon. Verf. 78 ff, 89 ff

Jackson, Prof. H., quoted, 198 4, and in critical notes 23, 42, &c. Jebb, Prof. R. C., quoted, 43 4, 45,

177

Keil, Prof. Bruno, quoted, 258, 260

Kenyon, Mr F. G., quoted, xliv f, 15 a, 26a, 48 ὁ, 77 6, 82:6, οἱ ὁ, 108 a, 116 ὁ, 127 6, 129 ὁ, 143 a, 148 α, 156 ὁ, 205 a, 207 6, and in the critical notes passim

Knights (1200), 102 4; under the Thirty, 149 a. 62 a

Kohler, Prof. U., quoted, 40

(1000), 142 @; Of Eretria,

Larmor, Sir Joseph, quoted, 260 law-courts, allotment of, 236 4, 254-6;

Greek Index, s. Ὁ. δικαστήρια, ἼΑρειος.

πάγος, (ἐπὶ) Δελφινίῳ and Παλλαδίῳ, (ἐν) Φρεάτου

ty. -suits, see Gk Index, s. νυ. γραφαί, and δίκαι

leases of mines, 183 f; of sacred en- closures, 185 f; property of minors, 224

Leeuwen, Prof. van, quoted, xlvi, and in critical notes passim

Leipsydrium, 76 a

Lemnos, ἵππαρχος sent to, 244 4

Leocorium, 73

Lesbos, 100

Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon, τοῦ

Lipsius, Prof. J. H., quoted, 161 a, 169 4, 202 ὦ, 209 ὦ, 234 &c.

lot, appointment by, 16 ὦ, 17 a, 30f, 92, 246, 251-4; Council appointed by, 168 ὁ, 246. See also Gk Index, s. v. κληρῶ and λαγχάνω

Lycurgus, administration of, 183 a, 2144

Lygdamis, 62

Macan, Mr R., quoted, Ixx, Ixxix, 31 4, 38a. >

Mahaffy, Dr J. P., quoted, xxiii, 94

maladministration, fines for, 208

Marmor Parium, 52»

Maroneia, mines at, 94

Mayor, John E. B., quoted, 56 4, 60a, 165 ὁ, 196 (x. ἊΝ &e.

Mayor, Joseph B., quoted, lviii (#.), 21 (2. ¢.), 70 (2. οἷ; 155‘(z. ¢.) &c.

Megacles, son of Hippocrates, 92

Megarian war, 56 -

Meyer, P., quoted, 144

military discipline, 243; period of mili- tary service, 205 4

mines, 94, 183 f

Miiller, Carl, xxxix

Munichia, 75, 242 @

naucrart, 33 a, 856; cf. Keil, Sol. Ver/. Ρ- 93 ff

neutrals, Solon’s law against, 35

Newman, Mr W. L., quoted, lv, Ixviii, xcii, 13 ὦ, 206, 26 ἃ; 75 ἃ, Si go a, IOI, 109 ὁ, 121 a, 122 ὦ, 178

Nicias, 121 6

Nicodemus, or Nicomedes, 94 @

Mrké, figures of, 182 6, 193

officials, home and foreign, 103 @; ap- pointed by lot, members of Council, 168 ὁ, 246 a; other officials so ap- pointed, 182-8, 195—-215, cf. Greek Index, 5. v. kAnp®. Military officials, 240 f; elected by show of hands, 167 f; time of electing, 177. Scrutiny of, 2164

oil from the sacred olive-trees, 239

Oncken, Prof. W., quoted, xl

opisthodomos, 175 a

orthography ; see critical notes on del 21 ; γίγνομαι 5; γιγνώσκω 20; ἐξοπλασία 62; ἱερεωσύνη 88; λῃτουργία 115 4; Μουνιχία 75; σῴζειν 97 ; σῶος, σῶς 131

Ostracism, 88---ο7 ; 171 4; archeological evidence on, - 93

Palladium, court in Pee of, 228 a

Pallene, 62 a

Panathenaea, 72 ὁ, 168 a, 212 ὦ, 238 .

Panathenaic vases, 238 4

papyrus, x\vii f

Paralos, 244 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 149)

Paton, Mr W. R., quoted, 16 (#. ¢.), 87

Patrizzi, xxxix

Patrocleides, decree of, 229 ὁ.

paupers, relief of, 194 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 75)

Peiraeus, demarch of, 215 a; ; generals set over, 242 a; party of, 149-55

Peisander, 135 @

Peisistratus, chronology of, 58 (cf. Kohler, on p. lxxxv, and Keil, Solon. Verf. 51); in Macedonia, 605

Pericles, 113-7; law _ οἵ. citizenship carried by, 113 @; his accusation of Cimon, 113 4; his successors, 118 f

petitions, 172

Phanodemus, Ixvii

Pheidon, 39

Philochorus, xxviii f, bevel fi on ostracism, 88

Philon’s σκευοθήκη, 180 , 193 b

Philostephanus of Cyrene, Xxix

Phormisius, a leader of the moderate party 404 B.C., 141

‘Photius xxxvii; 5. v. ἡγεμονία δικαστηρίου

corrected, 230 ; mistake, s. v. πάραλοι, accousited for; 245 @

Phreatto’, 228

Phyle, 146

330

plans of buildings removed from cog- nisance of the Council, 193 Plato’s Republic, Politicus and Laws, xix; Rep. 5588, liv; Gorgias 515 E, 1174; cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 158, 218f;° scholia on, xxxviii Pliny the Elder, xxxi Plutarch and the Πολιτεῖαι, xxxif, 19 a; Theseus, 157 a, 251 frag. 2; Solon, xxxii f, 1—3, 21 ὦ, 24—26; 34—38; 42—49 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 40, 45, 55, 164, 173, 175, &c.); Themistocles, 108 f; Czmon, 110 f, 113 f; Pericles, 113-6; Wictas, 121 Polemon, 28 Pollux, xxxiv f, 28 4, 188 a, &c., and in the Zestimonia, passim (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 64); corrected by Cobet, 2164 Poole, Mr ΚΝ. S., quoted, 404 Poste, Mr E., quoted, 15 a, 21 ὦ, 103 ὁ, 122 a, 1316 Postgate, Dr, 21 (2. ¢.) proedri, 175 proxenos, grants of title of, 210a@ prytaneum, court in precincts of, 231 prytanies, duration of, 169 Pythodorus, archon 432/1, 114 4; archon . 404/3, 1236, 1426

quadriremes, 181 Quarterly Review, Apr. 1891, quoted, 109 @

Reinach, Th., 14 a, 153 &c.

Richards, Mr H., quoted, Iviii (.), 20 a, 64 a, and in critical notes Zassim

Robertson Smith, Prof., xli

Rose, V., xxxix, 77 ἃς.

rotation in office, 17 a, 134 a, 248

Riihl, F., li, 158 @ &c.

sacrifices, commissioners of, 211 @

Salaminia, 245

Salamis, battle of, οὐ ; archon in, 214

salaries, 246 f

Samos, 100 a, 247

‘Sandwich marble’, 2474

scholia, quotations from πολιτεῖαι in, XXXVili

Scholl, quoted, 234

Schomann, quoted, 141 ὁ, 158 ὁ, 176 &c.

Schvarcz, criticised, lii f

scolia, 77, 81

seal of Athens, 175 a

Selden, xxxix

Shute, Mr R., quoted, xxiv, 1, Ixiii

Simonides, 71

slaves, damage done by, 201

Solon, Ixvf, 19g —50, 57; dateof his archon- ship, 50, 56a; legislation of, 23 f; obscurities in his laws, 37 a, 1434; law against neutrality, 35; limited power of testation granted by, 143 4; verses

ENGLISH INDEX

of, 20f; 43—503; democratic tendency of his reforms, 35 4; reform of coins, weights and measures, 38—41 (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 70 f, 163—172); withdraws to Egypt, 42; opposes Peisistratus, 57; εἰσαγγελίαι, 34 0; κύρβεις 24 (Keil, Δ δ. 58); ὅροι 464; σεισάχθεια 22 a, 38

Solon and Peisistratus, 57, 69

Sophocles, his στρατηγία, 177 6; scholium on O. C. 701, 239

Strabo and the Πολιτεῖαι, xxxi

symmories, generals set over the, 242 @

Ten, the, appointed to succeed the Thirty, 1484; their atrocities, 149; superseded by another body of Ten, 149; excluded from the amnesty, 153 4. For other bodies of Ten, see Greek Index, s. v. δέκα

Themistocles, brings about building of triremes, 96; date of his archonship, 95 4, 1086; co-operates with Aristides in building walls of Athens, 99 a; accused of Medism, 108; helps Ephi- altes to overthrow the Areopagus (B.C. 462), τοῦ

theoricon, 129 a, 167 ὁ, 183 6

Theramenes, leader of aristocratical party, 121; character of, 122. A leader of the 400, 135; joins in subverting them, 137. Leader of moderate party after Aegospotami, 141; opposes extreme measures of the Thirty, 145; put to death, 147

Theseum, 62—64, 246 @

Theseus, 157 a, 265, 266, 268

thesmothetae, 233 £; clerk to, 215

Thettalus, 69 f, 716

Thirlwall justified, 61 a, 66 α

Thirty, the, established by Lysander, 140; their rule, 140-6; defeated at Munichia and expelled from power, 148; excluded from amnesty, 153

Thompson, Mr E. S., quoted, 14a,

a

ORY Dr W. H., quoted, 25

Thrasybulus, occupies Phyle and defeats forces sent by the Thirty, 146; decree proposed by T. attacked by Archinus,

I

Three Thousand, privileged body under the Thirty, 145

Thucydides, Ixvi; (i 126), 2 @; on Har- modius, 72-4; (viii 67) 124 f, 133 @

Thucydides (son of Melesias), leader of aristocratical party, 118

Timaeus, xxix

torch-races, 226 a

Torr, Mr Cecil, xlix (7), 181 @

treasurers, xcii, 128 f, 182 @; treasurer of the Council, 194

treaties, 210 αὶ

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ENGLISH INDEX

tribes, four in early times, 32 ὦ, 1576; ten instituted by Cleisthenes, 82 a

‘tribute’, 99

triremes, building of, 96, 180

‘tyranny’, law against, 68

Tyrrell, Dr, quoted, 109 a

Tzetzes, xxxvil

verbs, compound followed by simple, 208 a

votes of dicasts, 261—3; board for, 263

reckoning-

Walker, Mr E. M., quoted, 108

war-king’, 6

weights and measures, 38—41, 197

Weil, Prof. H., quoted, 15 2. ¢., 72 a

Wilamowitz, von, quoted, xxi, xl, xlix, 1, Ixii, Ixiv, Ixx, 24 ὦ, 25 ὦ, 55 4, 81 ὁ, 84 ὦ, 103 ὦ, 109 ὦ, 115 ὁ, 125 ὦ, 195 a,

331

209 ὦ, 233 a, &c., and in critical notes passim

wills, 143 :

Wright, Prof. J. H., xxviii f, xxxiii, Ixviii, Ixx, 24

Wyse, W., quoted, 34 4, 65 a, 69 ὁ, 89 ὦ, οὔ 6, 102 ὦ, 105 a, 110 ὦ, 127 a, 1344, 203 f, 213 ἄς. ; also in critical notes passim

Xanthippus, son of Ariphron, ostracised, 93

Xenophon and the ’A@. πολ., Ixvi; his political writings, xviif; Pseudo-Xeno- phon, ᾿Αθ. πολ., xvii (cf. Keil, Solon. Verf. 215)

year, lunar, 169

Zenobius, xxxiv ; (vi 29) criticised, 120

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